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STATES OF EMERGENCY

‘Reconstructing the Be Grateful to the homeland in the aftermath of disaster. Party! When you drink the water, remember its How to Behave in the source: be grateful to Aftermath of a Disaster the Party!’ Photo by the author.

Christian SORACE

During the that hit n 12 May 2018 at 2:28pm, when province in 2008, over 7,000 classrooms children were attending school, a in shoddily constructed schools collapsed, O7.9 magnitude earthquake struck killing at least 5,000 children. Grieving the Wenchuan region of Sichuan province. parents staged protests and called for an Over 7,000 classrooms in shoddily constructed official investigation to punish the officials schools collapsed. The killer buildings were andcontractors found responsible for the dubbed ‘tofu-dregs schoolhouses’ (doufuzha tragedy. The Communist Party responded with xiaoshe)—toufu-dregs are soft and mushy more than just censorship, imprinting its own remnants from the process of making tofu, a narrative on the rescue and reconstruction, metaphor for slipshod construction coined so the slogans written by grieving parents are by former premier Zhu Rongji during an now doubly buried underneath monuments inspection visit in 1998 to the site of a newly- to the Party’s glory and benevolence. built dam that had collapsed. In Sichuan’s schools, at least 5,000 children died. Grieving parents staged protests and called for an official investigation into why the schools

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collapsed and punishment of the officials and talk about, engage, and make sense of their building contractors found responsible for the world. Or, as insists, patriotic tragedy. citizens must defend their ‘discursive rights’ Travelling through the wreckage at the end (huayuquan) to ‘tell China’s stories well’ of May 2008, a couple of weeks after the quake, (jianghao Zhongguo de gushi). poet and self-styled barefoot ethnographer Those who tell a different story have no (2009, 100) documented the rage of such rights. The slogans written by grieving grieving parents condensed in the following parents are now part of the landscape of ruins, slogans: hieroglyphs of lost futures. They are doubly buried underneath monuments to the Party’s Demand justice for the dead students glory and benevolence. In China, words like and teachers of Juyuan Middle School ‘manmade disaster’ (renhuo), ‘responsibility’ Demand that the government severely (zeren), and ‘blood debt’ (xuezhai) are added to punish the murderers responsible for the rubble of words that cannot be excavated. the collapsed school buildings of Juyuan An inverted Tower of Babel that reaches down Middle School! to the abyss.

Recover the debt of blood for the people responsible for causing the ‘toufu-dreg Affective Sovereignty construction’ of school buildings!

The Communist Party responded with more The Communist Party’s ‘discursive rights’ than censorship. It imprinted its own narrative are central to its authority and power on the rescue and reconstruction. During my because words are not disembodied modes 18 months of fieldwork between January 2012 of communication but attach us to the world. and August 2013, I photographed and wrote in The Communist Party unabashedly organises my notebook numerous slogans praising the political life on the basis of this understanding. Communist Party’s disaster relief effort: In the body politic, words and affects are not the private domain of the individual but the An earthquake doesn’t care, the Party social ties that hold together public life. As a does. result, how people in China talk and feel falls under the jurisdiction of Party sovereignty— In times of disaster, the Party is there what I call affective sovereignty (Sorace 2019). In this life, walk with the Party. In the aftermath of the 2008 Sichuan earthquake, the Party encouraged disaster Be grateful to the mighty Communist victims to ‘bid farewell to sorrow and face the Party for our new roads, new bridges, and future’ (gaobie chuangtong, mianxiang weilai), new houses. and to move out from under the dark clouds of ‘tragedy’ and into the radiance of ‘heroism’ Reconstructing the homeland in the (cong beizhuang xiang haomai). Less than a aftermath of disaster. When you drink the handful of months after the earthquake, all water, remember its source: be grateful to Chinese citizens were asked to ‘transform the Party! the public enthusiasm’ (minzhong reqing) for disaster relief into preparation for the In the contrast between these two sets of Olympics, and to ‘overcome disaster and observations lies the source of the Communist welcome glory’ (chuanyue zainan, yingjie Party’s authority: the ability to control the discursive parameters through which people

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guangrong)—the implication being that the year period. Celebrating this ‘miracle’, on the expression of individual grief, as negative third anniversary of the earthquake, the People’s affect, would be an affront to national pride. Daily praised the Communist Party for being The Communist Party provides the capable of this kind of ‘faith’, ‘mobilisation acceptable guidelines for the expression and capability’, and ‘ideological dedication to the temporality of grief. One must not mourn for people.’ too long or let grief get in the way of optimism. Far from disseminating empty propaganda, Sadness must not metastasise into rage. Face the Communist Party was reenacting a variation the future rather than the past. The past is a of its foundational narrative of legitimacy: dangerous place to live. Above all, do not dwell without Party benevolence, disaster victims on the questions posed by the dead (Bandurski would be helpless, scattered, and exposed to the 2015). All of this affective corralling and devastating power of nature. For the individual, cajoling is depersonalising and merciless. The nature is terrifying and deadly, but under the imperative to surrender to the demands of Party’s collective leadership, wisdom, and the world is eloquently captured by Roland protection, nature can be defeated. Another Barthes’ (2010, 126) reflections on mourning way of saying, without us, there is only chaos his mother’s death. ‘I resist the world, I suffer (luan). In this familiar mantra resonates the from what it demands of me, from its demands’ Party dictum ‘without the Communist Party, (emphasis added) to rejoin the charade that no new China’ (meiyou Gongchandang, meiyou life continues as if nothing changed. There is xin Zhongguo), conveying the message don’t ask an unrelenting reality principle thrown up too many questions and be grateful. Two years in response to death, and in China it is the after the earthquake, the Communist Party Communist Party who defines the reality to organised ‘gratitude education’ (gan’en jiaoyu) which one must surrender in order to survive. activities among the earthquake survivors. The In the earthquake zone, those who were left gift of the reconstruction required affective cold by the warm embrace of the Party were reciprocation. labelled ‘unruly subjects’ (diaomin). As one For the Communist Party to be the agent internal Party document put it: for ‘individual of salvation, the devastation caused by the parents who are emotionally out of control Sichuan earthquake could not be perceived or (xinli shiheng) and engage in physical conflict’ discussed as a ‘manmade catastrophe’ (renhuo) a ‘public security conversation’ would be in which school buildings collapsed due to needed. shoddy construction materials, corruption, and regulatory negligence. The Sichuan earthquake was a ‘natural disaster’ (tianzai), for which no The Miracle of Post- one could be held responsible. The Communist Party’s authority in the earthquake zone disaster Reconstruction rested on the fragile distinction between ‘natural disaster’ and ‘manmade catastrophe’. The Communist Party’s official narrative The discourse of ‘natural disaster’ had to be of the post-2008 Sichuan earthquake reinforced like a structurally damaged building reconstruction is that it was a ‘miracle’ on the verge of collapse. Official media outlets (qiji). The reconstruction is celebrated as an were banned from reporting on the ‘toufu-dreg’ example of how ‘hard work for two to three schools, dead children, and protesting parents. years can leap across (kuayue) twenty years of Party authorities were tireless in asserting that monumental change’. Over five million people the Sichuan earthquake was ‘beyond any doubt rendered homeless by the earthquake—more a natural disaster’ and ‘an act of nature that than the entire population of Los Angeles— could not be prevented’. were moved into new homes within a three-

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Activists, like , who persisted in on the world historical stage. These triumphs asking uncomfortable questions were arrested cannot be interrogated without calling into on charges of ‘incitement to subvert state question the symbolic foundations of the power’ (shandong dianfu guojia zhengquan). Communist Party’s legitimacy. Most China watchers view this crime to be a meaningless, catch-all category for the state security apparatus to arrest whomever they Discursive Dictatorship deem threatening. I suggest, however, that it means what it says. As Mao once quoted Confucius, ‘a single word may rejuvenate a In his book on censorship, Nobel Prize country (yi yan xing bang), a single word may winning author J.M. Coetzee (1997, 15) reflects bring disaster to a country’ (yi yan sang bang). on how the language of the state permeates the Or as Confucius (2014, 37) also said, ‘in the soul, and slips into the lines of even the most matter of language, a gentleman leaves nothing precise and vigilant of writers. Coetzee’s point to chance.’ is that we cannot escape from the language under which we are pinned: ‘For there is nothing outside the theater, no alternative life Orphans one can join instead. The show is, so to speak, the only show in town. All one can do is to go on playing one’s part, though perhaps with a The government never publically released the new awareness, a comic awareness.’ As long names of the schoolchildren who died during as the Chinese Communist Party is writing the the earthquake, despite its promise to do so. script, it will remain in power. To keep that promise would mean answering, Discursive control is a more likely or at least acknowledging, artist and activist Ai explanation of Xi Jinping’s governance Weiwei’s questions: ‘Who are they? What pain strategy than some despotic urge to become did they endure while alive, what grief do they emperor. It is also entirely foreign to the provoke, now dead?’ (Sorace 2014). It would English-speaking China commentariat who mean allowing the names of the dead to live believes that words are the mere shadow on in the questions of the living. ’s games of power, and that Communist Party memory wall only provides a temporary shelter discourse is empty propaganda. Perhaps the for names orphaned from their owners. parents of dead children whose names cannot Despite Ai Weiwei’s international fame, the be publically commemorated would disagree. Chinese Communist Party has discursively But the Communist Party’s power depends defeated him at home. When it is not censored, on more than the redaction of memory—it is Ai’s confrontational message and style of revitalised through the capture of emotions. activism does not resonate with the majority After all, there are endless ways to touch the of Chinese citizens. His activism and artwork heart: the relief of still being alive; the dread on the earthquake shook without damaging of uncertainty; the submission to optimism; the Party’s discursive hegemony. Instead of the exhaustion of speaking to a brick wall—all following Ai’s call to reject ‘the erasure of your reasons to be grateful to the Communist Party. ■ memory’ and reflect on the lives and deaths of the earthquake victims, most Chinese citizens commemorate the Communist Party’s response to the Sichuan earthquake and celebrate its hosting of the 2008 Beijing Olympics. Twin dates marking China’s glory and reappearance

MADE IN CHINA YEARBOOK 2018 189 This text is taken from Dog Days: A Year of Chinese Labour, Civil Society, and Rights, Made in China Yearbook 2018, edited by Ivan Franceschini and Nicholas Loubere, published 2019 by ANU Press, The Australian National University, Canberra, Australia.

doi.org/10.22459/MIC.04.2019.31