Niger in 2017

Mahamadou Issoufou continued his second term as president ­unopposed, exploiting his political advantages to the full. With the country squeezed between Islamist insurgencies, Issoufou remained a favourite collaborator for Western powers. His profile as interlocu- tor on migration and terrorism issues delivered funds to prop up budgets stretched by security spending and depressed commodity prices. Issoufou also made use of the impotence of the opposition, which had disintegrated in the wake of the 2016 elections. The price was embittered opponents, who had to leave meaningful opposition to civil society groups (relatively strong in ), who took to the streets, focusing discontent on the 2018 budget bill. Security threats remained substantial, notably because of the power vacuum in parts of Mali and Burkina Faso, with which the government tried to improve cooperation. Insurgent groups staged various attacks from Malian territory. In one incident casualties included four members of US special forces. The war against Boko Haram was marked by a fall in civilian casualties but could not prevent occasional attacks and kidnappings of civilians, including dozens of girls and adoles- cent boys from a village north-east of Diffa. Relations with France, under new President Macron, remained close, centring on security concerns. Economic growth, which had suffered from low uranium and oil prices as well as recession in Nigeria, recovered somewhat. Infrastructural improvements were impeded by budget constraints and other difficulties. Heavy rains led to the worst floods since 2012, while resulting in good harvests.

Domestic Politics

Politically, President had a free hand to pur- sue his second-term agenda. The opposition remained marginalised

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2019 | doi:10.1163/9789004401440_011 niger in 2017 111 as the ruling ‘Parti Nigérien pour la Démocratie et le Socialisme’ (PNDS) dominated the National Assembly, with the presidential ma- jority boosted further by a range of lesser parties. On 8 January, in response to an opposition-sponsored march in protest against poor living conditions the previous December, pro-government support- ers staged a counter-demonstration in the capital . Some 20,000 people, led by (PNDS chair and interior and security minister), shouted slogans in support of President Issoufou. Prime Minister Brigi Rafini undertook two minor cabinet reshuf- fles, one in April and the other in October. The first involved the ap- pointment of Yahouza Sadissou as minister for higher education, following violent student protests; he was replaced at the Ministry of Labour by Mohamed Ben Omar. The reshuffle on 30 October concerned the replacement of Omar Tchiana, a member of a minor party, who left the Department of Transport in protest at the sus- pension of measures against a transport company involved in a road accident that caused 29 fatalities. He was replaced by a PNDS minis- ter, Mahamadou Karidjo. The portfolios of industry, population and public works also changed hands. The transport minister’s departure may have pointed to the gov- ernment’s self-serving tendencies, and the government was also downgraded from ‘hybrid’ to ‘authoritarian’ in international rank- ings as a result of its repressive reflexes. However, on 2 April, Is- soufou said he would not try to modify the Constitution to create the possibility of a third term. He nevertheless remained vindictive towards his principal opponent, , the leader of the opposition ‘Mouvement Démocratique Nigérien’ (Moden-Lumana), who remained in exile avoiding prosecution for his alleged involve- ment in a baby trafficking scandal. The long-running case, which had political connotations, led to the trial on 13 February of several ac- cused, including Amadou. Niamey’s Appeals Court sentenced Ama- dou in absentia on 13 March to a one-year prison term for complicity in the trafficking. The same fate befell Abdou Labo, a member­ of the