Kärnten Dokumentation
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Western Balkans | 65
westeRn BalKans | 65 3.4 Mission Reviews Western Balkans he Western Balkans have been a testing-ground Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) and Kosovo. T for a huge range of political missions since the Each of these figures also has responsibility for early 1990s. These have ranged from light-weight some sort of field presence, although these are civilian monitoring missions meant to help contain not straightforward European political missions. the Yugoslav wars to long-serving presences tasked The EUSR in BiH also serves as the Interna- with promoting good governance, fair elections, tional High Representative, answering to a Peace minority rights and economic rehabilitation. Implementation Council of fifty-five countries and These long-term presences were usually organizations.1 The EUSR in Kosovo is similarly deployed to support or replace peacekeepers. double-hatted as the International Civilian Repre- The large military forces that stabilized the region sentative (ICR, answering to a Steering Group of have now downsized, while some international 28 countries that recognize Kosovo’s sovereignty). civilian missions are likely to remain in place for a The EUSR in FYROM has also acted as the head considerable time. of the European Commission’s delegation there Today, two organizations have prominent since late 2005. political missions in the Balkans. The Organization In addition to the OSCE and EU, the UN has for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) a residual presence in the Western Balkans. The maintains field presences in Albania and all the for- UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo mer constituent parts of Yugoslavia except Slovenia (UNMIK), having had executive authority and a (its presence in Croatia, however, is now an office in large civilian police arm from 1999 to 2008, has an Zagreb and will not be discussed here). -
The High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina
February 2021 KAS Office in Bosnia and Herzegovina ''Future as a duty'' – the High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina Sven Petke, Suljo Ćorsulić A new High Representative will assume office in Bosnia and Herzegovina over the coming months. Valentin Inzko, an Austrian, has been holding this position since 2009. He made repeated efforts to maintain a diplomatic and fair relationship with the key political actors in Bosnia and Herzegovina. An important pre-requisite for the work of a High Representative in Bosnia and Herzegovina includes vast political experience and support by the international community. An important step for the second pre-requisite has been made with the inauguration of the US President Joe Biden: It is expected that the United States of America and the European Union will again closely coordinate their political engagement in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the neighbouring countries. Office of the High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina (OHR) The citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina have lived in peace for more than 25 years. Bosnia and Herzegovina consists of two entities, the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republika Srpska. Bosnia and Herzegovina gained independence following an independence referendum in 1992 after the disintegration of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Bosnian Croats, Bosnian Serbs and Bosniaks were the belligerent parties in the ensuing war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. After a four-year war with over 100,000 dead, hundreds of thousands of wounded and millions of refugees, the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement was facilitated by the international community. The Peace Agreement ended the war and guaranteed the sovereignty of Bosnia and Herzegovina. -
Bosnia: Current Issues and U.S
Bosnia: Current Issues and U.S. Policy Steven Woehrel Specialist in European Affairs August 27, 2009 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R40479 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Bosnia: Current Issues and U.S. Policy Summary In recent years, many analysts have expressed concern that the international community’s efforts since 1995 to stabilize Bosnia are beginning to come apart. They noted that the downward trend has been especially evident since 2006, with the election of leaders with starkly divergent goals. Milorad Dodik, Prime Minister of the Republika Srpska (RS), one of the two semi-autonomous “entities” within Bosnia, has obstructed efforts to make Bosnia’s central government more effective and has at times asserted the RS’s right to secede from Bosnia. On the other hand, Haris Silajdzic, a member of the central government collective presidency from the Bosniak ethnic group, has condemned the Republika Srpska as an illegitimate product of genocide. He has called for the abolition of the entities and a dominant central government. Efforts to reform Bosnia’s constitution have made little progress. There has been a debate about the future role of the international community in Bosnia. The Office of the High Representative (OHR), chosen by leading countries and international institutions, oversees implementation of the Dayton Peace Accords, which ended the 1992-1995 war in Bosnia. An EU peacekeeping force, called EUFOR, is charged with keeping the peace in Bosnia and overseeing the Bosnian armed forces. The international community has vowed to close OHR after Bosnia meets a series of reform objectives, ending direct international oversight. -
The Balkan Summer of 2011
The Balkan Summer of 2011 by Michael Haltzel, Senior Fellow at the Center for Transatlantic Relations “Turning point” has become somewhat of a cliché as a description of where a country or a region stands at a point in time. The ancient Greek philosopher Heraclitus said “you cannot step twice into the same stream” and, to be sure, life is the story of constant change and turns. Nonetheless, individuals and countries are occasionally confronted with choices so important that the course taken will likely determine subsequent events for years, even decades. Several of the countries of the Western Balkans face these kinds of decision in the summer of 2011, as does the European Union, and to some extent, the United States. First, the exceptions. Slovenia, in the northwestern corner of the region, is solidly entrenched in NATO and the European Union. Once the most economically developed republic in the old Yugoslavia, it has retained that regional distinction twenty years into independence. Although the global financial and economic crisis has hit Slovenia hard, it is a member of the euro zone, and it continues to participate in Balkan peacekeeping and in the NATO operation in Afghanistan. In its vibrant democracy, which has seen orderly electoral changes of administrations, Slovenia’s populace has no hesitation about expressing discontent. In short, stable Slovenia is one of the success-stories of post-communist Europe. As it struggles to overcome its current economic difficulties, Ljubljana would not seem to be facing fundamental challenges. Slovenia’s neighbor Croatia is also on a positive path. Unlike Slovenia, however, after the break-up of Yugoslavia, Croatia did not immediately embark upon a democratic course, voting instead for a semi-authoritarian HDZ government under its first President Franjo Tudjman, himself an actor in Yugoslavia’s demise. -
Introduction
Introduction “As I have said time and again, my job is to get rid of my job. I am quite clear that the OHR is now into the terminal phase of its mandate”, said then High Representative for the international community in BIH Paddy Ashdown in his speech in front of the Venice Commission1 in October 2004. For over eight years now the international community has been discussing the downscale of its presence in Bosnia and Herzegovina2, which since the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement in 1995 has been run as a virtual protectorate. But not much has changed since Ashdown’s speech. Although the country has gone forward in all fields and the security situation has improved drastically since 1995, with the number of NATO peacekeeping forces decreasing from 60,000 to only 1,6003 and with BIH currently a temporary member of the UN Security Council, no arrangements have been made to grant more sovereignty to local politics. And due to recent negative developments in politics of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the prospect of getting rid of the ‘informal trusteeship’ now seems more distant than it was at the time of Ashdown’s speech. The OHR, acronym for Office of the High Representative, is the international body responsible for overseeing the implementation of the civilian aspects of the treaty which ended the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is governed by a council of 55 countries and international organizations charged with overseeing Bosnia’s reconstruction, formally organized into an umbrella organization called the Peace Implementation Council (PIC). It is the PIC who 1The European Commission for Democracy through Law, better known as the Venice Commission, is the Council of Europe's advisory body on constitutional matters. -
ONOMÀSTICA Anuari De La Societat D’Onomàstica
ONOMÀSTICA Anuari de la Societat d’Onomàstica 3 | 2017 Onomàstica. Anuari de la Societat d’Onomàstica Germà Colón (Inst. d’Estudis Catalans) és una publicació electrònica d’accés lliure Jordi Cors (Univ. Autònoma de Barcelona) i de periodicitat anual dedicada a l’estudi dels noms, Jordi Costa (Univ. de Perpinyà / Inst. d’Estudis Catalans) en el sentit més ampli de l’expressió, editada Jean-Paul Escudero (Soc. d’Onomàstica) per la Societat d’Onomàstica. Oliviu Felecan (Technical Univ. of Cluj-Napoca / North Univ. Centre of Baia Mare) Onomàstica. Anuari de la Societat d’Onomàstica Yaïves Ferland (Univ. Laval. Québec) is a yearly academic e-journal dedicated to the Joan Ferrer (Univ. de Girona) study of names in the broadest sense of the term. Franco Finco (Univ. di Udine / Agenzia Regionale per la It is published by the Societat d’Onomàstica. Lingua Friulana) Roberto Fontanot (Euskal Herriko Unibertsitatea) issn 2462-3563 Artur Galkowski (Univ. of Lodz) http://www.onomastica.cat/anuari-onomastica/ Xosé Lluis García (Academia de la Llingua Asturiana) Jean Germain (Commission Royale de Toponymie et de EDITOR CONVIDAT / GUEST EDITOR Dialectologie. Bruxelles) Peter Jordan (Österreichische Akademie der Jordi Ginebra (Univ. Rovira i Virgili) Wissenschaften) M. Dolores Gordón (Univ. de Sevilla) Mikel Gorrotxategi (Euskaltzaindia) DIRECTOR Joseph Gulsoy (Univ. of Toronto) Joan Tort (Univ. de Barcelona) Isolde Hausner (Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften) CONSELL EDITOR Milan Harvalík (Inst. of the Czech Language) Anna-Maria Corredor (Univ. de Girona) Nobuhle Hlongwa (Univ. of Kwazulu-Natal) José Enrique Gargallo (Univ. de Barcelona) Carole Hough (Univ. of Glasgow) Joan Ivars (Univ. Nacional de Educación a Distancia) Peter Jordan (Österreichische Akademie der Pere Navarro (Univ. -
Political Rituals and Discourses: the Case of Carinthia
doi:10.7592/FEJF2015.60.fikfak POLITICAL RITUALS AND DISCOURSES: THE CASE OF CARINTHIA Jurij Fikfak Abstract: This article discusses selected ritual practices in Klagenfurt (Sln. Celovec), the capital of the southernmost Austrian state of Carinthia (Germ. Kärnten). The first ritual is connected with October 10, when the 1920 plebiscite is commemorated on the streets of Klagenfurt. In this plebiscite, the majority of people voted for remaining a part of Austria, the successor state to Austria-Hun- gary. The second ritual is a more recent one, known as the Memorial Walk (Germ. Gedenkgehen, Sln. Spominska hoja). Various cultural practices are analysed, as well as the use of symbols and space, media, state, and national discourses. Keywords: alternative practice, memorial walk, Nazism, plebiscite, ritual prac- tices, use of discourse Political rituals are practices set in concrete chronotopes. They express and materialise a sense of belonging, the formation of identities, and the establishment of local, regional, ethnic, national, or state entities. They also represent an area of social cohesion, self-identification, the marking of social affiliation and the exclusion of the Other. Political rituals are unavoidable in social integration (Lukes 1975), socialisation of hierarchies, relations, and the use of power. They are used repeatedly, year after year, to define, embody, and materialise ethnic, language, and other barriers which do not allow a single person, socialised in any community, to remain unaffected or undecided. As Steven Lukes has put it, political rituals mobilise bias, but they also raise questions about the relationships between different discourses, for example, between the official political discourse of the ruling parties, media discourses, the so-called common sense discourse, and the subcultural discourse present mainly among various extremist groups. -
Bosnia-Herzegovina by Dino Jahic´
Bosnia-Herzegovina by Dino Jahic´ Capital: Sarajevo Population: 3.8 million GNI/capita, PPP: US$9,650 Source: The data above are drawn from the World Bank’sWorld Development Indicators 2014. Nations in Transit Ratings and Averaged Scores 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 Electoral Process 3.25 3.00 3.00 3.00 3.00 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 Civil Society 3.75 3.75 3.50 3.50 3.50 3.50 3.50 3.50 3.50 3.50 Independent Media 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.25 4.50 4.50 4.75 4.75 4.75 4.75 National Democratic Governance 4.75 4.75 4.75 5.00 5.00 5.25 5.25 5.50 5.50 5.75 Local Democratic Governance 4.75 4.75 4.75 4.75 4.75 4.75 4.75 4.75 4.75 4.75 Judicial Framework and Independence 4.25 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.25 Corruption 4.50 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.75 4.75 Democracy Score 4.18 4.07 4.04 4.11 4.18 4.25 4.32 4.36 4.39 4.43 NOTE: The ratings reflect the consensus of Freedom House, its academic advisers, and the author(s) of this report. The opinions expressed in this report are those of the author(s). The ratings are based on a scale of 1 to 7, with 1 representing the highest level of democratic progress and 7 the lowest. -
Peter Gstettner (Klagenfurt) „...Wo Alle Macht Vom Volk Ausgeht“
Zur Mikropolitik rund um den „Ortstafelsturm“ in Kärnten 81 Peter Gstettner (Klagenfurt) „...wo alle Macht vom Volk ausgeht“. Eine nachhaltige Verhinderung. Zur Mikropolitik rund um den „Ortstafelsturm“ in Kärnten. Im Herbst 1972 erschütterte der „Ortstafelsturm“ die politische Landschaft Österreichs. Anlass war die Aufstellung deutsch- und slowenischsprachiger Ortstafeln in Südkärnten. Zuvor war im Wiener Parla- ment mit Stimmenmehrheit der sozialdemokratischen Partei ein Gesetz über die topografischen Auf- schriften beschlossen worden. In Kärnten gingen radikale deutschnationale „Heimatschützer“ auf die Straße, um die aufgestellten zweisprachigen Ortstafeln gewaltsam zu entfernen. Ein Großaufgebot von Gendarmerie konnte gerade noch verhindern, dass es zu größeren Ausschreitungen kam. Der Terror der Straße endete erst, als die Regierung bereit war, auf die Neuaufstellung der Ortstafeln zu verzichten und eine Novellierung des Gesetzes vorzunehmen. Eine konkrete Analyse des Geschehens, die hier erstmals anhand von Archiv- und Aktenmaterial durchgeführt wird, kann zeigen, wie minderheitenfeindliche Agi- tation das staatliche Handeln bis zur Einschränkung von demokratischen Rechten deformieren kann. Dies erklärt auch, weshalb der Staatsvertrag von 1955 in Kärnten bis heute nicht voll erfüllt ist. Keywords: Kärnten, Ortstafelsturm, Minderheitenpolitik, Minderheitenrechte Carinthia, place-name sign storm, minority policies, minority rights Auf dem Rücken der Minderheit: das durch das Urteil des Verfassungsgerichtshofes Ortstafel-Nullsummenspiel -
Diplomarbeit
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by OTHES Diplomarbeit Titel der Diplomarbeit „Wo Recht zu Unrecht wird, wird Widerstand zur Pflicht“ Was macht Journalismus aus politischen Strategien – eine Analyse am Beispiel der Auseinandersetzung zwischen der Kärntner Politik und dem slowenischen Interessensvertreter Rudi Vouk zur Durchsetzung der zweisprachigen Ortstafelfrage Verfasserin Sabina Zwitter-Grilc angestrebter akademischer Grad Magistra der Philosophie (Mag.phil.) Wien, 2009 Studienkennzahl lt. Studienbuchblatt: A 301/295 Studienrichtung lt. Studienbuchblatt: Publizistik- und Kommunikationswiss./ Gewählte Fächer statt 2. Studienrichtg. Betreuer: Ao. Univ.-Prof. Dr. Friedrich Hausjell VORWORT ................................................................................................6 1. EINLEITUNG .........................................................................................9 2. DAS ERKENNTNISINTERESSE ......................................................... 10 2.1. Die Forschungsfragen ...................................................................................................... 10 2.2. Das theoretische Fundament.......................................................................................... 11 2.2.1. Die Kommunikationstheorien ...................................................................................... 11 2.2.2. Die analytischen Kategorien von Menz, Lalouschek und Dressler........................ 14 2.3. Narration, Dekonstruktion und Ethnisierung -
Hans Sima: Ein Politisches Leben
Hans Sima: Ein politisches Leben Kärntner Landeshauptmann 1965-1974 Bearbeitet von Petra Mayrhofer 1. Auflage 2015. Buch. 306 S. Hardcover ISBN 978 3 205 79659 6 Format (B x L): 15,5 x 23,5 cm Gewicht: 666 g Weitere Fachgebiete > Geschichte > Geschichtswissenschaft Allgemein > Biographien & Autobiographien: Historisch, Politisch, Militärisch Zu Inhaltsverzeichnis schnell und portofrei erhältlich bei Die Online-Fachbuchhandlung beck-shop.de ist spezialisiert auf Fachbücher, insbesondere Recht, Steuern und Wirtschaft. Im Sortiment finden Sie alle Medien (Bücher, Zeitschriften, CDs, eBooks, etc.) aller Verlage. Ergänzt wird das Programm durch Services wie Neuerscheinungsdienst oder Zusammenstellungen von Büchern zu Sonderpreisen. Der Shop führt mehr als 8 Millionen Produkte. Petra Mayrhofer Hans Sima: Ein politisches Leben Kärntner Landeshauptmann (1965–1974) 2015 Böhlau Verlag Wien Köln Weimar Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek: Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar. Umschlagabbildung: Nachlass Sima/Schmölzer © 2015 by Böhlau Verlag Ges.m.b.H & Co. KG, Wien Köln Weimar Wiesingerstraße 1, A-1010 Wien, www.boehlau-verlag.com Alle Rechte vorbehalten. Dieses Werk ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung außerhalb der engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist unzulässig. Korrektorat: Philipp Rissel, Wien Umschlaggestaltung: Michael Haderer, Wien Satz: Michael Rauscher, Wien Druck und Bindung: Theiss, St. Stefan im Lavanttal Gedruckt auf chlor- und säurefrei gebleichtem Papier Printed in the EU ISBN 978-3-205-79659-6 Inhalt Vorwort (Bundespräsident Dr. Heinz Fischer) .............. 7 Zum Geleit (Mag. Ulli Sima) ....................... 11 Hans Sima – Einleitende Bemerkungen (Univ.-Prof. DDr. Oliver Rathkolb) ................... 13 Vorbemerkung ............................... 15 Einleitung ................................. 21 1. -
Total Control
on la Dichiarazione di Mosca (30 ottobre 1943) gli alleati sostennero uf- Luca Lecis ficialmente l’idea dell’Austria prima vittima dell’aggressione hitleriana e Cannunciarono di voler ricostituire, alla fine della guerra, un’Austria libera e indipendente. Fu questo un passaggio fondamentale perché, da una parte rico- nobbe al paese danubiano un ruolo peculiare durante il conflitto, garantendoli nel dopoguerra un destino profondamente diverso da quello della Germania, dall’altra rese possibile la rinascita dei partiti e la ricostruzione delle strutture democratiche. Ciò fu possibile grazie alla teoria di paese vittima (Opferthese), che permise alle forze politiche (ÖVP, SPÖ, KPÖ) piena legittimità e autori- tà, anche se cancellò con un colpo di spugna le responsabilità austriache nella guerra. L’occupazione dell’Austria da parte delle potenze vincitrici, la specificità all’indipendenza Dal “total control” della realtà politica determinatasi nel paese dopo il 1945, con la realizzazione di uno stabile partenariato politico-sociale tra popolari e socialisti, unitamente alla collocazione politico-ideologica della “questione austriaca”, ossia la firma del Trattato di stato per il ripristino della completa sovranità, nel più ampio contesto della guerra fredda, resero l’Austria un unicum nella realtà europea del dopoguerra. La complessità della questione austriaca si inserì nelle dinamiche di potere e di equilibrio internazionale delle potenze vincitrici, portando inevitabil- mente i negoziati sul Trattato di stato a protrarsi fino al 1955, poiché