A BOWL for a COIN a Commodity History Of
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A BOWL FOR A COIN A BOWL FOR A COIN A Commodity History of Japanese Tea William Wayne Farris University of Hawai‘i Press Honolulu © 2019 University of Hawai‘i Press Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Farris, William Wayne, author. Title: A bowl for a coin: a commodity history of Japanese tea / William Wayne Farris. Description: Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, [2019] | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2018040370 | ISBN 9780824876609 (cloth alk. paper) Amazon Kindle 9780824878528 EPUB 9780824882624 PDF 9780824882617 Subjects: LCSH: Tea—Japan—History. | Tea trade—Japan—History. Classification: LCC HD9198.J32 F37 2019 | DDC 338.1/73720952–dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017025008 Cover art: Tea peddlers around 1400. Source: "A Bowl for a Coin (ippuku issen)," Shichijūichi ban shokunin utaawase emaki (artist unknown). TNM Image Archives. 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To my beloved brother Al, his wife Sarah, and their family Contents Acknowledgments ix Introduction 1 Chapter One The Prehistory of Japan’s Tea Industry, 750–1300 7 Chapter Two Tea Becomes a Beverage for a Wider Market, 1300–1600 34 Chapter Three Tea Triumphs during the Edo Period, 1600–1868 73 Chapter Four Modern Tea: From Triumph to Uncertainty 125 viii Contents Conclusion 167 Notes 177 List of Characters 203 Bibliography 209 Index 219 Acknowledgments I would like to thank the Japan–US Educational/Fulbright Commission for funding a nine-month research stay in Tokyo and Kyoto during 2010– 2011. I am especially grateful to Hongō Kazuto for serving as my adviser at the Historiographical Institute of Tokyo University. Satō Yūki, a PhD candidate from Tokyo University, served as my tutor as we read the diffi- cult tea documents of the medieval and early modern periods. Special thanks go to Hashimoto Motoko for guiding me on a tour of Yoshida tea farm/factory/shop in Uji. I would also like to express my gratitude to Iwama Machiko, Nagai Susumu, Kodomari Shigehiro, Oka Atsushi, Nonaka Yasushi, Abe Kiyoko, Kimura Shigemitsu, Nakane Fukuji, Sakamoto Hiroshi, Murai Shōsuke, Takahashi Tadahiko, Tsutsui Kōichi, Sawamura Shin’ichi, Nakamura Shūya, Tajima Isao, and Fujii Jōji for help in various aspects of my work. In 2014, the History Department and the College of Humanities at the University of Hawai‘i at Mānoa and the Northeast Asia Committee of the Association for Asian Studies funded me for a two-month research period at the Research Center for the Study of Japanese Culture (Nichibunken) outside of Kyoto. Thanks also go to Kiki Leinch for arranging a visit to the Uji tea company Marukyū Koyamaen during that summer of 2014. Harald Fuess, then of Heidelberg University, gave me some helpful pointers on commodity history. I would like to admit the great debts I owe to Eric Rath of the Univer- sity of Kansas and Rebecca Corbett, then a postdoctoral fellow at Stanford University, for the advice and references that they gave me for this study of tea during the Edo and modern periods of Japanese history. I would ix x Acknowledgments also like to thank Peter Hoffenberg of the University of Hawai‘i at Mānoa for discussing endlessly various aspects of modern economic history and major league baseball. I am also grateful to two anonymous readers for their trenchant com- ments on the manuscript and to my editor, Stephanie Chun at the University of Hawai‘i Press, for her guidance. My deepest gratitude goes to my wife, Carol Brewer, who has sup- ported my research and writing in ways too numerous to list. She has been a constant companion and good conversationalist, while coming up with questions that never cease to bedevil me. This book is dedicated to my brother Al and his family for everything that they have done to see the Farris family through some difficult times. Any mistakes, of course, are the responsibility of the author. Map 1. Provinces and circuits of traditional Japan. From William Wayne Farris, Population, Disease, and Land in Early Japan, 645–900 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University, Council on East Asian Studies, 1985), pp. xvii–xix. Key: Kinai Tōsandō 39. Inaba Saikaidō 1. Yamashiro 21. Ōmi 40. Hōki 58. Chikuzen 2. Yamato 22. Mino 41. Izumo 59. Chikugo 3. Kawachi 23. Hida 42. Iwami 60. Buzen 4. Izumi 24. Shinano 43. Oki 61. Bungo 5. Settsu 25. Kōzuke 62. Hizen 26. Shimotsuke San’yōdō 63. Higo Tōkaidō 27. Mutsu 44. Harima 64. Hyūga 6. Iga 28. Dewa 45. Mimasaka 65. Ōsumi 7. I s e 46. Bizen 66. Satsuma 8. Shima Hokurikudō 47. Bitc hū 9. Owari 29. Wakasa 48. Bingo Islands 10. Mikawa 30. Echizen 49. Aki 67. I k i 11. Tōtōmi 31. Kaga 50. Suō 68. Tsushima 12. Suruga 32. Noto 51. Nagato 13. Izu 33. Etchū A. Iwashiro 14. Kai 34. Echigo Nankaidō B. Iwaki 15. Sagami 35. Sado 52. Kii C. Suwa 16. Musashi 53. Awaji 17. Awa San’indō 54. Awa 18. Kazusa 36. Tanba 55. Sanuki 19. Shimōsa 37. Ta ngo 56. Iyo 20. Hitachi 38. Tajima 57. To s a Map 2. Prefectures of modern Japan. From Nihon cha bunka taizen, in William Ukers, All about Tea (Tokyo: Chisen shokan, 2006), p. 41. A BOWL FOR A COIN Introduction In September 2010, I was preparing to order a meal at a restaurant called The Gold of Africa in downtown Cape Town, South Africa. The waitress was dressed in appropriately African garb, and the menu listed specialties from Morocco, Kenya, and Egypt as well as South Africa. As I glanced at the drinks list, however, a most unexpected item caught my eye—Japanese green tea. About six months later, I was in St. Louis, Missouri, to care for my ageing parents. My brother, who had just rescued me from Lambert Airfield, took me for brunch to a greasy spoon called Goody Goody, known for serving the best omelets and hash browns in the area. Once again, while reviewing the beverage menu, I was surprised to find Japanese green tea listed. It seemed astounding to me that these two restaurants, separated by thousands of miles and a greater cultural divide, had arrived at the deci- sion to serve a drink from a country at least as far away as The Gold of Africa and Goody Goody were from each other. The worldwide appeal and availability of Japanese green tea were clearly evident, but I began to wonder what had made that possible. How had the Japanese come to pro- duce, distribute, and consume tea, and why? To be sure, historians have authored many excellent and insightful books on the Japanese tea ceremony (called chanoyu or sadō) and related arts.1 Typically, these studies begin with a general discussion of the early history of tea during the Heian (794–1185) and Kamakura (1185–1333) periods and then shift into a conventional chronology that follows the development of chanoyu during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Often these books either conclude the narrative at that point or touch only 1 2 Introduction briefly on the tea ceremony in later centuries.2 These works have blazed a wide trail for those interested in the ritualized practice of tea in Japan, but they left me as a social and economic historian with more questions than answers. If tea had been around in Japan for more than a thousand years, then somebody must have pursued the farming of it. By what methods was tea first grown in Japan? What important changes occurred in the methods of cultivation as farmers learned more about the plant? What were the lives of tea cultivators like? Considerations of farming techniques and develop- ment are vital for a full comprehension of the origins and eventual popu- larity of Japanese green tea. As I quickly discovered, there is much more to producing a bowl of tea than merely growing the plant. Concerning the processes by which the plucked leaves were converted into a palatable drink, I first asked: What were the forms of tea consumed during ancient times? When and why did powdered tea (matcha) become a type of tea imbibed in Japan? I soon found out that, historically, innumerable varieties of tea had been pre- pared in the archipelago, and they easily eclipsed matcha in both quantity and popularity. Cultivating the plant and processing its leaves may yield a bowl of tea, but it does not guarantee that consumers’ thirsts will be quenched. So I investigated the ways in which tea was exchanged and marketed as a commodity throughout Japanese history. For the Buddhist monks and aristocrats who were the first eager consumers of Japanese tea, usually as a medicine, the commodity first had to change hands from producers to drinkers. In what form did this exchange take place: as gifts, taxation, trade, or some combination of all three? When and how were the first brand names for tea created? What were the lives of tea merchants like? Japanese tea was shipped abroad to Europe from a surprisingly early date, and the modern export trade transformed production and consump- tion in the archipelago.