DOCSLIB.ORG

THE RECONSTRUCTION of FRANCE: MARSHAL PETAIN's POLICIES, 1940-1942, AS EVALUATED by AMERICAN JOURNALISTS and SCHOLARS by EDELTRA

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
THE RECONSTRUCTION of FRANCE: MARSHAL PETAIN's POLICIES, 1940-1942, AS EVALUATED by AMERICAN JOURNALISTS and SCHOLARS by EDELTRA THE RECONSTRUCTION OF FRANCE: MARSHAL PETAIN'S POLICIES, 1940-1942, AS EVALUATED BY AMERICAN JOURNALISTS AND SCHOLARS By EDELTRAUT LUISE ..BILGER Master of Arts Oklahoma State University Stillwater, Oklahoma 1976 DiplOme d'Etudes Approfondies Universit~ Paul Val~ry Montpellier, France 1978 Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate College of the Oklahoma State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY May, 1984 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF PETAIN'S POLICIES, 1940-1942, AS EVALUATED BY AMERICAN JOURNALISTS AND SCHOLARS Thesis Approved: Dean of the Graduate College ii 1200575 . ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to express my gratitude to the foreign correspondents, political scientists, and historians who graciously agreed to an interview on their views of Marshal P~tain as a statesman: Charles Collingwood of CBS; Joseph Harsch, Senior Editorial Writer for~ ~hristian Science Monitor; Dr. Philip Whitcomb, former AP Chief in Paris; Prof. Stanley Hoffmann, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA; Prof. Peter Merkl, University of California at Santa Barbara, Santa Barbara, CA; Prof. Lowell Noonan, California State University at Northridge, Los Angeles, CA; Prof. Philip Bankwitz, Trinity College, Hartford, CT; Prof. H. Stuart Hughes and Prof. Judith M. Hughes, University of California at San Diego, La Jolla, CA; Prof. Richard Kuisel, State University of New York at Stony Brook, Stony Brook, NY; Prof. Peter Novick, The University of Chicago, Chicago, IL; Prof. Robert Paxton, Columbia University, New York, NY; Prof. Jacques Szaluta, United States Merchant Marine Academy, Kings Point, NY; Prof. Nicholas Wahl, New York University, New York, NY; Prof. Eugen Weber, University of California at Los Angeles, Los Angeles, CA. The interviews with Dr. and Mrs. Erdely and with Mrs. Grechowicz will always remind me of a wonderful summer day on Cape Cod. Thank you! iii My thanks go also to Maitre Jacques Isorni for his help, his interest in my work and his encouragement, and to Count Ren~ de Chambrun for generously sending me a copy of his "Notes and Remembrances." I am especially indebted to Mrs. Paul Ghali for giving me information on her husband's life and career. Because of her thoughtfulness and appreciation of her husband's work his papers are now available to researchers. I would also like to thank the librarians at the State Historical Society of Wisconsin at Madison, at tne research libraries of l:he Christian Science Monitor and .'l'.he Chicago Daily Tribune, and at the Houghton Library at Harvard for their friendly help. To my committee my thanks for their advice and their suggestions. Special thanks to Prof. Anctr~ Martel, Director of the Center for Military History and Defense Studies at Montpellier, France, for his efforts in serving on a distant student's committee. I am especially grateful to my major adviser, Prof. Douglas Hale, for his painstaking efforts in improving the dissertation's organization and style. To my husband I owe a great debt for his patience, generosity, and tolerance. Many thanks to Martin and Audrey, Eva, Monika, Burkhard ,and Andrea for their encouragement and optimism, I really needed it. To Andrea, who has been a competent, tolerant, and good-humored typist: Danke, Kleini! iv The generous financial support of my research by the Kaltenborn Foundation is gratefully acknowledged. My appreciation to M&M PRODUCTIONS for the final version of the dissertation. v TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page I. INTRODUCTION •• 1 II. THE ARMISTICE •• . 20 Events Leading to the Armistice. • ••• 20 French Considerations ••••••.••••• 23 The American Reaction •••••••••••• 41 Journalism As The First Draft of History •• 77 Endnotes. • • • • • • • • • • • 96 III. THE FALL OF THE THIRD REPUBLIC •••• • •• 105 The Fall of the Third Republic and the American Historians. • • • • • 131 Contemporaries and Historians Compared ••• 141 The Trial of the Third Republic at Riorn ••• 145 Endnotes. • • • • • • ••••••• 158 IV. THE NATIONAL REVOLUTION. • 163 American Journalists and the National Revolution. • • • • • • • • • • • • • 169 The Scholars' View. • • • • • • 192 The Contemporaries and the National Revolution •.•••••••••••••• 198 The American Historians and the National Revolution. • •••••••••••• 200 Contemporaries and Historians Compared ••• 205 Endnotes •••••••••••••••••• 208 v. CONCLUSION •••• • 213 A SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY. • 222 APPENDIX A - BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF FOREIGN CORRESPONDENTS •••••••••• • • 237 APPENDIX B - "DICTATORSHIP OR DEMOCRACY FOR FRANCE?" 253 APPENDIX C - TEXT OF THE FRANCO-GERMAN ARMISTICE AGREEMENT • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 258 vi TABLE Table Page I. American Foreign Correspondents in France ••• 59 vii CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Henri Philippe Petain was born on April 24, 1856, at Cauchy-A-La-Tour in the Pas-de-Calais. A farmer's son, he was educated at a Catholic high school, at the military academy of St. Cyr, and at the Ecole Super ieure de Guerre, where he later taught. Petain's unorthodox views, which stressed the effectiveness of artillery fire power and objected to the one-sided, offense-oriented doctrine of the time, caught the attention of the young instructor's superiors. However, his independent and bluntly forthright personality hampered his military career, and he was promoted to General only in 1914 when he was fifty-eight years old. His wartime achievements earned him the title "Victor of Verdun" and praise for his firm but humane suppression of the mutinies within the French Army in 1917; he succeeded in restoring French morale and the army's fighting capacity which it demonstrated during the spring offensives in 1918. In recognition of his leadership he was honored with the title "Marshal of France" after the Armistice of 1918. In 1920, he was appointed Vice-President of the High Council of War and Commander-in-Chief in case of war. Subsequent positions included: the office of General 1 2 Inspector of the Army in 1922, the assignment to command the French troops in Morocco against the uprising of Abd-el-Krim in the Rif in 1925, and, in 1931, the appointment as General Inspector of Air Defense. P~tain was seventy-eight years old when he entered the field of politics for the first time, serving for eight months in 1934 as Minister of War in Doumergue's cabinet. From then on, until the outbreak of World War II, Petain gave many lectures and wrote articles on French defense. They turned around one theme: Hitler's threat to France. As Minister of Defense, Petain declared that a larger defense budget was imperative because of the German rearmament. In 1935, he wrote in the Revue ..de..s. ~ Mondes that recent discoveries in the sciences and new technology in transportation had inspired a totally new concept of warfare: Blitzkrieg. Quoting a German military journal, he pointed out that the Germans considered it the preferred tactic of attack for the future. He then analyzed the state of French military capability and recommended changes to adapt it to the new challenge. P~tain did not stop at military considerations. Known as a realist who had always taught that patriotism was no substitute for fire power, he was nonetheless acutely aware of the importance of morale and the power of strong motivation. In his opinion, France was still war-weary and with good reason after her heavy losses in World War I. The country was deeply shaken in its self-confidence: in 3 spite of the fact that France was better off materially than either Germany or Italy, she lacked their faith in the future and was content to accept the status quo. Such a mentality was no match for aggressive totalitarian adversaries, and this was no time for indulging in dreams of peace. Petain therefore proposed a program to motivate the French people. The school system was his first target. Since the end of World War I, the teachers had turned to pacifism and even anarchism, he charged, and there were those who did not hesitate to display open hostility toward the state. It was necessary to reorient the schools, since, as he put it, long before its armies meet on the battlefield, a nation's destiny has been decided in classrooms and lecture halls. Nationalism and civic duty were not only to be taught in schools. The war of the future would be total war, and every citizen would need the motivation which formerly had only been expected from soldiers. He went so far as to recommend intensive indoctrination by the media to reach citizens beyond the school age. Petain did not underestimate the seductive power of the totalitarian doctrines which appealed to all those who were suffering under the abuses of capitalism and longed for social justice. Fascism and Nazism, with their emphasis on Blut .l.l.D.d Boden, on the individual's ties to native soil, to community, and country, also attracted those who felt lost in an urban, industrialized environment. French education 4 had neglected the social nature of man in favor of developing the potential of the individual. Again P~tain called for a change. Only a nation of citizens who felt secure in being members of their community, profession, and nation and were united in patriotism could stand up to the challenge of totalitarian aggression. P~tain had recognized the strengths of the totalitarian systems and wanted to use similar methods to increase France's chances of survival in a confrontation which he considered inevitable. His views found an echo among many Frenchmen who watched Germany's power and national unity and resolve grow while France became more factionalized and torn by class hatred. The Third Republic proved incapable of providing strong leadership, and by 1935 P~tain's name became for some the symbol not only of past victory but also of a new France. Gustave Herv~, publisher of the newspaper L£ Victo.Lt.e, wrote a series of articles which were later collected in a booklet entitled~ .ne.e..d P~tain CC'est Petain gu'il nous f.a.1.lt.).
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Paul Touvier and the Crime Against Humanity'
    Paul Touvier and the Crime Against Humanity' MICHAEL E. TIGARt SUSAN C. CASEYtt ISABELLE GIORDANItM SIVAKUMAREN MARDEMOOTOOt Hi SUMMARY I. INTRODUCTION ............................................... 286 II. VICHY FRANCE: THE BACKGROUND ................................ 286 III. TOUVIER'S ROLE IN VICHY FRANCE ................................ 288 IV. THE CRIME AGAINST HUMANITY ................................. 291 A The August 1945 Charter ................................... 291 B. The French Penal Code .................................... 293 C. The Barbie Case: Too Clever by Half ........................... 294 V. THE TouviER LITIGATION ....................................... 296 A The Events SurroundingTouvier's Captureand the PretrialLegal Battle ... 296 B. Touvier's Day in Court ..................................... 299 VI. LEGAL ANALYSIS: THE STATE AGENCY DILEMMA.. ...................... 304 VII. CONCLUSION ............................................... 309 " The idea for this essay began at a discussion of the Touvier trial with Professor Tigar's students at the Facut de Droit at Aix-en-Provence, with the assistance of Professor Andr6 Baldous. Ms. Casey provided further impetus for it by her research assistance on international human rights issues, and continued with research and editorial work as the essay developed. Ms. Giordani researched French law and procedure and obtained original sources. Mr. Mardemootoo worked on further research and assisted in formulating the issues. The translations of most French materials were initially done by Professor Tigar and reviewed by Ms. Giordani and Mr. Mardemootoo. As we were working on the project, the Texas InternationalLaw Journaleditors told us of Ms. Finkelstein's article, and we decided to turn our effort into a complementary piece that drew some slightly different conclusions. if Professor of Law and holder of the Joseph D. Jamail Centennial Chair in Law, The University of Texas School of Law. J# J.D.
    [Show full text]
  • Vichy France and the Jews
    VICHY FRANCE AND THE JEWS MICHAEL R. MARRUS AND ROBERT 0. PAXTON Originally published as Vichy et les juifs by Calmann-Levy 1981 Basic Books, Inc., Publishers New York Contents Introduction Chapter 1 / First Steps Chapter 2 / The Roots o f Vichy Antisemitism Traditional Images of the Jews 27 Second Wave: The Crises of the 1930s and the Revival of Antisemitism 34 The Reach of Antisemitism: How Influential Was It? 45 The Administrative Response 54 The Refugee Crisis, 1938-41 58 Chapter 3 / The Strategy o f Xavier Vallat, i 9 4 !-4 2 The Beginnings of German Pressure 77 Vichy Defines the Jewish Issue, 1941 83 Vallat: An Activist at Work 96 The Emigration Deadlock 112 Vallat’s Fall 115 Chapter 4 / The System at Work, 1040-42 The CGQJ and Other State Agencies: Rivalries and Border Disputes 128 Business as Usual 144 Aryanization 152 Emigration 161 The Camps 165 Chapter 5 / Public Opinion, 1040-42 The Climax of Popular Antisemitism 181 The DistriBution of Popular Antisemitism 186 A Special Case: Algeria 191 The Churches and the Jews 197 X C ontents The Opposition 203 An Indifferent Majority 209 Chapter 6 / The Turning Point: Summer 1Q42 215 New Men, New Measures 218 The Final Solution 220 Laval and the Final Solution 228 The Effort to Segregate: The Jewish Star 234 Preparing the Deportation 241 The Vel d’Hiv Roundup 250 Drancy 252 Roundups in the Unoccupied Zone 255 The Massacre of the Innocents 263 The Turn in PuBlic Opinion 270 Chapter 7 / The Darquier Period, 1942-44 281 Darquier’s CGQJ and Its Place in the Regime 286 Darquier’s CGQJ in Action 294 Total Occupation and the Resumption of Deportations 302 Vichy, the ABBé Catry, and the Massada Zionists 310 The Italian Interlude 315 Denaturalization, August 1943: Laval’s Refusal 321 Last Days 329 Chapter 8 / Conclusions: The Holocaust in France .
    [Show full text]
  • Neville Chamberlain's Announcement of the Introduction of Conscription To
    FRANCO-BRITISH RELATIONS AND THE QUESTION OF CONSCRIPTION IN BRITAIN, 1938-1939 ABSTRACT - This article examines the relationship interaction between the French campaign for the introduction of British conscription during 1938-39 and the ebbs and flows of British public opinion on the same issue. In particular, it will demonstrate how French pressure for conscription varied in intensity depending on their perceptions of British opinion on the subject. It was this interaction between diplomatic and domestic pressures that ultimately compelled the British government to introduce conscription in April 1939. Furthermore, the issue of conscription also sheds light on the wider issue of Franco-British relations, revealing how French foreign policy was neither dictated by an ‘English Governess’ nor pursued independently of Great Britain. When Neville Chamberlain announced the introduction of conscription to the House of Commons on 26 April 1939 he not only reneged on previous promises but deviated from the traditional British aversion to peacetime compulsory service. Chamberlain defended himself by arguing that current international tensions could not be described as ‘peace-time in any sense in which the term could fairly be used’.1 Nonetheless, introducing conscription – albeit in a limited form2 – was alien to British tradition. How, therefore, can the decision be explained? What motivated the government to take such a step? This article sheds new light on the British decision to implement conscription in April 1939, moving beyond existing analyses by showing that the decision was motivated not only by a fusion of domestic and international pressures but by the interaction of the two. More specifically, contends that French pressure for British conscription ebbed and flowed in direct correlation to the French government’s perceptions of the British public’s attitude towards compulsory military service.
    [Show full text]
  • Haute Cour De Justice. Volume 9
    Haute Cour de justice. Volume 9 Répertoire numérique détaillé (3W/277-3W/309) Par M.-Th. Chabord Archives nationales (France) Pierrefitte-sur-Seine 1983 1 https://www.siv.archives-nationales.culture.gouv.fr/siv/IR/FRAN_IR_001976 Cet instrument de recherche a été encodé par l'entreprise diadeis dans le cadre du chantier de dématérialisation des instruments de recherche des Archives Nationales sur la base d'une DTD conforme à la DTD EAD (encoded archival description) et créée par le service de dématérialisation des instruments de recherche des Archives Nationales 2 Archives nationales (France) INTRODUCTION Référence 3W/277-3W/309 Niveau de description fonds Intitulé Haute Cour de justice. Volume 9 Intitulé Haute Cour de justice. Rép. num. détaillé dact., par M.-Th. Chabord, 11 vol., 2420 p. Volume 7 : 3w/217-3w/250 Nom du producteur • Pétain, Philippe (1856-1951) Localisation physique Pierrefitte DESCRIPTION Présentation du contenu DOSSIER PETAIN. Le dossier Pétain comprend un noyau initial de neuf cartons (3W 277 à 285) qui constitue le "dossier" d'information proprement dit tel qu'il a été constitué sous l'impulsion du procureur général Mornet lui-même, plus un fichier de ces cartons constitué par les archivistes de la Haute Cour (3W 286) Les dossiers suivants comprennent : 3W 287 documents divers (ce qui a été retenu par la Haute Cour de la malle Pétain et des archives de l'hôtel du Parc, scellés constitués par le président Beteille, scellé Darlan, documents parvenus après la clôture de l'instruction) 3W 288 scellés de Montrouge, c'est-à-dire les documents saisis dans les bagages du Maréchal à son retour en France en 1945.
    [Show full text]
  • Jean Cocteau's the Typewriter
    1 A Queer Premiere: Jean Cocteau’s The Typewriter Introduction Late in April 1941, toward the close of the first Parisian theatre season fol- lowing the Defeat, Jean Cocteau’s La Machine à écrire (The Typewriter) opened, then closed, then reopened at the Théâtre Hébertot. Written in the style of a detective drama, the play starred the actor generally known—at least in the entertainment world at the time—as Cocteau’s sometime lover and perpetual companion, Jean Marais, as identical twin brothers. The re- views are curiously reticent about what exactly occurred at the Hébertot, and historians and critics offer sometimes contradictory pieces of a puzzle that, even when carefully put together, forms an incomplete picture. The fragments are, however, intriguing. Merrill Rosenberg describes how, on the evening of April 29, 1941, the dress rehearsal (répétition génerale), sponsored “as a gala” by the daily Paris-Soir and attended by various “dig- nitaries,” caused in the Hébertot’s auditorium a demonstration by members of the Parti Populaire Français (PPF). This disruption prompted Vichy’s ambas- sador to Paris, Fernand de Brinon, to order the withdrawal of the production (“Vichy’s Theatrical Venture” 136). Francis Steegmuller describes the disor- der that greeted the Typewriter premiere and the revival of Les Parents Terribles (at the Gymnase later that year): “stink bombs exploded in the theatres, and hoodlums filled the aisles and climbed onto the stage, shouting obscenities at Cocteau and Marais as a couple” (442).1 Patrick Marsh too notes that these plays “were seriously disrupted by violent scenes fomented by fascist sym- pathizers and members of the Parti Populaire Français” (“Le Théâtre 1 2 THE DRAMA OF FALLEN FRANCE Français .
    [Show full text]
  • Polish Armor of the Blitzkrieg Kindle
    POLISH ARMOR OF THE BLITZKRIEG PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Jamie Prenatt,Henry Morshead | 48 pages | 22 Sep 2015 | Bloomsbury Publishing PLC | 9781472808240 | English | Oxford, United Kingdom Polish Armor of the Blitzkrieg PDF Book Panther Medium Tank Stryker Combat Vehicles. Although production of Luftwaffe fighter aircraft continued, they would be unable to fly for lack of fuel. German Light Cruisers After the bombing of Guernica in and the Rotterdam Blitz in , it was commonly assumed that terror bombing was a part of Luftwaffe doctrine. The traditional meaning of blitzkrieg is that of German tactical and operational methodology in the first half of the Second World War, that is often hailed as a new method of warfare. Guderian insisted in to the high command that every tank in the German armoured force must be equipped with a radio. Robert Watt wrote that blitzkrieg has little in common with Soviet deep battle. The German leadership were concerned less with how to balance the civilian economy and the needs of civilian consumption but to figure out how to best prepare the economy for total war. T Main Battle Tank Monologe im Fuhrerhauptquartier — Retrieved 11 July Panzer, a Revolution in Warfare: — War and Economy in the Third Reich. T and T Main Battle Tanks But outdated equipment, doctrine and enormous odds did not stop these units from fighting with bravery and determination before being finally overwhelmed. Spanish Galleon Despite being common in German and English-language journalism during World War II , the word Blitzkrieg was never used by the Wehrmacht as an official military term, except for propaganda.
    [Show full text]
  • The Project of Liberation and the Projection of National Identity. Calvo, Aragon, Jouhandeau, 1944-1945 by Aparna Nayak-Guercio
    The project of Liberation and the projection of national identity. Calvo, Aragon, Jouhandeau, 1944-1945 by Aparna Nayak-Guercio B.A. University of Bombay, India, 1990 M.A. University of Pittsburgh, 1993 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2006 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH ARTS AND SCIENCES This dissertation was presented by Aparna Nayak-Guercio It was defended on December 13, 2005 and approved by Dr. Alexander Orbach, Associate Professor, Department of Religious Studies Dr. Giuseppina Mecchia, Assistant Professor, Department of French and Italian Dr. Lina Insana, Assistant Professor, Department of French and Italian Dr. Roberta Hatcher, Assistant Professor, Department of French and Italian Dissertation Advisor: Dr. Philip Watts, Assistant Professor, Department of French and Italian ii Copyright © by Aparna Nayak-Guercio 2006 iii THE PROJECT OF LIBERATION AND THE PROJECTION OF NATIONAL IDENTITY. ARAGON, CALVO, JOUHANDEAU, 1944-45 Aparna Nayak-Guercio, PhD University of Pittsburgh, 2006 This dissertation focuses on the months of liberation of France, June 1944 to May 1945. It analyzes three under-studied works taken as samples of texts that touch upon the question of contested identities. The texts are chosen from the main divisions of the political spectrum, namely Gaullist, far right, and far left. Although the focus is on the texts themselves, I trace the arguments found in these works to the larger discourses in which they are inscribed. In particular, I address the questions of guilt and innocence, justice and vengeance, past and future in the given historical circumstances.
    [Show full text]
  • Different Shades of Black. the Anatomy of the Far Right in the European Parliament
    Different Shades of Black. The Anatomy of the Far Right in the European Parliament Ellen Rivera and Masha P. Davis IERES Occasional Papers, May 2019 Transnational History of the Far Right Series Cover Photo: Protesters of right-wing and far-right Flemish associations take part in a protest against Marra-kesh Migration Pact in Brussels, Belgium on Dec. 16, 2018. Editorial credit: Alexandros Michailidis / Shutter-stock.com @IERES2019 Different Shades of Black. The Anatomy of the Far Right in the European Parliament Ellen Rivera and Masha P. Davis IERES Occasional Papers, no. 2, May 15, 2019 Transnational History of the Far Right Series Transnational History of the Far Right Series A Collective Research Project led by Marlene Laruelle At a time when global political dynamics seem to be moving in favor of illiberal regimes around the world, this re- search project seeks to fill in some of the blank pages in the contemporary history of the far right, with a particular focus on the transnational dimensions of far-right movements in the broader Europe/Eurasia region. Of all European elections, the one scheduled for May 23-26, 2019, which will decide the composition of the 9th European Parliament, may be the most unpredictable, as well as the most important, in the history of the European Union. Far-right forces may gain unprecedented ground, with polls suggesting that they will win up to one-fifth of the 705 seats that will make up the European parliament after Brexit.1 The outcome of the election will have a profound impact not only on the political environment in Europe, but also on the trans- atlantic and Euro-Russian relationships.
    [Show full text]
  • Orme) Wilberforce (Albert) Raymond Blackburn (Alexander Bell
    Copyrights sought (Albert) Basil (Orme) Wilberforce (Albert) Raymond Blackburn (Alexander Bell) Filson Young (Alexander) Forbes Hendry (Alexander) Frederick Whyte (Alfred Hubert) Roy Fedden (Alfred) Alistair Cooke (Alfred) Guy Garrod (Alfred) James Hawkey (Archibald) Berkeley Milne (Archibald) David Stirling (Archibald) Havergal Downes-Shaw (Arthur) Berriedale Keith (Arthur) Beverley Baxter (Arthur) Cecil Tyrrell Beck (Arthur) Clive Morrison-Bell (Arthur) Hugh (Elsdale) Molson (Arthur) Mervyn Stockwood (Arthur) Paul Boissier, Harrow Heraldry Committee & Harrow School (Arthur) Trevor Dawson (Arwyn) Lynn Ungoed-Thomas (Basil Arthur) John Peto (Basil) Kingsley Martin (Basil) Kingsley Martin (Basil) Kingsley Martin & New Statesman (Borlasse Elward) Wyndham Childs (Cecil Frederick) Nevil Macready (Cecil George) Graham Hayman (Charles Edward) Howard Vincent (Charles Henry) Collins Baker (Charles) Alexander Harris (Charles) Cyril Clarke (Charles) Edgar Wood (Charles) Edward Troup (Charles) Frederick (Howard) Gough (Charles) Michael Duff (Charles) Philip Fothergill (Charles) Philip Fothergill, Liberal National Organisation, N-E Warwickshire Liberal Association & Rt Hon Charles Albert McCurdy (Charles) Vernon (Oldfield) Bartlett (Charles) Vernon (Oldfield) Bartlett & World Review of Reviews (Claude) Nigel (Byam) Davies (Claude) Nigel (Byam) Davies (Colin) Mark Patrick (Crwfurd) Wilfrid Griffin Eady (Cyril) Berkeley Ormerod (Cyril) Desmond Keeling (Cyril) George Toogood (Cyril) Kenneth Bird (David) Euan Wallace (Davies) Evan Bedford (Denis Duncan)
    [Show full text]
  • Yvon Delbos and Anthony Eden: Anglo-French Cooperation, 1936-38
    1 YVON DELBOS AND ANTHONY EDEN: ANGLO-FRENCH COOPERATION, 1936-38 Glyn Stone Anthony Eden was appointed foreign secretary at the end of 1935 following the dismissal of Sir Samuel Hoare for his part in the infamous Hoare-Laval Pact. Yvon Delbos, a member of the Radical party, became French foreign minister six months later as a result of the victory of the Popular Front in the May 1936 elections. Eden resigned as foreign secretary on 20 February 1938. Delbos followed suit less than four weeks later on 14 March 1938. When he became foreign secretary at the age of thirty eight, Eden was already the ambitious, rising star of the Conservative party and had accumulated an impressive degree of experience in foreign affairs having been parliamentary private secretary to foreign secretary Austen Chamberlain between 1926 and 1929, under secretary of state for foreign affairs from September 1931 until January 1934 when he became lord privy seal, and then in June 1935 minister of league of nations affairs (without portfolio). In comparison, Delbos was far less experienced, as Robert Young has observed: Yvon Delbos went to the Quai d’Orsay in his early fifties, equipped with a respectable if unspectacular reputation as a competent member of the Chamber and as a journalist with special interest in foreign affairs. A quiet, moderate man of modest political ambitions…Significantly, in a political world renowned for its gastronomic and alcoholic excesses, here was one, a curiosity, who did not suffer from liver complaints. But he was not the sort of man from whom one could expect either brilliance or novelty in foreign policy.1 Yet, the two foreign ministers developed a good working relationship and contributed much to the improvement in Anglo-French relations after the Abyssinian debacle and the mutual recrimination of the Rhineland crisis.
    [Show full text]
  • 544 AP Papiers Georges MANDEL
    Archives nationales Section des archives privées 544 AP Papiers Georges MANDEL . Répertoire numérique par Pascal R. David sous la direction de Ségolène de Dainville-Barbiche responsable de la Section des archives privées 2009-2011 1 Dates extrêmes : 1897-1984. Importance matérielle : 79 cartons (544 AP 1-79), 7,70 mètres linéaires. Modalités d’entrée : dons, 1990-2011. Conditions d’accès : libre. Instrument de recherche : répertoire numérique dact. (544 AP 1 à 79), par Pascal R. David, 2009-2011, 25 p. Introduction Notice biographique. Après avoir pris le nom de sa mère, Louis Rothschild dit Georges Mandel (1885-1944) fait son entrée dans le journalisme et dans la vie publique. Membre des cabinets de Sarraut à l’Intérieur, puis de Clemenceau – avec qui il travaillait à l’Aurore – à la présidence du Conseil, il s’initie à la vie politique. En 1917, il est chef de cabinet de Clemenceau, et par délégation officieuse, règne en maître sur la politique intérieure. Dans l’arrondissement de Lesparre-Médoc (Gironde), il est élu député en 1919 et également maire de Soulac-sur-Mer. Isolé politiquement, à la Chambre des députés il fait partie des non-inscrits ou du groupe des indépendants. Mandel accède enfin au gouvernement, après plusieurs tentatives, en 1934, comme ministre des P.T.T. du cabinet Flandin. Il améliore le rendement de cette administration, s’inquiète avant tout des besoins des usagers, installe rue de Grenelle le premier studio de télévision et développe les émissions de radio. Le Front populaire l’oblige à quitter son ministère. De nouveau ministre dans le troisième cabinet Daladier, il est chargé des colonies.
    [Show full text]
  • Declaring Victory and Admitting Defeat
    Declaring Victory and Admitting Defeat Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy In the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Thomas Michael Dolan Jr. Graduate Program in Political Science The Ohio State University 2009 Dissertation Committee: Richard K. Herrmann, Advisor Daniel Verdier Theodore Hopf Copyright by Thomas Michael Dolan Jr. 2009 Abstract When do wartime events cause state leaders to change their political or military approach to a war, or try to end it? This study answers this question by focusing on leaders’ beliefs about how war advances their political aims and the changes those beliefs undergo, and the role of emotions in motivating or suppressing those changes. These key beliefs are conceptualized as Theories of Victory, and three key types of theory of victory—oriented toward demonstrating capability, wearying their opponent, or directly acquiring the aims—are identified. These types are used to explain how leaders interpret wartime events and, if they conclude their approach has failed, what further options (if any) will seem plausible. The motivation to learn associated with anxiety (produced by novel bad news) and the suppression of learning associated with anger and contentedness (produced by familiar bad news and good news) are used to explain when particular series of events lead to these key changes. Three cases are used to test the theory—the Winter War (Finland-USSR 1939-1940), the Pacific War (US-Japan 1941-1945) and the Battle of France (France-Germany 1940). ii Dedication For my Parents iii Acknowledgements It has been a long journey.
    [Show full text]