1 INTRODUCTION the United Kingdom Is a Constitutional

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

1 INTRODUCTION the United Kingdom Is a Constitutional INTRODUCTION The United Kingdom is a constitutional monarchy. The country is governed by the government which is responsible to Parliament. In liberal democracies a representative government can only be facilitated by political parties. The Labour Party is one of the two major parties strong enough to win a general election and form a government. Throughout its history, the Labour Party has undergone numerous policy changes. It came to Parliament in 1900 with only two MPs elected. It represented the working people and stood firmly on the left of the British political spectrum. Now the Labour Party has a majority in Parliament with a total of 356 seats. It has become a “catch-all” party which has decisively cast aside all class-related appeals. The present leader, Tony Blair, has stated clearly that “Labour is the political arm of none other than the British people as a whole” (Dunleavy, 4). The party claims to be a centre-left party, while the critics place it in the centre or even on the right. My thesis takes a close look at how the Labour Party has developed ideologically over time. While following the development of thoughts in the Labour Party I present and comment on the ideas expressed by all those who ideologically influenced the evolution of the Labour Party. The ideas have come from different levels of the party that can be divided into Labour in Parliament and Labour outside Parliament. The former comprises the leadership, ministers and MPs who are members of the Parliamentary Labour Party (PLP). The latter is made up of party members organized in Constituency Labour Parties, affiliated trade unions and socialist societies. Labour in Parliament have mostly constituted the party’s right, whereas Labour outside Parliament the party’s left. My thesis focuses on the ideological struggle between the party’s right and left from its beginnings up to the present. 1 THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION AND THE WORKING CLASS The movement of the British labourers had always been a movement of social protest. It had a long and distinguished tradition. In 1381 John Ball died on the gallows at the end of the Peasants’ Revolt that was directed against the injustice inflicted by the arbitrary poll tax. The agrarian socialists of medieval times found their successors in the movements of the Diggers and the Levellers. The former preached primitive communism, while the latter focused on both the actual standards of living of the lower classes and their political position. th In the 19 century a movement of social and political reform was represented by the Chartists whose political views now seem so reasonable, but were refused at that time. All these movements put forward ideas that challenged, though not changed, the established system in which economic and social privilege was enjoyed by the few. The system was also challenged from the top by some enlightened thinkers. Robert Owen’s mills at New Lanark were an example of a possible combination of the profit for the owner and the social welfare for employees. Nevertheless, New Lanark was one of the few places where the working people were treated fairly. Mostly, the Industrial Revolution brought benefits to the chosen few, whilst ignoring the ruled. The Industrial Revolution, th th which occurred in Britain in the 18 and 19 centuries, fundamentally altered the shape of Britain. So great was the impact of the Industrial Revolution that it cannot possibly be ignored when following the development of the socialist movement in Britain that culminated in forming a party of the British labourers. th The Industrial Revolution had its origins in the middle of the 18 century when a great transformation took place in the economic life of Britain due to the invention of new machines and processes. The changes disrupted settled patterns of society which, although remaining by far agricultural, underwent a great change “in the relative importance of industry and agriculture, of town life and country life” (Rodgers, 15). The Industrial 2 Revolution brought with itself great prosperity and confirmed the country’s dominance in the world. th In the course of the 19 century Britain had evolved to the stage of industrial and imperial superpower with society that became highly stratified and in which prosperity was far from being distributed equally. The Industrial Revolution gave birth to the class of workers. The working class found itself oppressed by the ruling classes. The working class enjoyed the living and working conditions that were in sharp contrast to what one would have expected of the “civilized” world. Typical features of the life in some parts of London, the richest city in the world, were “casual and seasonal unemployment, starvation wages, overcrowding at exploitative rents [and] an inhumane system of poor relief …” (Walkowitz, 193). The undesirable environment and a highly hierarchized society, in which moving up the social ladder was hardly feasible, made it impossible for the working class to enjoy the fruits of economic prosperity or even to lead a decent life. One of the most influential social thinkers, Sidney Webb, set out to rouse the conscience of Londoners in the following way: Twenty thousand of its [London’s] citizens fight in the fearful daily struggle for bread at the dock gates…thirty thousand of its children are at school entirely breakfastless. One of every five of the five millions who began again today the weary round of life will eventually quit that life in the workhouse or the hospital…And all this in the richest and most productive city in the world. (Rodgers, 41) On the other hand the British working class was – when compared for example with their French counterparts – relatively well off, especially in the period after the Great Exhibition. The affluence of the country “rubbed off on all classes” (Rodgers, 9), with the working class getting the least share. In addition to the improvement in everyone’s standard of living, the country had developed democracy to the extent other countries could only dream of. Moreover, protestant religions were keen on helping the working ethic and obedience high and there also was the royal family represented by a virtuous couple which was looked up to. 3 Victoria and Albert epitomized strength, pride and unity of the nation and the Victorian society is said to have been of high moral attributes, virtuous and relatively stable (Bell). The improved living conditions, the presence of democratic means, the protestant work ethic and the royal couple as an example of virtuous life played their roles in the country’s avoiding a revolution as experienced in France. In the British context the question was not to overthrow the system, but to find a better place for the working class in it. Supporters of the socialist movement were aware of Britain’s democracy and traditions and did not want to get beyond them. Thus the important aspects of the socialist movement were its peaceful and democratic nature, though some militant actions in the North could not be averted. A belief in democracy as the means of socialism and a refusal of too revolutionary Marxist measures were aptly grasped in Fabian Essays. It says that important changes in society could only be: (1) democratic and thus acceptable to a majority of the people…; (2) gradual, and thus causing no dislocation, however rapid may be the rate of progress; (3) not regarded as immoral by the mass of the people…;and (4) in this country, at any rate, constitutional and peaceful. (Webb, I.1.8) Before the socialist movement could have an impact on society, favourable conditions for perception of socialist ideas had to be created. In this respect the Industrial Revolution was of great and lasting importance. The negative effects of the Industrial Revolution that manifested themselves in the poor conditions of the working class opened up a platform upon which socialism and the representation of the working class could be discussed. According to Rodgers the Industrial Revolution “was decisive in creating the conditions for socialism” (15). So it is in the uneven distribution of prosperity and in the changes in society caused by the Industrial Revolution where one can find inspirations and origins of the demand for a government by and in the interests of the working people. But how to advance reforms? Through the established political parties or through a new party? 4 THE WORKING CLASS AND OTHER POLITICAL PARTIES th There was a stable political environment in Britain of the 19 century, with the established two party system. Neither the Liberal Party nor the Conservative Party (the latter to a lesser extent) was historically too hostile to the working class. The three passed Reform Bills and several factory acts brought some political and working benefits to the working class. However, neither of the mentioned parties was willing to directly appeal to the working class and form their policy exclusively on the needs of the working class. It is arguable whether a possible representation of the working class could have been effected by the Liberals, the idea of which came to be considered more seriously after the Liberals adopted a new programme of reforms at Newcastle in 1891 trying to win some votes from the working class (Rodgers, 39). The Liberals, however, did not prove to predict events very well. They underestimated the influence of the emerging Labour Party. Both on the local and national level, the Liberals were not willing to share power with Labour: “…no great effort was made to bring Labour men into the inner circle of power” (Beer, 148-149). By not assimilating the Labour representatives into their ranks, the Liberals helped create a room for a new party.
Recommended publications
  • ARTICLES Rebel Or Revolutionary? Jack Kavanagh and the Early Years of the Communist Movement in Vancouver, 1920-1925
    ARTICLES Rebel or Revolutionary? Jack Kavanagh and the Early Years of the Communist Movement in Vancouver, 1920-1925 David Akers DURINGTHE1919VANCOUVERGENERALSTRIKE, the guardians of conventional 'law and order' in the city, the middle-class Citizens League, bemoaned the evils of "Kavanagh Bolshevism" and its "red-eyed vision of Soviet control."1 Jack Kavanagh — a member of the general strike committee, prominent "platform speaker" for the Socialist Party of Canada (SPC), and the provincial chairman of the One Big Union (OBU) in British Columbia — was a prime target for the establishment backlash against labour militancy in Vancouver.2 Red Scare hysterics aside, Kavanagh did, from October 1917, openly embrace the Russian Revolution and its "proletarian dictatorship," as he labelled the Soviet 'Vancouver Citizen, 25 June 1919. "On Kavanagh's role in the 1919 Canadian labour revolt, see Paul A. Phillips, No Power Greater: A Century of Labour in British Columbia (Vancouver 1967), 66-84; Martin Robin, Radical Politics and Canadian Labour, J880-1930 (Kingston 1968), 138-98; A. Ross McCormack, Reformers, Rebels, and Revolutionaries: The Western Canadian Radical Movement, 1899-1919 (Toronto 1977), 145-54; David J. Bercuson, Fools and Wise Men: The Rise and Fall of the One Big Union (Toronto 1978), 57-170; Gerald Friesen, '"Yours in Revolt' : The Socialist Party of Canada and the Western Canadian Labour Movement," in Labour/Le Travail, 1 (1976), 139-55; Dave Adams, "The Canadian Labour Revolt of 1919: The West Coast Story," in Socialist Worker, 161 (November, 1990). David Akers, "Rebel or Revolutionary? Jack Kavanagh and the Early Years of the Com­ munist Movement in Vancouver, 1920-1925, Labour/Le Travail 30 (Fall 1992), 9-44.
    [Show full text]
  • Compassthe DIRECTION for the DEMOCRATIC LEFT
    compassTHE DIRECTION FOR THE DEMOCRATIC LEFT MAPPING THE CENTRE GROUND Peter Kellner compasscontents Mapping the Centre Ground “This is a good time to think afresh about the way we do politics.The decline of the old ideologies has made many of the old Left-Right arguments redundant.A bold project to design a positive version of the Centre could fill the void.” Compass publications are intended to create real debate and discussion around the key issues facing the democratic left - however the views expressed in this publication are not a statement of Compass policy. compass Mapping the Centre Ground Peter Kellner All three leaders of Britain’s main political parties agree on one thing: elections are won and lost on the centre ground.Tony Blair insists that Labour has won the last three elections as a centre party, and would return to the wilderness were it to revert to left-wing policies. David Cameron says with equal fervour that the Conservatives must embrace the Centre if they are to return to power. Sir Menzies Campbell says that the Liberal Democrats occupy the centre ground out of principle, not electoral calculation, and he has nothing to fear from his rivals invading his space. What are we to make of all this? It is sometimes said that when any proposition commands such broad agreement, it is probably wrong. Does the shared obsession of all three party leaders count as a bad, consensual error – or are they right to compete for the same location on the left-right axis? This article is an attempt to answer that question, via an excursion down memory lane, a search for clear definitions and some speculation about the future of political debate.
    [Show full text]
  • Battle for Workers Rights in Australia by Aggie Mccallum
    Socialist Fight Issue No. 5 Winter 2010-11 Price: Concessions: 50p, Waged: £2.00 Only a United Anti-cuts Campaign based on strikes and occupations will defeat the Coalition assault Contents Page 2: Editorial: Only a United Anti-cuts Campaign based on strikes and occupations will defeat the Coalition assault. Page 5: Three days in the life of an Unemployed Workers Centre. Page 6: Ireland on the Rack: Defend the welfare state, de- fend the Republican Prisoners By AJ Byrne. Page 7: After the Irish bailout: The financial wolf pack tar- gets new victims By Nick Beams. Page 8: Ireland: The Creepy Millionaires’ Budget By Michael Taft. Page 9: Jimmy Reid: “It cannae be Lenin — he’s deid” Obitu- ary By Tony Fox. Page 12: The Jerry Hicks Campaign: Good Trot, Bad Trot and Trot in the Middle By Gerry Downing. Page 14: Obama’s America: The Furlough—Intent and Im- pact By Jake Cooper. Page 16: Mumia Abu-Jamal, on Pennsylvania's death row for 29 years By Dave Lindorfff. Page 18: Class Struggle in Zimbabwe by Ady, RIL - FI (Zimbabwe). Page 20: Trotskyist Turn in Nepal? By Rajesh Tyagi (New Wave). Page 20: Comment on the above By Ret Marut. Page 21: Women's Oppression: Two opposing views of the sex industry. Page 24: Letters pages. Page 28: Dubstep rebellion - the British banlieue comes to Millbank By Paul Mason Page 29: The Recession and Theories of Imperialism: It has to be Lenin! By Ret Marut. Page 31: Debating the Thermidor: “Me No Dirty Commie” By Gerry Downing. Page 33: Ark Tribe….Battle for Workers Rights in Australia By Aggie McCallum.
    [Show full text]
  • The Left in Europe
    ContentCornelia Hildebrandt / Birgit Daiber (ed.) The Left in Europe Political Parties and Party Alliances between Norway and Turkey Cornelia Hildebrandt / Birgit Daiber (ed.): The Left in Europe. Political Parties and Party Alliances between Norway and Turkey A free paperback copy of this publication in German or English can be ordered by email to [email protected]. © Rosa Luxemburg Foundation Brussels Office 2009 2 Content Preface 5 Western Europe Paul-Emile Dupret 8 Possibilities and Limitations of the Anti-Capitalist Left in Belgium Cornelia Hildebrandt 18 Protests on the Streets of France Sascha Wagener 30 The Left in Luxemburg Cornelia Weissbach 41 The Left in The Netherlands Northern Europe Inger V. Johansen 51 Denmark - The Social and Political Left Pertti Hynynen / Anna Striethorst 62 Left-wing Parties and Politics in Finland Dag Seierstad 70 The Left in Norway: Politics in a Centre-Left Government Henning Süßer 80 Sweden: The Long March to a coalition North Western Europe Thomas Kachel 87 The Left in Brown’s Britain – Towards a New Realignment? Ken Ahern / William Howard 98 Radical Left Politics in Ireland: Sinn Féin Central Europe Leo Furtlehner 108 The Situation of the Left in Austria 3 Stanislav Holubec 117 The Radical Left in Czechia Cornelia Hildebrandt 130 DIE LINKE in Germany Holger Politt 143 Left-wing Parties in Poland Heiko Kosel 150 The Communist Party of Slovakia (KSS) Southern Europe Mimmo Porcaro 158 The Radical Left in Italy between national Defeat and European Hope Dominic Heilig 166 The Spanish Left
    [Show full text]
  • 18 Pack Research Notes
    drawal from the EEC passed as policy. Shirley Williams and Tom Bradley refuse to speak from the Research Notes platform on behalf of the NEC. October James Callaghan resigns as Labour Chronology leader. November Key Alliance dates 1979–88 First round of Labour’s leadership election (Healey , Foot , Silkin Compiled by Mark Pack , Shore ). November 1979 they will leave Labour if it supports Michael Foot elected leader of La- withdrawal from the EEC: ‘There are bour (defeating Healey –). May some of us who will not accept a November General election won by Tories. De- choice between socialism and Eu- Owen announces he will not be feated Labour MPs include Shirley rope. We will choose them both.’ restanding for Shadow Cabinet. Williams. June November June Williams warns that a centre party Williams announces she cannot be Social Democrat Alliance (SDA) re- would have ‘no roots, no principles, a Labour candidate again with its organises itself into a network of lo- no philosophy and no values.’ current policies cal groups, not all of whose mem- bers need be in the Labour Party. June December Roy Jenkins delivers lecture to Labour proscribes SDA. November House of Commons Press Gallery, Roy Jenkins delivers the Dimbleby calling for a realignment of the ‘radi- December lecture, ‘Home thoughts from cal centre.’ Meeting in Williams’ flat, including abroad’. Ivor Crewe and Anthony King, who June outline considerable possible support November Labour’s Commission of Inquiry for a new party. Bill Rodgers gives speech at backs use of an electoral college for Abertillery: ‘Our party has a year, not electing the leader and mandatory much longer, in which to save itself.’ reselection of MPs.
    [Show full text]
  • 40 Years of EU Membership
    Journal of Contemporary European Research Volume 8, Issue 4 (2012) The UK: 40 Years of EU Membership Helen Wallace London School of Economics and Political Science This chronology was commissioned by the European Parliament Information Office in the United Kingdom and has been published here with their kind permission and that of the author. Professor Helen Wallace DBE, FBA is an Emeritus Professor in the European Institute at the London School of Economics and Political Science. Citation Wallace, H. (2012). ‘The UK: 40 Years of EU Membership’, Journal of Contemporary European Research. 8 (4), pp. 531‐546. Published in: www.jcer.net Volume 8, Issue 4 (2012) jcer.net Helen Wallace KEY DATES A chronology of significant events in British history, including the years leading up to accession on 1 January 1973. 19 Sep 1948 Winston Churchill: Zurich speech calling for a United States of Europe 7 May 1948 The Hague Conference, leading to Council of Europe, 140 British among the 800 participants 1950-1 Schuman Plan leading to European Coal and Steel Community: UK rejected invitation to join 1955 Messina Conference of the Six (Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg and The Netherlands) agrees to develop a common market and atomic cooperation via the Spaak Committee, which Russell Bretherton joined until withdrawn by UK government 1957-8 UK seeks to negotiate wider free trade area through the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, but negotiations fail Jan 1960 Founding of EFTA (UK along with Denmark, Iceland, Ireland, Norway,
    [Show full text]
  • Michael Foot and the Labour Leadership
    Michael Foot and the Labour Leadership Michael Foot and the Labour Leadership by Andrew Scott Crines Michael Foot and the Labour Leadership, by Andrew Scott Crines This book first published 2011 Cambridge Scholars Publishing 12 Back Chapman Street, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2XX, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2011 by Andrew Scott Crines All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-3159-X, ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-3159-8 Dedicated to Patricia and Harold Crines, loving parents of the author. Michael Foot (1913-2010) TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface........................................................................................................ ix Acknowledgements .................................................................................... xi Abbreviations ........................................................................................... xiii Chapter One................................................................................................. 1 Introduction Chapter Two .............................................................................................. 15 Michael Foot’s Political Education Chapter Three ...........................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • 45 Barber Flawed Strategy Of
    It is easy to forget just how momentous an event was the launch of the Social Democratic Party in . Roy Jenkins, Shirley Williams, David Owen and William Rodgers, former Labour cabinet ministers who became known as ‘the Gang of Four’, launched the most ambitious bid to break the mould of British politics since the Labour Party was created in . Despite the fanfare of the launch, success in by-elections and the favourable attention of the media, the SDP ultimately failed to achieve its potential when put to the test at the general election. Stephen Barber examines the strategy of the SDP, what it wanted to achieve and how. He argues that one of the reasons the SDP failed to achieve its objectives was that its strategy was fundamentally flawed. THE FLAWED STRATEGY OF THE SDP here were fundamen- The SDP was to prosecute also demonstrates his ambitions. tal differences amongst its strategy in alliance with the Steel wanted to break the mould the Gang of Four over Liberals. Alliance was important of British politics. Although he strategy right from the to Jenkins at least, since ‘It was made his infamous ‘go back to launch of the new party. going to be difficult enough in your constituencies and prepare TBreaking the mould of British any event to land on the enemy for government’ speech in , politics was a lofty ambition but coast of the two-party system, it is doubtful if Steel believed the one the party felt it could achieve. heavily fortified as it was by the Alliance could win outright, but Academic and founder member distortions of the British elec- he may have believed that it could Stephen Haseler wrote as early toral system.
    [Show full text]
  • Robinson, Emily. 2010. Our Historic Mission' Party Political Pasts And
    Robinson, Emily. 2010. Our Historic Mission’ Party Political Pasts and Futures in Contemporary Britain. Doctoral thesis, Goldsmiths, University of London [Thesis] https://research.gold.ac.uk/id/eprint/29014/ The version presented here may differ from the published, performed or presented work. Please go to the persistent GRO record above for more information. If you believe that any material held in the repository infringes copyright law, please contact the Repository Team at Goldsmiths, University of London via the following email address: [email protected]. The item will be removed from the repository while any claim is being investigated. For more information, please contact the GRO team: [email protected] 'Our Historic Mission' Party Political Pasts and Futures in Contemporary Britain Emily Robinson Goldsmiths College, University of London PhD 2010 ABSTRACf The temporal positioning of political parties is an important aspect of their philosophical stance. This cannot simply be characterised as forward-facing progressivism and backwards-looking conservatism; since at least the late nineteenth century both progressive and conservative positions have involved a complex combination of nostalgia, obligation and inheritance. But while conservatives have emphasised a filial duty towards the past as enduring tradition, progressives have stressed the need to bear memories of past injustice forward, in order to achieve a different future. The contention of this thesis is that since the late 1970s these temporal positions have begun to dissolve. Both Labour and the Conservatives now favour what might be termed an 'affirmative presentist' approach to political time, whereby the present is viewed as both the 'achievement' of the past and the 'creator' of the future.
    [Show full text]
  • Reclaiming Radicalism: Discursive Wars and the Left
    tripleC 19 (1): 212-230, 2021 http://www.triple-c.at Reclaiming Radicalism: Discursive Wars and the Left Giorgos Charalambous University of Nicosia, Nicosia, Cyprus, [email protected], https://www.unic.ac.cy/charalambous-giorgos/ Abstract: The aim of this article is to identify and discuss a number of labels that have been increasingly used to describe, categorise and study the contemporary radical left – the movements and parties of the socialist tradition and its contemporary derivatives – pointing to the deeply political implications of these trends. More specifically, ‘extremism’, ‘populism’ and ‘nationalism’ as signifiers of what left radicalism looks like are scrutinised in terms of both the political logic and the historical background behind their use, and the challenges they raise for emancipatory, progressive politics. A plea for recasting contemporary social and political struggles for equality and rights is subsequently articulated, the central conviction advanced being terminological: the left’s struggles today must rise above the verbal smoke of the predominant discourse about this political space. It is a key task to appropriately qualify those terms that taint contemporary radicals with colours which do not represent them or fall far short from defining them. Put simply, if the radical left is to succeed electorally and channel its vision into society effectively it needs to reclaim its chief identity trait in the public sphere: left radicalism itself. Reclaiming radicalism entails a number of strategic tasks. These are laid out in terms of imperative discursive articulations, which are, however, paralleled by particular political actions on the ground that can either confirm or undermine any terminological claims.
    [Show full text]
  • Candidates North West Region
    Page | 1 LIBERAL/LIBERAL DEMOCRAT CANDIDATES IN THE NORTH WEST REGION 1945-2015 Constituencies in the counties of Cheshire, Cumbria and Lancashire INCLUDING SDP CANDIDATES in the GENERAL ELECTIONS of 1983 and 1987 PREFACE The North West Region was a barren area for the Liberal/Liberal Democratic Party for decades with a higher than average number of constituencies left unfought after the 1920s in many cases. After a brief revival in 1950, in common with most regions in the UK, when the party widened the front considerably, there ensued a further bleak period until the 1970s. In 1983-87, as with other regions, approximately half the constituencies were fought by the SDP as partners in the Alliance. 30 or more candidates listed have fought elections in constituencies in other regions, one in as many as five. Cross-checking of these individuals has taken time but otherwise the compilation of this regional Index has been relatively straight forward compared with others. Special note has been made of the commendable achievements of ‘pioneer’ candidates who courageously carried the fight into the vast swathe of Labour-held constituencies across the industrial zone of the region beginning in the 1970s. The North West Region has produced its fair share of personalities who have flourished in fields outside parliamentary politics. Particularly notable are the candidates, some of whom were briefly MPs, whose long careers began just after World War I and who remained active as candidates until after World War II. (Note; there were four two-member constituencies in Lancashire, and one in Cheshire, at the 1945 General Election, denoted ‘n’ after the date.
    [Show full text]
  • A Very Political Project: Charles Haughey, Social Partnership and the Pursuit of an “Irish Economic Miracle”, 1969-92
    Dublin City University School of Law and Government A Very Political Project: Charles Haughey, Social Partnership and the pursuit of an “Irish economic miracle”, 1969-92 By Philip O’Connor Thesis completed under the supervision of Prof. Gary Murphy in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Dublin City University, School of Law and Government January 2020 Declaration I hereby certify that this material, which I now submit for assessment on the programme of study leading to the award of Doctor of Philosophy is entirely my own work, and that I have exercised reasonable care to ensure that the work is original, does not to the best of my knowledge breach any law of copyright, and has not been taken from the work of others save and to the extent that such work has been cited and acknowledged within the text of my work. Signed: ________________ (Candidate) DCU ID: 54160707 Date: 6th Jan. 2020 Table of Contents Table of Contents 3 Acknowledgements 6 Abstract 7 Introduction 8 Chapter 1: Theoretical contentions and competing literatures Contentions 14 The political economy of policy change 15 Policy and partnership in the economic transformation 19 Ireland’s social partnership in comparative analyses 22 Other literature 24 Part 1: Leaps, Bounds and Reversals, 1945-86 29 Chapter 2: The quest for socio-economic organisation, 1945-70 Irish politics and economic interests before 1945 30 Fits and starts: Irish “tripartitism” 1945-56 36 Lemass’s economic institutionalism 1957-63 40 System stresses: from expansion to dissolution
    [Show full text]