No. 19, November-December, 1970

Syndicalism and Leninism ... Page~ 6 NUMBER 19 NOVEMBER·DECEMBER 1970 15 CENTS Conflicts Sharpen • Labor The· deepening political polarization of American their real wages in 1973 are no lower than in 1967! It society, triggered chiefly by the Viet Nam war and its was this sellout contract that 20 thousand workers (or economic effects, has begun to make itself felt within the 11 quarter of the strikers), including the major Schen labor movement. After a prolonged period of relative ectady local, voted to reject. The settlement was so bad quiescence in the v,rake of the McCarthy witchhunt, that even as conservative a business union as the which beheaded the labor movement by purging from its Machinists felt compelled to keep their GE plants out ranks the most active militants as well as all known despite scant hope of victory. radicals, a period of heightened struggle has begun. As After defending the GE settlement, Parry went 011 is often the case, the most evident signs of this renewed to defend union leaderships against charges of antag upsurge are manifestations of fi'iction and fragmenta onism to the rank and file. What was involved was not a tion at the top. The split within the union bureaucracy, defense of the principle of leadership against anarcho reflecting the deep split in the ruling class itself over the libertarian gripes, but a positive and specific endorse Viet Nam war, is entirely limited to bureancratic jockey ment of a substantial section of the existing trade union ing for position, but such a schism provides opportuni bureancl'Clcies. Singled out for praise were Jerry Wurf ties for radicals within the labor movement. (AFSCME). Leonard Woodcock (UAW) and Harry Inevitably, those within the union movement who fear Bridges (lLWU). Parry's only attempt to provide po the burgeoning mood of dissent among the ranks will litical justification for this disgusting display was the get "out of hand" are moving quickly to keep it within inane argument that union leaders organize c1ass "respectable" bounds. The Communist Party, despite its struggle actions such as strikes. Any moderately militant exposure as arch-betrayer of militant struggles during rank and file worker knows that these bureaucrats dis World War II and the organizational beating it took turb their comfortable coexistence with anti-strike poli during the witchhunt, still has a trade union residue and ticians only when fot'ced to do so by their memberships. is in the best position to take immediate advantage of Moreover, the "liberal" union machines are by no means any increased room to maneuver within the labor move necessarily the most aggressive even in purely "business ment. The CP now prepares itself to play the same role ullion" terms. By his own logic, Parry should prefer the it has played in the anti-war movement: to tie the mili reactionary head of New York's Central Labor Council, tant upsurge to liberalism. Harry Van Arsdale, who called a number of strikes when organizing New York's taxi drivers, to the CP's . CP "Rank and File" Conference darling Bridges, who hasn't called a strike in 35 years! In June 1970 the CP organized a trade union con The conference reaffirmed the policy which the CP ference of some 800 delegates. The conference had a pursued throughout the history of the CIO: to act as thoroughly respectable air, featuring many union offi the loyal "left" supporters for "progressive" union bu cials and mayor-elect Gibson of Newark. It was remark reaucrats and liberal bourgeois politicians. It ii'l pre ably low-key, little more than a passive adaptation to the cisely this policy of seeking to build workers' confIdence widely felt need for a left labor grouping to counter the in their "progressive" enemies that facilitated the developing Meany-Nixon combine. A major aspect was purges of the labor movement when the political climate defense of "progressive" union bureaucrats against at turned reactionary. The CP tried to protect itself by tacks by both radical groups and rank and file militants. adopting a fawning attitude to the CIO leadership, In particular need of such defense were the "liberal" first Lewis and then Murray. To this end, they carefully Jennings leadership of the IUE and the old-time Stalin avoided supporting any internal opposition in the coal ist Matles-Fitzgerald leadership of the UE. Thus Will miners' or steelworkers' unions, just as today the CP Parry, Secretary-Treasurer of the Association of West defends the sellout GE settlement and refuses to con 'ern Pulp and Paper Workers, devoted much of his demn the repression of Black caucuses in the UA W so keynote speech to an empassioned defense of the GE as not to antagonize the Jennings and Woodcock leader strike settlement. ships. Let's look at the settlement. UE President Fitzgerald Such opportunist tactics simply do not work. When stated that the GE workers had lost 30c an hour during the Cold War pressure got to Murray he announced, the previous contract due to inflation. The strike settle "there is no room for Communism in the CIO," to which ment called for a 53c an hour increase over 40 months the CP could only piteously reply, "Where is the Philip (longer than the standard 3 years). To top this off, the Murray Ice knew?" The CP's disastrous policy of ca cost-of-living escalator had a 21c an hour cap. Even pitulation thus prepared the way not ouly for its own with moderate inflation, the GE workers will be lucky if (Continued Next Page) 2- SPARTACIST .. LABOR' leading advocates of anti-working-class wag'e-price controls. Some, such as destruction but for the purge of all mil Victor Gotbaum, head of New York's itants and radicals from the labor State, County and Municipal Employ SPARTACJST movement. ees' union, are seeking to strengthen An Organ of The CP trade union conference clear their image as "progressive," "demo Revolutionary Marxism ly indicated the CP's continued refusal cratic" union leaders and garner mid EDITORS: David Cunningham; to break with the two capitalist parties. dle-class liberal support to fortify their Managing, Elizabeth Gordon; Against the demand for a political position within the labor movement. West Coast, Mark King; party of labor, the conference repeated Throughout the history of American Southern, Leon Day; the ancient Gompers axiom of reward labor, bureaucrats such as Hillman and New England, George Foster. ing one's friends and punishing one's Reuther have sought to draw attention BUSINESS MANAGER: Elaine West. enemies. The Democratic Party "friend away from their rotten record in fight of labor" myth, eagerly perpetuated by ing for their own members by project Subscription: $1 for ten issues. Bundle rates for 10 or more copies. Main address: the CP, is a fraud. All bourgeois poli ing a liberal humanitarian posture. Box 1377, G.P.O., New York, N.Y. 10001. ticians, whatever verbal concessions Thus David Livingston's Distributive Telephone: WA ~·2426. Western address: they make to secure union endorse Workers' union has recently shifted its Box 852, B!!rkeley, Calif. 94701. Tele· ments and union members' votes, op attention away from the difficult job of phone: 626·{j505. Southern address: Box pose the expansion of labor's power. organizing the mass of poorly-paid 8165, U.T. Sta., Austin, Texas 78712. Tele· The true sentiments of that classic workers in light manufacturing, retail phone: 478·3565. New England address: "friends of labor," F-ranklin Roosevelt, and wholesale in favor of organizing Box 188, M.I.T. Sta., Cambridge, Mass. were revealed during the decisive Little campus employees on the basis of a 02139. Telephone: 891·6678. Steel strikes in 1937, when he said "a liberal anti-war, social do-goodism Published by the Central Committee of curse on both your houses"-this after stance. the Spartaeist League. Opinions ex· Republic Steel had murdered 13 picket pressed in signed articles 'do not neces· In good part, the development of sarily represent an editorial viewpoint. ing workers! Similarly, for all their anti-war activism among sections of the .... 98 talk, not a single major liberal poli union bureaucracy is an attempt to tician-not one-condemned Nixon's use undercut opposition within their own Number 19 Nov.-Dec. 1970 of troops to break last year's postal unions, especially unions like Living wildcat. ston's Distributive Workers' union and Representatives of the Spartacist Leon Davis' Hospital Workers' union more obvious. Anti-war union activists League at the conference opposed the which contain many Black and Spanish should launch agitational campaigns to disastrous policy of allying with the speaking workers, many of whom are have their union call a one-day strike liberal wing of the bourgeoisie and sharply critical of the Viet Nam war. in conjunction with the next national their "labor lieutenants." Along with One of the most important aims of protest. The inevitable opposition from other militants, they put forward an the anti-war bureaucrats, welcomed by even the most "progressive" bureau oppositional proposal (see SPART ACIST the anti-war movement's established crats to mobilizing the real power of #17-18). Appropriately, the left oppo leadership, is to bring anti-war radicals the working class against the war will sition at the conference was handled in back to the liberal wing' of the Demo expose them and convince many work much the same manner that the CP's cratic Party by implying that liberal ers that all sections of the existing friends in labor officialdom handle their politicians represent the oppressed labor bureaucracy must be thrown out.

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