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THE LABOUR LEFT PATRICK SEYD Ph. D

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THE LABOUR LEFT PATRICK SEYD Ph. D THE LABOUR LEFT PATRICK SEYD Ph. D. DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL THEORY AND INSTITUTIONS Vol-- SUBMITTED JUNE 1986 -252- CHAPTER SIX DEMOCRACY IN THE PARTY(2): The Rank and File Mobilising Committee and electing the Party leadership Two days after the decision, at the 1979 Party conference to introduce reselection CLPD issued a newsletter to conference delegates entitled 'The Fight for Democracy Must Go On' in which it stated that "the rank and file must organise to defend, secure and advance the gains already achieved".(1) It's first object was to defend the new reselection procedures from a Right wing counter attack but it also intended to advance the constitutional reforms by removing the PLP's sole right to elect the Party Leader and by establishing the NEC's right to have final responsibility for the Party's election manifesto. We have already examined in the previous chapter the campaign to introduce automatic reselection procedures and we now consider the campaign to advance the Party reforms in these other areas. This campaign to further extend the accountability of the parliamentarians to the Party activists resulted in a single, organised Labour Left grouping which brought together as an alliance a wide range of groups which had previously developed their own strategies and had sometimes been in open conflict. -253- The Rank and File Mobilising Committee In May 1980 the Rank and File Mobilising Committee (hereafter RFMC) was established to defend the constitutional reforms agreed by the 1979 Party conference and to campaign for additional Party reforms. The Left feared that the Party leadership, in alliance with certain trade union leaders, and encouraged by the majority of political commentators, would deflect and defeat the demands for constitutional reform. The Right's hopes that Party reform could be halted and reversed were concentrated on a Commission of Enquiry which was established by the NEC in September 1979 in response to demands from the committee of Trade Unions for a Labour Victory (hereafter TULV) to institute as a matter or urgency, an inquiry into the structure, organisation, finances and internal democracy of the Labour Party at all levels and relations with affiliated organisations and other party interests.(2) TULV had emerged in 1979 from a group of senior trade union officials who had provided funds for the Labour Party's move to new offices in Walworth Road and had then co-ordinated trade union assistance to the Labour Party during the General Election campaign. Both Left and Right were represented on TULV's ten-member committee.(3) They made it clear that they had no desire to become an organisation attempting to influence Labour Party policy(4) but the fact that a senior right wing trade unionist, David Basnett, was the moving force in TULV's -254- activities and that TULV had suggested to the NEC that all motions on the 1979 Party conference agenda dealing with organisational and constitutional matters should not be debated but referred to this new Commission was seen by the Left as a subtle means of delaying the implementation of reselection whilst opposition to this and other reform proposals could be effectively co-ordinated. The terms of reference and membership of the Commission of Enquiry were almost identical with TULV's recommendations to the NEC. The only amendment made by the NEC was a significant addition to the terms of reference. The NEC added to bring forward proposals to ensure that the Party is open, democratic and accountable at all levels; and to ensure that all levels of the party leadership, and all aspects of the work of the party, are fully accountable and responsive to the wishes of the membership.(5) A bitter argument occurred over the composition and membership of the Commission with the PLP demanding equal representation with the trade unions and the NEC. This demand was rejected by the NEC and the membership of the Commission comprised five trade union representatives, six NEC representatives, and the Leader and Deputy Leader of the PLP.(6) The NEC's only concession to the PLP was to invite the Chief Whip (Michael Cocks) to sit on the Commission as an observer. It was in response to the existence of this Committee of Enquiry that the RFMC was established after initial moves made by the Socialist Campaign for a Labour -255- Victory(7) to the Campaign for Labour Party Democracy which were then taken up and extended to include five other organisations - the Labour Co-ordinating Committee,(8) Independent Labour Publications,(9) the Institute for Workers' Control,(10) the National organisation of Labour Students,(11) and the Clause Four Group.(12) Another four groups consequently joined the alliance - the Militant Group,(13) the Labour Party Young Socialists,(14) the Labour Action for Peace,(15) and the Socialist Educational Association.(16) Revolutionary and non-revolutionary Left were united on five specific constitutional objectives(17) and this alliance lasted over a period of twelve months. Disagreements over tactics led to the withdrawal of Independent Labour Publications,(18) and it is significant that the Tribune Group refused to affiliate and become part of an extra- parliamentary organisation. CLPD continued to provide the tactical and organisational skills in the alliance but the Left now had a larger organisational and financial base from which to mount an extensive campaign for constitutional reform. Each organisation associated with the RFMC was represented on the organising committee but it was CLPD and the Socialist Campaign for a Labour Victory, later to become the Socialist Organiser Alliance, which provided the direction and organisational drive for the campaign. John Bloxam, from Socialist Organiser was the campaign organiser and Jon Lansman, a recent recruit to CLPD, became its secretary. Prior to the 1980 Party conference -256- the RFMC organised twenty country-wide rallies to win support for the Left's reform proposals. It successfully provided the tactical drive and organisation in the face of opposition from both the Right and parts of the parliamentary Left, to secure the adoption of new procedures for electing the Party leadership, and it then went on to provide the main base for the campaign to elect Tony Benn as the Party's Deputy Leader. The RFMC was a remarkable organisation in the history of the Labour Left. For a period the Labour Left was united around one issue (limiting the powers of Labour parliamentarians) and the multitude of organisations operated together as a single unit. Its importance can best be ascertained through an examination of the debates and decisions on constitutional reform which took place in the Labour Party. In a previous chapter we have outlined some of the tensions which developed between the NEC and Labour Government between 1975 and 1979. The NEC's response to these tensions was to concentrate its activities and thinking towards devising the programme for a future Labour Government and so the election manifesto became of considerable importance both as a means of winning electoral support and as a means of investing with authority proposals which civil servants and Ministers alike would then find more difficult to abandon. Responsibility for the election manifesto The formal powers over the Party's election -257- manifesto are outlined in Clause V of the Party Constitution which deals with the Party Programme. It stipulates: 1. The Party Conference shall decide from time to time what specific proposals of legislative, financial or administrative reform shall be included in the Party Programme. No proposal shall be included in the Party Programme unless it has been adopted by the Party Conference by a majority of not less than two-thirds of the votes recorded on a card vote. 2. The National Executive Committee and the Parliamentary Committee of the Parliamentary Labour Party shall decide which items from the Party Programme shall be included in the Manifesto which shall be issued by the National Executive Committee prior to every General Election. The Joint Meeting of the two Committees shall also define the attitude of the Party to the principal issues raised by the Election which are not covered by the Manifesto. A considerable number of ambiguities are contained within these clauses: for example, the Parliamentary Committee only exists when Labour is in Opposition; the circumstances in which a meeting is necessary to define the Party's attitude on a principle issue during an election campaign are not defined; and, there is no clarification of the status of statements and -258- resolutions passed at annual conferences on a show of hands. But these ambiguities tended to be of secondary importance in the debate over the responsibility for the Party Manifesto which developed after the 1979 General Election. The crucial question became the respective powers of the NEC, the Labour Leader and the Cabinet/Shadow Cabinet in drawing up the manifesto. In 1976 the NEC presented to the Party conference Labour's Programme for Britain which was intended to be the basis for a future election manifesto. Subsequent Party conferences approved a range of statements from the NEC and Liaison Committee elaborating and extending this programme and, furthermore, a resolution was passed with the requisite two-thirds majority to abolish the House of Lords.(19) The Head of the Party's Research Department has outlined(20) the means by which the Party, in collaboration with the Government, prepared to translate these policy commitments into a draft election manifesto in order that the Party was well-prepared for any future general election. Eight NEC-Cabinet working groups were established during 1977-1978 and then during the first three months of 1979 an NEC-Cabinet group met on eleven occasions to consider a NEC draft manifesto which incorporated the proposals of the working groups and the NEC's sub-committees.
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