Squatters are usually portrayed as worthless scroungers hell-bent on disrupting society. Here at last is the inside story of the 250,000 people from all walks of life who have squatted in Britain over the past 12 years.

The country is riddled with empty houses and there are thousands of homeless people. When squatters logically put the two together the result can be electrifying, amazing and occasionally disastrous.

SQUATTING the real story is a unique and diverse account the real story of squatting. Written and produced by squatters, it covers all aspects of the subject: • The history of squatting • Famous squats • The politics of squatting • Squatting as a cultural challenge • The facts behind the myths • Squatting around the world and much, much more.

Contains over 500 photographs plus illustrations, cartoons, poems, songs and 4 pages of posters and murals in colour.

Squatting: a revolutionary force or just a bunch of hooligans doing their own thing? Read this book for the real story.

Paperback £4.90 ISBN 0 9507259 1 9 Hardback £11.50 ISBN 0 9507259 0 0 i

Electronic version (not revised or updated) of original 1980 edition in portable document format (pdf), 2005

Produced and distributed by Nick Wates Associates Community planning specialists 7 Tackleway Hastings TN34 3DE United Kingdom

Tel: +44 (0)1424 447888 Fax: +44 (0)1424 441514 Email: [email protected] Web: www.nickwates.co.uk

Digital layout by Mae Wates and Graphic Ideas the real story

First published in December 1980 written by Nick Anning by Bay Leaf Books, PO Box 107, London E14 7HW Celia Brown Set in Century by Pat Sampson Piers Corbyn Andrew Friend Cover photo by Union Place Collective Mark Gimson Printed by Blackrose Press, 30 Clerkenwell Close, London EC1R 0AT (tel: 01 251 3043) Andrew Ingham Pat Moan Cover & colour printing by Morning Litho Printers Ltd. (T.U) Tel: 01 474 3801 Tom Osborn Camerawork by Lithoprint (TU) (tel: 01 359 8288) and Spiderweb (tel: 01 794 6575) Ann Pettitt Steve Platt Trade distribution by Southern Distribution, 27 Clerkenwell Close, London EC1R 0AT Jill Simpson (tel: 01 251 4976) and Scottish & Northern Books, 45/7 Niddry Street, Edinburgh EH1 ColinWard 1LG (tel: 031 557 0133) (Scottish Office), or 18 Granby Row, Manchester M1 3GE (tel: 061 David Watkinson 228 3903) (Northern Office) Heathcote Williams Tristan Wood Individual copies may be obtained from the publisher (allow £1 per copy for postage and packing) designed by Caroline Lwin © Copyright for chapters retained by individual autors. Copyright for compilation and editorial material Nick Wates. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be illustrated by Andy Milburn reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher except for the quotation of brief passages in criticism. edited by Nick Wates and Christian Wolmar ISBN: 0 9507259 0 0 (hardback) 0 9507259 1 9 (paperback) compiled by Nick Wates Contents Some history The law Squatting around the world Squatting in Britain before 1968. The effect of the law on squatters It’s not just Britain – looking further afield.

8The early squatters 104 14 The erosion of squatters rights 158 20 Everybody’s doing it 206 1 Introducing squatting 1 by Colin Ward by David Watkinson by Mark Gimson by Nick Wates Squatting from the Middle Ages to the Second World War. Unlawful but not illegal, the Act of 1381, the law tightens Squatting in the Netherlands, Ireland, Denmark, its grip, the Criminal Law Act. Portugal, Italy, Hong Kong and other places. 2The squatters 4 9The post war squatters 110 by Andrew Friend 1945/6: the Vigilante movement, the occupation of service camps, taking over luxury blocks of flats. A chosen way of life The background A decade of squatting More than a roof – squatting can be good for you. The story of squatting in Britain since 1968. by Steve Platt The housing crisis – a brief summary 222 15 Using the space 166 Success on the streets by Andrew Ingham Four successful squatting campaigns Empty property – facts and figures 226 3 Setting the stage 14 Fantasy and romance, self-help repairs, making use of space, The London Squatters campaign, thuggery in Redbridge, the opportunity to experiment. hippies of Piccadilly, licensed squatting. 10 Better than the telly any day 122 Myth and fact – statistics on squatting and squatters 230 by Ann Pettitt 16 Learning to learn 180 4 Here there and everywhere 30 Outwitting a private landlord in London’s East End, by Pat Moan The boom in squatting, opposing property speculators, Myrdle and Parfett Streets. Confessions of a layabout, hippie, anarchist, woman taking over the street, not just for homes, squatting in squatter. style. Notes 234 11 We won, you should fight them too 130 by Piers Corbyn 17 Outpost of a new culture 186 5 Mounting oppostion 48 Bibliography 236 Property owners on the offensive, media myths, anti- Grinding down the Greater London Council in West by Tom Osborn squatting hysteria. London, Elgin Avenue. Squatting communities as an alternative way of life. Index 238 6Fighting back 64 12 Victory Villa 142 18 The squatters estate agency 192 Squatters organise, local squatting groups, campaigning, by Nick Anning and Jill Simpson by Heathcote Williams Advisory Service for Squatters, All London Squatters and Challenging the planners in South London, Villa Road. The inside story of Ruff Tuff Creem Puff, the only the Squatters Action Council. estate agency for squatters. 13 Is there life after squatting? 150 7A whole new ball game 82 by Tristan Wood 19 From skippering to squatting 198 Living with the new law, the London Squatters Union, Winning a permanent home in Central London, Seymour by Celia Brown amnesty for 5,000, co-ops, squatting lives on. Buildings. Squatting as an alternative to hostels and lodging houses. 2 About this book Credits

‘Anarchic 1 SQUATTING the real story grew out of a series of meetings of squatters Criticism and research Keith Armstrong, Ron Bailey,David Bennie, home-hijackers.’ in London starting in November 1977. It was decided to produce a book David Cant, Wojtek Dmowski, Gerrie 3 representative of the diversity of squatters and squatting. Most of the ‘Squatters and homelessness disfigure London. Ellis, Kate Hepburn, Bob Kindred, Mike ‘Squatting should be the movement of ordinary people who worked on the book are current or past squatters but they They are equivalent to shanty towns around a Third Kinghan, Rodney Mace, Mark Phillips, people to challenge the authorities on the whole have not attempted to reach a consensus on the importance, relevance or World city. We will not rest until this disfigurement Sally Phillips, John Rety, Jeremy Wates, issue. It must become the living demonstration politics of squatting. Views expressed are therefore those of the is removed.’ and Brian Winterbottom. that ordinary people will no longer accept the individual authors. intolerable housing shortage. It must become Assistance with layout Ian Denning, Caroline Easton, Alan the threat that will compel government, national This book was made possible by the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation Lenton and Barry Shaw. and local, to change its priorities.’ which provided a grant for information collection and research while 5 generously leaving authors freedom to express their own opinions. The Typing Ines Ferreira, Heather Newham, Moni material collected is now at the Self-Help Housing Resource Library at Sheenan and Sylvia Thorn. the North London Polytechnic (2-16 Eden Grove, London N7, tel: 01-607 2789 x 2065). The Library continues to collect information on squatting Photography Credits are given alongside each photo- 4 ‘Unlike other forms of conquest and self-help housing and would welcome any leaflets, photographs, graph. Special thanks to: Tom Burrows, ‘We find it quite unacceptable that people should that were propelled by the pursuit of glory, newspaper cuttings etc, which readers may have festering unwanted in Mark Edwards, Bruce Fraser, Mike decide to jump the queue and move into houses or trade routes or revunues, squatting is part of a desperate their bottom drawers. Goldwater, Adam Harvey, David Hoffmar flats regardless of the needs of others, which may struggle for shelter and land. Of all the forms Liz Jellinek, Aden Kelly, Anna Kolpy, of course be of far higher priority. This is the law of [unlawful] seizure, squatting is the Strenuous efforts have been made to ensure the accuracy of the Dave McKay, Ray Morris, Paddington of the jungle.’ most condonable.’ information in this book but the authors, editors and publisher cannot be Printshop, Raissa Page, Shirley Read, held responsible for any mistakes that may have unaccountably slipped Report, Seboottee, Martin Slavin, Tony their attention. Any corrections, omissions or complaints should be sent Sleep, Union Place Collective, Dave to the publisher for use in future editions. Walkling, Mike Wigg, William Wise and 6 7 Phil Wolmuth. Addresses of photographer Although this book should be of use to prospective squatters, it is not can be obtained from the Half Moon 8 intended as a do-it-yourself guide to squatting. Anybody needing basic Photography Workshop, 119-121 Roman information on how to go about it is advised to read the current edition of Road, London E2 (tel: 01 980 8798). the Squatters Handbook,available from bookshops or direct from the Advisory Service for Squatters (2 St Pauls Road, London N1, tel: 01 359 Thanks also to the following for helping in a variety of ways: ‘I’m not squatting to publicise the problems of 8814), price 30p plus 15p postage. homeless people – I am homeless. I’m not squatting Nick Albury, Tony Allen, Architectural Press, Elly Berg, Auke Bijlsma, because I think that if enough people do it Millicent Bowerman, Peter Brinson, Sally Brooks, John Cadet, capitalism will collapse – it won’t. I’m squatting Cymdeithas yr laith Gymraeg, Alan Davies, Ted Eagle, Mike Fleetwood, because I can’t afford, on my wages, to pay rent Martin Gaskell, David Gordon, Karen Gregory, Clare Guggenheim, Dina without living pretty close to poverty. In short, and Costis Hadjimichalis, Tom and Jack Heron, Ruth Ingham, Colin there’s nothing revolutionary about my squatting. Jarvis, Bill James, Phil Jeffries, Eric Johnson, Lenthall Road Workshop, 9 That’s not to say, of course, that it can’t be used as Robi Lukesch, Rebekah Lwin, Mike Macrae, Kevin Mannerings, a revolutionary tactic, and that it can’t be a Bernhard Matz, Dave Matzdorf, Terry McCarthey, James Meller, Liz powerful way of showing people the real Millen, National Museum of Labour History, Susan Palmer-Jones, Marian 10 possibilities of a different way of life.’ Pardlington, Jim Paton, Doug Patrick, John Pearson, Peter Polish, Harry Robson, Ian Rodgers, Jeremy Searle, Diana Shelley, Jai Sheppard, Ray Soper, Yvonne Spyrou, David Stranger, Bertha and John Turner, Tom Woolley, Dave Woolfe, and all those who have been mistakenly omitted. ‘Far better to be a people of the wilderness and desert, of the cave and the squatting-place, than to be a people of the machine and the Abyss.’ 1 (for who said what, and when, see p 234)

Aden Kelly 1973 Kelly Aden Introducing squatting by Nick Wates Chapter 1 Adam Harvey 1979 Harvey Adam

Since 1968, over a quarter of a million people in it is being repaired, or when people move house. Focus for organisation Britain have walked into an uninhabited house But a tragic feature of modern Britain is the vast Squatting has provided the homeless and the owned by someone else and proceeded to set up amount of perfectly habitable property that is badly housed with an effective means of pres- home, without seeking permission and without needlessly left unused – much of it for long surising the authorities to improve their living paying rent. By doing so, they have become periods of time. conditions. There are no housing ‘trade unions’ squatters. Some have been thrown out within This glaring contradiction between through which the less privileged can effectively hours. Others have stayed for months, even years, widespread homelessness and abundant empty fight for their interests. The homeless cannot go before being evicted by bailiffs or leaving under property is the basis of squatting. But the link is on strike, and they have only rarely received threat of a court order. A few have managed to not direct, and other factors intervene to adequate support from tenants’ and residents’ establish permanent homes. determine the scale and nature of the squatting associations. In the absence of alternative ways of Most squatting has occurred in old flats and movement. On the one hand, it will depend upon making their voices heard, squatting provides the Ray Morris 1979 Morris Ray houses in the larger towns and cities, but every the extent to which property owners and the homeless with a means of taking the initiative and conceivable type of empty property has been state are prepared to use the police, the courts, with a focus around which to organise politically. squatted — from luxury flats to dilapidated and straightforward harassment, to defend slums, from country cottages to suburban semis, established property rights. On the other hand, Pressure on government

ony Sleep 1979 T from old churches to disused factories. the success of squatting depends upon the ability Squatting has won some concessions from the

igg 1979 igg Squatting is an ancient practice, and has occur- of squatters and other homeless people to authorities. Occasionally, specific campaigns have red at some stage, in different forms, throughout organise effectively and to obtain support from forced councils to house people they had previously

ike W ike the world. Yet the last 12 years in Britain has other sections of the community. refused to help, and to use property which would M seen a spectacular rise in the number of people The current phase of squatting, which began otherwise have remained empty. Generally, who have taken over empty buildings. No longer in 1968, is part of a much wider flourishing of however, the impact of squatting has been less does “squatting” describe the isolated actions of community-based social and political action, fired apparent, but both the threat and reality of numerous individuals. Instead, it has become a by the failure of established political channels squatting have led to a number of reforms.1 social movement of great significance, whose and organisations to express the needs of people • Councils and other property owners have been impact upon housing policy has already been at a local level. Nowhere has this failure been prompted to make better use of their empty considerable, but whose potential has yet, perhaps, more apparent than in the field of housing. property by improving their efficiency or by

to be fully realised. Despite endless election promises, no political handing houses over to organisations capable of Radio Times Hulton 1946 Hulton Times Radio party has succeeded in ending homelessness, or using them.2 Thousands of people have been in reducing the amount of empty property. The housed by councils ‘licensing’ empty short life disillusion that this failure has produced has properties to recognised groups of homeless The causes prompted thousands of people to take the only people. These schemes were introduced only after A lack of adequate housing, combined with the course left open to them – to take direct action in militant squatting campaigns.

Lawrence Feuchtwanger 1975 existence of empty property, is the essential pursuit of the housing they need. • On several occasions, squatting campaigns condition for squatting. The housing shortage have provided the impetus for councils to buy has become a permanent and chronic feature of empty property from private owners, both by British society, and there is every sign that it is The achievements of squatting voluntary agreement and by compulsory purchase.

Mike Wigg 1979 Wigg Mike getting rapidly worse. A home is one of the most • Squatting has led many councils to re-examine important elements in our lives. Bad housing can Thousands housed their housing provision, and to press the Illustrated London News 1946 News London Illustrated ruin both physical and mental health, can place The most obvious achievement of squatting is government for more resources. For instance, unbearable strains on personal relationships, the housing of thousands of people who would many schemes have been established specifically and can disrupt people’s ability to work and to otherwise have been homeless. Tens of thousands for single people whose housing needs have been earn a living. Yet millions of people in this more, living in overcrowded or slum conditions persistently ignored. country are still badly housed or, worse, have have obtained better housing. With between • Central government has been nudged into sen- nowhere they can really call home. 30,000 and 50,000 people squatting at any one ding circulars to councils urging them to make bet- There will always be times when property has time, the amount of housing brought into use is ter use of their empty property, and while councils to be empty for short periods; when, for example, equivalent to a town the size of Folkestone. have mostly ignored the circulars, thousands of

1 empty properties have been brought into use. independence, experimentation and creativity. Cohesive communities Squatting attacked squatted houses. Publicity campaigns have been makes it difficult to organise. While political • It was in response to squatting that a Private Squatters are not plagued with landlords, council Where considerable amounts of property are left Of course, squatting has not been viewed in this waged to discredit squatters, with accusations groups may plan specific actions to achieve Members’ Bill was tabled in Parliament in 1976 to housing officers, planners or mortgage companies empty in the same area, squatting communities positive light by those in power. Instead it has that they jump waiting lists, smash up houses, specific goals, they can never control squatting in allow the requisitioning of private property left breathing down their necks, and many people have sometimes developed. Racial and other been seen as a threat to ‘law and order’ and the hold up development programmes and cost general. There will always be people who will empty for more than six months. Although the have taken advantage of this to experiment with minorities have chosen to live together in order democratic process, and above all to the sacred councils money. Once again, surveys have shown squat in a different way, using different tactics to proposal was defeated, the Labour Government alternative ways of living. to maintain cultural traditions, and sometimes to rights of private property. the reality to be completely different but the achieve different ends. embarked on a policy of encouraging councils to Many squatters live communally, sharing the defend themselves against racial attacks. Other Ironically, isolated squatters do not in practice accusations have served as a convenient At the same time, the actions of one group of purchase property which had been neglected or facilities that are available to them. This is often areas have attracted people who wish to experiment pose a serious threat to private property rights, smokescreen to hide some of the failings of squatters inevitably affects the prospects of left empty by its owners.3 (In the event the policy forced upon them by circumstance, but after a with new forms of community life. Some such since they can easily be evicted through the councils’ housing programmes. Many councils others. Much squatting has been undertaken by was short-lived due to public expenditure cuts.) while many people have found that they enjoy communities have been chaotic and oppressive, courts. But as a movement, squatting subverts evict squatters long before buildings are needed, individuals acting in isolation. But this has only • Pressure from squatting also helped to put the the absence of the traditional, tightly-knit family and have failed to cope with the problems of the authority of owners and administrators, and on occasion using hired thugs to carry out their been possible because of the collective strength of Housing (Homeless Persons) Act on the Statute group. Apart from the economic benefits of anti-social behaviour. Others, held together by a there is always the possibility of the movement work illegally. Little attempt has been made to the movement as a whole, which has established book in 1977. The Act places a legal obligation on sharing accommodation, communal living common struggle against the property owners escalating, and even extending the principles of understand the positive aspects of squatting, and the legal and political framework within which councils to house certain groups of people, such provides companionship and support. have created co-operative environments with direct action into other fields. councils’ responses have been almost totally squatting, in all its variety of forms, has as families and the elderly. Single people, couples, families, gays, old people rare quakes of cohesion and enthusiasm. Squatting has therefore been attacked from negative. developed. • Squatting was partly responsible for the — all have shared together in squats. Few of them Different forms of community ‘self control’ have many sides. • Successive governments have advised councils Both the uncontrollable diversity and the renewed enthusiasm, particularly by the 1974 would have had the chance to live this way were it evolved, and a variety of alternative ‘welfare • Private property owners have consistently on how best to ‘contain’ squatting and have interdependence of squatting must be understood Labour Government, for housing co-operatives. not for squatting. Little shared accommodation is services’ have been spawned: crèches, food co-ops, lobbied for tougher measures against squatters, introduced anti-squatting legislation. Legal if some of the mistakes and confusions of the Squatters have been in the forefront of the recent provided by councils, housing associations or the community workshops, claimants unions, therapy and they have enjoyed the almost unanimous restraints have been progressively strengthened, past are to be avoided in the future. movement for co-operative housing, with at least private sector, and that which is available too groups. Such communities have often provided backing of the media. At times, it is true, the culminating in 1977 with the Criminal Law Act 50 groups of squatters forming themselves into often fails because of rigid and centralised mana- supportive environments for people with physical spread of squatting has been accelerated by which, while not making squatting illegal, does Future prospects permanent co-operatives.4 gement systems. Shared living in squats, on the or mental disabilities, or people who simply feel publicity, and certain campaigns have benefited make it slightly more difficult. The present Tory government intends to cut other hand, has often proved more successful inadequate, many of whom might otherwise have immensely from sympathetic coverage. But the housing expenditure by half between 1980 and Challenging the planners because of the combination of self-management, found themselves in institutions. political stance of newspaper owners, combined The need for organisation 1984, and has no plans to curb the amount of The impact of squatting has not been limited to self-selection and the freedom of the inhabitants with the commercial need for sensation, has led Common needs and common enemies mean that property left empty. So an increasing number of the field of housing. Planners, too, have been to physically adapt buildings. Control from below the media largely to ignore the causes and the squatters have to organise themselves and gain people will have no better option than to squat obliged to take account of squatters’ demands. So as well as spotlighting the shortage of housing, benefits of squatting. Instead, squatters have support from others if they want to do more than empty property to get a home. Indeed, after a Squatting has proved an effective way to challenge Base for projects Squatting challenges the nature of what housing been attacked at times with almost religious obtain temporary crash-pads. decline in squatting at the end of the seventies property speculation, bureaucratic incompetence, People have used the free space provided by is available and shows that there are alternatives. fervour. They have been accused of every The vast majority of squatters do not see their due to the concessions granted to squatters and to public spending cuts and planning megalomania. squatted buildings to develop a variety of projects In particular it demonstrates the desperate need conceivable evil, from having lice to being actions in political terms, their sole aim being to uncertainty about the Criminal Law Act, by 1980 By moving into areas scheduled for demolition, which could not have supported market rents. for more devolution of power at every level in the workshy. Lies, deceit, half-truths, fabrications, provide themselves with somewhere to live. They squatting was already on the increase again. squatters have frequently brought new life and Radical magazines, political organisations, and housing system. The difference between how people even infiltration with journalists posing as often have no contact with other squatters, hide But as this book goes to press (Autumn 1980) heart to declining and demoralised communities, women’s centres have all found a base in squats, live when they have a measure of choice and how homeless people — every trick in the armoury of their status for fear of hostile reactions from the organisational level of the squatting enabling them effectively to oppose councils and and squatting has provided a seed-bed for small they are forced to live when everything is adminis- the popular press has been brought to bear neighbours, and are usually evicted after a short movement has reached a low ebb. If the new developers. And, by their willingness to defend enterprises such as craft workshops, print shops tered from above is astonishing; squatting clearly against the hapless squatter. A popular stay only to squat somewhere else. But some wave of squatting is to be more than simply the potentially usable buildings from behind and bakeries. Vacant land has been squatted to shows that people’s satisfaction with their environ- mythology has thus been created that all squatters have organised themselves, and at a multiplication of isolated occupations, then barricades, squatters have been able to force owners create city farms and gardens; a whole host of soci- ment has as much to do with their control over that squatters are parasitic deviants who steal local level have often been extremely successful squatters must reorganise: they must learn from to alter demolition plans or face the possibility of ally useful, but commercially unviable, enterprises environment as with the rigid physical standards people’s houses and constitute a threat to in protecting their interests. the experience of the past, and must develop violent confrontation and consequent bad publicity. have flourished as a result of squatting. that administrators seek to impose. Some squatters everything decent in society. Surveys5 have On a wider level, the movement has been means to provide collectively the legal, financial have been demanding not simply that the state consistently shown that these images are totally politically fragmented. Libertarians, anarchists, and other essential back-up services. Publicity Freedom to build should provide housing but that the state should false, but they are sufficiently widely accepted to marxists, liberals, trotskyists, socialists, Equally important will be the ability of squat- Squatting has, on occasion, proved extremely Squatters have to do their own repairs and main- provide the resources for people to house themselves. encourage much hostility towards squatters. communists, social democrats and ters to obtain wider support for their actions; from effective simply as a means of publicising the tenance. Virtually derelict buildings have been The experience of collective action, mutual aid, • Public authorities and politicians of all major conservationists — including prominent tenants and residents associations, community issues surrounding empty property and homeless- renovated by people with no previous experience campaigning, repairing houses and communal political parties have always attacked squatting, members of the Labour, Liberal and (on one groups, trade unions, political parties and the ness. If carefully planned and organised, the and few resources. Learning basic building skills living has had a lasting effect on many people. seeing it as a ‘problem’ to be stamped out, rather occasion) Conservative parties — have all taken general public. If the experience, energy and creat- occupation of an empty building, even for a few has enabled people to go beyond choosing While some remember their days as squatters as a than as a symptom of the housing crisis. While up squatting.6 Each has seen it as a tool for ivity of the squatting movement can be linked up hours, can gain wide and useful publicity. wallpaper and making curtains in creating their nightmare of discomfort, insecurity and fear, many sometimes tolerating it for pragmatic reasons, change, but change in very different directions. with the strength of all the millions of others homes. Despite the insecurity, some squatters others recall the excitement, humour, sense of councils have consistently tried to discourage Despite this broad spectrum of support, no who need to see housing put back at the top of Choosing how to live have undertaken imaginative low-cost conversions liberation and the comradeship of squatting. Some squatting. Houses have been boarded up, gutted political party has taken a consistent interest in the political agenda, then ‘decent housing for all’ Some people have found that, as well as to adapt buildings to their needs, a form of ‘user- have become politically active, some have changed or even demolished to prevent people using squatting. Even those on the left have largely might come a little nearer to being a reality. providing a roof over their head, squatting is control’ that is normally only available to wealthy their lifestyle, and some have gained the ability to them. Service authorities have been instructed, ignored it. The explanation lies in the rapidly Next time you pass a boarded up house, think able to satisfy their needs for self-determination, owner occupiers. tackle problems which previously seemed insoluble. to disconnect gas, water and electricity from changing and volatile nature of squatting, which about it. •

2 3 The Squatters Chapter 2 Shelter Picture Library 1974 Who are the squatters? Why do people squat? The quotes1 on the following pages provide some answers. They are all from squatters or people intending to squat. The photographs are all of squatters. (More details and statistics on squatters can be found on page 230.)

‘I am a squatter. [The house] had been empty a long time, and I had nowhere to go. Now it seems that a person wants to purchase it for a holiday home and of course they keep pestering me to get out, but I have nowhere to go. I have tried everywhere to find accommodation without success.’ (Fakenham, Norfolk, September 1976)

‘I was in a flat and it was unbearable and I applied for a transfer. Every time I went out I was having windows broken and my meter robbed. I asked the council if I could have the house next door

to my mother in Hyde. Even my MP requested a transfer for me and they had a medical certificate Adam Harvey 1978 from my doctor as I was under severe nervous strain. But they said I would have to stay there for another four years. I could not anyway stay there any longer. My children and myself were just victimised beyond endurance so I have squatted.’ (Hyde, Cheshire, November 1977)

‘At the moment we live in a one room flatlet. We are my husband, myself and daughter (3 months old). We have been given notice to quit and can’t just sit back and let it happen. I must do something. We have tried all sorts of rented accommodation, but with a child nobody wants to know. Even when we go down to the council, all they say is they can’t do anything until we are evicted. Somehow I don’t think I could face that.’ (Bournemouth Dorset, August 1975)

‘I have been on Manchester Council’s housing list for 12 months awaiting one bedroom accommodation. I live with my aunt and my 69 year old grandmother who I have to share a bedroom with. My gran is bedridden with chronic bronchitis and emphysema. My aunt and I do not get on and due to this I have been in hospital twice with overdoses. My aunt has given me notice to quit but I have nowhere to go so I have thought of squatting.’ (Manchester, April 1977)

‘Landlords don’t like seamen. Squatting’s the only possible thing for a seaman. You don’t want to pay rent when you’re away eight or ten months of the year. I don’t earn enough to be able to afford bed- and-breakfast or hostels and in the seamen’s mission you can’t bring your girl friend in. There’s no freedom. I like squatting as well. If makes me feel a lot freer. It s the same as having a place of your own.’ (London, 1975)

‘We applied for a council house in July 1974 when we were in apartments with a young man and his wife and child. Then while my wife was in hospital having our baby, I went to court for a minor offence and was given a six month prison sentence. The couple we were living with then told my wife we could no longer live there. My mother-in-law took my wife and baby in but they were back and opix 1977 4 T forward to the welfare for help to find accommodation as they knew they had no room to put the three of us up when I came home. I also had prison welfare people trying to help, pleading with the council, but we had no satisfaction. ‘When I was discharged in April my wife’s friend and her husband said we could stay there for a few weeks until we could find somewhere else. Then the council said that they didn’t allow sub-tenants

and if we didn’t get out then they would evict the others. We then bought a caravan and from May up Adam Harvey 1978 until a few weeks ago we lived in there. We had it parked on a piece of spare council land with a garage a few hundred yards down the road where we got our water and used their toilet facilities. Then the other week the council started harassing us saying they wanted the ground to build on. They then issued us with a letter to quit the site in seven days and they also said not to put the caravan on any other council property. All the caravan parks are full and have waiting lists of up to three years. So we had nowhere to go – so we moved out of the caravan into this house [a squat].’ (Blackwood, Gwent, Wales, November 1975)

‘What is the law concerning 15 year old squatters who don’t get on with their parents very well, so they can’t live at home? You see, I don’t think I can stand being at home much longer. PS Don’t write Daily Telegraph or phone my parents.’ (Petersfield, Hampshire, March 1976)

‘The council said we’d have to wait eight or nine years, so we put our names on the New Towns list instead. If they ask us to go to halfway accommodation we won’t go. My husband was in that when he was young and caught diseases and really hated it.’ (London, 1975)

‘I have taken the course to squat as I have no other alternative; as we are living in appalling conditions, and it is taking it’s toll on my wife and small son. I am frightened of losing them.’ Adam Harvey 1978 (Watford, Hertfordshire, January 1976)

I am in hospital at the moment due to having nowhere else to go. It has nearly given me a nervous breakdown. I am 28 years of age and have just come out of prison after serving one year of my sentence but since coming out I can find no flat. I intend to squat in the near future.’ (Sefton General Hospital, Liverpool, April 1976) Adam Harvey 1978

‘The council gave me a letter to take to a hotel in Muswell Hill. They showed me a single room and Time Out 1973 said there were no facilities for children. They told us we would have to be out for four or five hours each day. I said to Brian it would just be awful. We moved into a squat instead.’ (London, 1975)

I leave jail [soon] and am homeless. I have a council owned place in mind [to squat] but wish to keep within the law as I have been in prison for two years. Any short stay place would be beyond my means as I will only have a jail discharge grant.’ (Her Majesty’s Prison, Wotton-under-edge, Gloucester, March 1979)

I moved to Hebden Bridge in December 1972 having then been homeless for 2 months after [the] previous landlord had evicted us — myself and 5-year-old son — in order to sell the house in which we had lived for 4 years, to be converted into offices. Travelling around looking for a home we passed through Hebden Bridge, liked it, found a house and lived here through 1973. ‘Then we reluctantly moved away to find work and rented a farmhouse in a small Norfolk village. The landlord got planning permission to demolish the house and build 6 bungalows on the land. I then went to the West Norfolk Housing Department and Social Services, who flatly refused to help, saying that they have no statutory obligation to rehouse the homeless, and that I hadn’t lived in West ohn Ter Marsch 1979 Marsch Ter ohn J Raissa Page 1978 Raissa Page Norfolk for 5 years — their waiting list qualification period. Meanwhile we slept in a garage just over

6 7 the Cambridgeshire border. There was nowhere to rent in East Anglia. Then I returned to Hebden Bridge hoping to find a house to rent, but the housing situation was far worse than in 1973.’ (Hebden Bridge, Yorkshire, 1976) Lie of Land

Adam Harvey 1978 ‘It was always one room; I’ve never been lucky enough to find a flat. Landladies prefer students to working men. Single people have no chance of getting accommodation. I’m definitely not going into a hostel’. (London, 1975)

‘It started off because I couldn’t get anything else, now it would be because you’re not inhibited. It should be possible for me to do what I want to do in my own environment. I don’t see what the council would have to offer.’ (London, 1975)

‘My brother-in-law [John] went to see the landlord of a house which has been standing empty for 18 months and asked him if he could rent it off him. This man was rude to John and said he had no intention of letting his house and told John to clear off. This was the straw that broke the camel’s back. John and Sally moved into the house. They have been there now for two weeks, but the landlord hasn’t found out yet. They have no furniture, light or heat and they sleep in sleeping bags. We are terrified about what might happen to them.’ (Leicester, October 1976)

‘After ten years in bedsits I needed to stretch my legs. I lived in a van for about three weeks, part of that time I spent in Manchester and Sheffield looking for cheaper housing. By the end of October it was getting very cold in the van. It was uncomfortable and was broken into, and I heard of this place having empty rooms.’ (London, 1975)

‘My wife and I were told by the housing manager that we were to play bat and ball with the Council. If we could find a place to live, and send our rehousing form in, he would, or might, be able to help us get council accommodation. Ray 1978 Ray ‘We couldn’t find private accommodation, so we decided to squat in empty council property. We had 18 points [on the waiting list] before we decided to squat, now it seems we have none. Many times I have gone to the Council and asked them “What is homeless?”; they reply “A married couple with a child.”’ (St Albans, Hertfordshire, undated)

‘I am living with my common law wife, one of her children and one of my own. My wife is also three Dave Walking 1979 Walking Dave Mike Goldwater 1979 Mike Goldwater months pregnant. We were living with my wife’s brother and sister in law, but it got so as we were all getting on each other’s nerves and all on edge. We just had to leave there and squat.’ (Liverpool, September 1976)

I had great problems paying the rent. I had been paying a third of my income, but I lost my job and then all my income went in rent. I stopped paying and I was evicted. It was a really shitty life style. It didn’t satisfy my requirements. Paying a tolerable rent meant having just no space.’ (London, 1975)

‘In the summer of 1971, I was living in my own house in Moss side, Manchester. The house was purchased from me by the Manchester City Council under a CPO and I received £25 for a 3-bedroom and bathroom terraced house. ony Sleep 1979 ony Sleep 1978 T T Dave Hoffman 1977 Dave 1979 Ray 1978 Walking Dave ‘In January of the next year, three demolition workmen came to evict my family and myself on the

8 9 grounds that we were squatting. Despite our protestations they commenced to remove the roof. ‘Eventually we were rehoused on the 16th floor of a recently built block. The conditions were, to put it bluntly, awful. Two lifts stopping at alternate floors served 160 apartments. It was very rare for both to be working at any one time and quite frequently neither was. We had to leave. ‘We then moved to Hebden Bridge on the advice of some friends who had been living here for some Martin Slavin 1972 Martin Slavin time. Our first home was a rented one-up, one-down and kitchen house which we had to leave because Hoffman 1978 Dave the Council were buying it (same old story). Nothing else was available so we moved into a derelict cottage on the moors. We came to an agreement with the owner and lived there very happily for 18 months. However [the owners] leased the property and again we had to go. ‘We left for Scotland in search of work and a place to live. Work of a transient nature was easily found, but a home did not fall to hand so easily. Eventually, admitting defeat we came back to Hebden Bridge where we at least had friends. No houses were available so here we are squatting.’ (Hebden Bridge, Yorkshire, 1976)

I have been evicted from my council flat for rent arrears and am now homeless. I am single and on social security and as I have no permanent address now they will not pay me my benefit or help me Adam Harvey 1978 1978 Raissa Page find new accommodation. So I will have to find somewhere to squat.’ (Liverpool, February 1979)

‘My wife is divorced and she has four children in voluntary care in Middlesborough. Our situation is that we can’t get a house unless we have the children and we can’t have the children unless we have a house. We both work in or near the town and we cannot get satisfaction from any of the councils we have been in touch with. Therefore we have taken the law into our own hands to get my wife’s children and ourselves together as a family.’ Adam Harvey 1978 (Oldham, Lancashire, undated) Christopher Phollips 1978

‘I wanted to live communally in a large household with kids, and the only way to do that was squatting.’ (London, 1975)

‘We have just squatted a local council property, with the intention of turning it into an action centre, advice centre, craft workshops etc, – much needed in Exeter.’ (Exeter, Devon, October 1976)

ony Sleep 1978 ony Sleep 1979 ‘There are plenty of places to live on a winter-let basis, but come Easter we find ourselves homeless for T T the summer. Understandably, the landlords want to let their flats and cottages to holiday-makers in the summer for ludicrous rents. We are fairly together people who want somewhere to stay where we can grow vegetables, keep a few chickens and raise a few kids.’ (Liskeard, Cornwall, May 1977) ony Sleep T ‘[Squatting] was the only way I saw of getting accommodation I could afford and liked, and there was an element of adventure. I’d have joined the brain drain and gone to South America if I hadn’t squatted. London is a creative city; creative people always live in a bohemian way. Squatting is a bohemian way of life. Anybody interested in community life would extinguish squatting at their peril. I’m a citizen of the oceans, not of any of the suicidal technocracies.’ (London, 1975) Syndication International 1976

‘We are considering moving into a cottage out in the mountains here. It’s been condemned for five years. The owner, who’s an old local farmer, was quite happy for people to stay here until quite recently but the council have started fining him if anyone lives there with his permission. We’re a married couple. If we knew that we’d be able to stay for a few months at least, we’d move in tomorrow as we’re living in a tent at the moment and it’s very damp.’

Mike Goldwater 1978 Mike Goldwater Adam Harvey 1978 (Hay-on-Wye, Wales, October 1976)

11 A decade of squatting The story of squatting in Britain since 1968

by Steve Platt Press Association Press opperfoto 3 Setting the stage P The new squatting wave begins – 1969-1972 4Here there and everywhere The mid-seventies boom in squatting 5 Mounting opposition Property owners and the media attack squatting 6Fighting back Squaters organise nationally and locally to defend their rights 7A whole new ball game Winning concessions and learning ot live with the new law

Time Out

ony Sleep ony T

The Times

Metropolitan Police

12 13 The roots for all to see: direct action obtained changes which Chapter In the late fifties and early sixties, extra- years of pressure through normal democratic Setting the stage 3 Parliamentary political activity was centred on channels had failed to achieve. the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament and the Activists also came together in other housing Committee of 100. The latter openly advocated campaigns during 1967 and 1968 and this enabled The new squatting wave begins – 1969-1972 direct action to further its fight against nuclear a core of militants to accumulate a valuable fund arms and this marked the revival of the use of of contacts and experience before embarking upon direct action in non-industrial settings. At the squatting.The idea of squatting was first raised by same time, numerous sociologists published the homeless and badly-housed families involved research confirming the continued existence of in these campaigns. Squatting was a natural inequality and deprivation. A new generation of extension of direct action into the fight for decent angry young middle-class men and women were housing and conditions were ripe for it to succeed. When I was nine or ten years old I used to go fire to the hopper’s canvas cover.1 appalled by the fact that the poor were still with Homelessness was increasing again, as was the ‘exploring’ with friends around the allotments in In 1972, a man who had lived with his wife in us, and the adequately housed majority were stock of empty houses. Public sympathy, on which Stoke-on-Trent. A never-ending vista of huts and a car parked outside a transport cafe for nine shocked to learn that homelessness and inadequate the success of squatting depends, was firmly on the sheds of all shapes and sizes littered the area. It months appealed to others in a similar situation housing still afflicted millions of people. Aware- side of the homeless. And there was an organised was the early sixties equivalent of an adventure to contact him with a view to organising a lobby ness grew with the publication of reports like the group of people willing to set things in motion. playground. One day we went into one of the of Parliament. Over 730 people living in cars, Milner-Holland survey on London’s housing in larger huts and were amazed to discover that vans and abandoned caravans responded to his 1965, TV shows like ‘Cathy Come Home’ (first this ramshackle building was somebody’s home. request, and there must have been many more in broadcast in 1966) and the formation of Shelter, What had appeared from the outside to be the same position who did not. Bus shelters, a national charity campaigning on housing. nothing more than an oversized store shed shopping arcades, doorways, lift-shafts and The Committee of 100, and the experience

turned out to be a tiny house. Technically the Skelsmerdale & Holland Reporter bridges, among many other inhospitable places, which people acquired during their involvement occupants were squatters since they had no legal have provided thousands of grateful homeless with it, offered new ideas on how to fight this right or licence of abode. Although they probably with shelter and protection from the elements. injustice. It was becoming apparent that direct Rebirth of a squatting movement paid the few shillings weekly rent charged for In addition, there has always been a large but action was a means by which concessions could The London Squatters Campaign was set up by a the allotment, they certainly had no right to unknown number of people for whom there is an be wrung out of a complacent establishment. In a meeting of 15 people at the house of Ron Bailey construct a house on the plot. But lost amidst element of choice in their adoption of an unsettled longer-term perspective, some people thought it on 18 November 1968. Although no written aims that warren of greenhouses, huts and sheds, I mobile lifestyle, as opposed to society’s efforts to might provide a way to build a movement were set down, Bailey later claimed there were doubt if they were troubled until the site was tie them to one place. ‘Tramps’ have slept in challenging the actual structure of society. In unwritten ones. One was simply ‘the rehousing of cleared for a new housing estate. derelict houses for many centuries and gypsies many respects the direct action of the Committee families from hostels or slums by means of There have always been many such squatters; are often forced to squat on empty land whenever of 100 against nuclear armaments was purely squatting’. But it was also hoped that ‘squatting people who probably do not think of themselves they stop moving. There are many individual symbolic, challenging the state at the point on a mass scale’ could be sparked off, that this as squatters and who are certainly not part of any Hoffman David case histories in the following pages. But it has where it could least afford to yield. In contrast would start ‘an all-out attack on the housing movement, but squatters all the same. I recently been the successes and failures of squatting as a the activists of the late sixties began to make authorities with ordinary people taking action came across one such person by accident at the movement which have determined the present more realistic demands and moved into areas for themselves’ and that the campaign would end of an unmade road near Hoddesdon, conditions in which squatting is a real possibility which affected people’s everyday lives. have ‘a radicalising effect on existing movements Hertfordshire, in a large uncultivated field which for tens of thousands of people. If there is a bias The main impetus for the 1968-69 squatting in the housing field’.2 backs onto a small wood. In the shade of the trees in this section towards the actions of organised campaign came from a loosely-knit group of In spite of their laudably ambitious hopes, few there is the shell of a three-ton truck. The chassis squatters, it is only because their stories are of radicals, many of whom had been involved with of the activists would have found it credible had and engine cab are missing and all that remains greater significance for squatters as a whole. the Committee of 100 and the Vietnam Solidarity a visitor from the future told them that their is the metal bodywork. To the undiscerning eye it The widespread postwar squatting movement Campaign. Some of them had been active in a long example would be followed by tens of thousands looks much like any other abandoned vehicle but (Chapter 9) was effectively crushed in 1946. struggle at King Hill Hostel,West Mailing,in 1966. of people seizing houses which did not belong to for several years it has been the home of an Throughout the 1950s and 1960s, though The hostel, run by Kent County Council for home- them. Their first target was ‘The Hollies’ a Italian immigrant who works at a local nursery. squatting was thought not to occur, a few people less families, operated on antiquated rules, the partially empty block of luxury flats in Wanstead Many people are still forced into desperate and did squat but in complete isolation from any worst of which was that only mothers and children High Street, East London. Some of the flats had The Guardian Shelter Photo Library inadequate solutions to their housing problems. organised movement. Then, by publicising their could stay there with husbands only being allowed been empty ever since they were built four years previously and this was seen as symbolic of the One family in Lancashire recently made their Home in a factory yard hopper in Lancashire, 1974, in activities and consciously encouraging others to to see their families at approved visiting times. A Harsh conditions in emergency hostels for the home in a metal hopper in a factory yard. They a van in East London, 1978, and on a common in imitate them, a group of squatters in late 1968 group of husbands moved into the hostel and re- homeless which led to the formation of the London injustice which allowed private property owners installed four bunk beds, a makeshift toilet and a Cambridgeshire, 1971. There have always been such paved the way for squatting to grow from the fused to leave.A protracted battle followed, ending Squatters Campaign in the late sixties. The hostel to keep houses empty whilst thousands were cooker and, unbeknown to the factory owners squatters who may not see themselves as part of any quiet act of desperate individuals to the in humiliation and defeat for the Council. The rules (top) were produced by Birmingham Corporation homeless. The occupation for a few hours of these and workers, lived there until one day candles set ‘movement’. widespread activity which it is today. hostel rules were changed and the lesson was clear Housing Management Department. flats on 1 December 1968 was symbolic too, in a

14 15 Squatting spreads. Left: Moving in and staying, Notting Hill, January 1969.

David Hope David Right above: Edinburgh squatters occupy flats on the

Royal Mile left empty for four years after conversion by The Scotsman the Council because no-one could afford the rents. Right below: Occupation of a Brighton Council house after a 200-strong meeting of the ‘Rents Project Campaign for Better Housing’ decided to take up squatting, May 1969. East London News Agency East London News Brighton Evening Angus Brighton Evening

The London Squatters’ first act: a three-hour demonstration squat in luxury flats, December 1968.

different way. It suggested a logical step forward: had kept empty for over three years. Homeless the coverage they received was beginning to fade letterbox, making Maggie O’Shannon the first homeless people could introduce an element of people were encouraged to be involved in the and in the new year, the second, more decisive, person since the 1940s to obtain permanent control into their lives by taking over empty action. A few from a Camden Council hostel phase of the campaign began. housing through squatting. Her story was told on houses which the established institutions of managed to enter before police cordoned off the On 18 January 1969, Maggie O’Shannon and TV and in almost every newspaper in the society could not or would not use. A week after house. The squatters then asked the church to her two children moved into No 7 Camelford Road country, with the result that the lesson was not this brief occupation, a separate group of make the house available to the homeless, but this Notting Hill, with the aid of the Notting Hill lost on other homeless families — Maggie activists showed how easy it could be to make was rejected, almost 1,968 years to the day since activists. The Inner London Education Authority O’Shannon had got a place to live by squatting. empty houses habitable. For one day they took another homeless family is reputed to have been (ILEA), which owned the house, reacted predic- Squatting began to spread.Three families mov- over a house in Notting Hill, West London, which forced to sleep in a barn. The squatters made this tably: ‘This kind of forced entry into private ed into houses in Winnersh, near Reading. In York- had been empty for 18 months and cleaned and point forcefully, stayed for a day and left. The property is tantamount to an attempt to jump the shire, a family squatted a privately-owned house decorated it, clearly demonstrating its suitability same weekend, the Notting Hill group occupied a housing queue’ said a spokesperson. The fact that which had been empty for six years and, within a for use by the homeless. block of luxury flats, Arundel Court, and again the house was condemned and empty with no month,was given a legal tenancy.Squatting groups Two weeks later, just before Christmas, the left voluntarily after a few hours. All the occupa- plans to fill it seemed to have escaped the ILEA’s were set up in Leeds, where an office block was London Squatters Campaign occupied All Saints tions so far had been symbolic gestures, their notice. But after six weeks of adverse publicity a occupied, Edinburgh, Birkenhead, Brighton and

Daily Telegraph Vicarage, Leyton, a building which the church primary aim being to attract publicity. However rent book was grudgingly pushed through the Manchester as well as in several parts of London.

16 17 Redbridge thuggery insisted that her daughter, who was in bed with The most important struggle though was in Red- scarlet fever, was too ill to be moved. bridge, East London, an area close to the homes of Redbridge Council was sufficiently ‘impressed’ several of the London Squatters Campaign to hire the same thugs to deal with its own members.Redbridge Council was planning a major ‘squatter problem’. The men, some of whom central area redevelopment scheme for Ilford. The sported National Front badges, were supplied by scheme had not been officially approved and a firm of private bailiffs run by Barry Quartermain would not be started for several years and yet the who the Sunday Times described as a man who Council was deliberately leaving a large number of ‘tears a London telephone directory into halves sound houses empty to rot. Attempts to persuade and then into quarters as he lectures you about it to use these houses for short-term lets had failed the toughness of his henchmen’.3 He was later to and some houses were planned to be left empty serve a three-year jail sentence for offences for ten years. On 8 February four houses were committed in pursuit of his ‘business’. occupied,families installed and barricades erected. On 21 April people squatting in three The Council initially attempted to crush Rebridge houses were evicted by these bailiffs squatting through the courts. First it tried to without any court orders authorising such serve injunctions ordering the squatters to cease evictions. They were accompanied by a posse of trespassing but these were evaded. It then police, Council officials and welfare workers, all unsuccessfully argued that the squatters were of whom ignored the violent methods of the guilty of ‘forcible detainer’ an offence created in bailiffs. One squatter was beaten up and had his 1429 to prevent anyone using violence to retain jaw broken. The Fleming family was forced to possession and asked a magistrate to have them dress in front of the bailiffs and had their prosecuted. Redbridge Council then succeeded in furniture smashed and thrown out of the obtaining possession orders for the squatted windows. Another squatter, Ben Beresford, in an ohn Topham houses but was thwarted when the squatters J Photocalll Feature affidavit, described his family’s eviction from one swopped houses so that people named on the of the houses: Fleet Street News Agency possession orders were no longer resident in the ‘While my wife was trying to get some houses to which they applied. (A ruling in 1975 baby’s clothes, I was told to “stop wasting (pl61) was to make ‘squat-swopping’ ineffective fucking time”. I was grabbed hold of violently but it remained a useful tactic for many years). by one of the bailiffs and my arm was forced Annoyed by the prospect of more occupations, the in a lock behind my back. I was pushed and Council embarked upon blunter tactics. In one frogmarched down the stairs into the waiting fortnight at the end of February, it gutted 29 van, and was locked in ... There I was forced 4

houses to deter squatters from moving in at a Chris Smith/ Camera Press to stay until the end of the eviction’. cost to the ratepayers of £2,520. Once the families had been kicked out, work- But by now squatting in the area was beginning men were sent in to wreck the houses, smashing to take root as more and more people approached holes in roofs and ripping out staircases to prevent the London Squatters Campaign wanting to squat. re-occupation. There were, however, many other During the first weeks of April, several families empty Council houses in the area and by mid- and single parents moved in. Redbridge Council’s June squatters were once more in occupation of determination to crush the embryonic squatting several of them. Redbridge Council tried to use movement was meeting with little success. But Quartermain’s men again but this time the squat- towards the end of April it was ready to try again. ters were prepared. On 23 June, bailiffs were sent In March, squatters in a Greater London Council to No. 23 Audrey Road and No. 6 Woodland Road. (GLC) house, had been threatened with eviction They met with much more resistance than they by a group of officially-sanctioned thugs who used had bargained for, and the eviction attempts were violence without bothering to obtain court orders. rebuffed. The national media were alerted, so that Top: The Fleming family after being illegally evicted in Olive Mercer,who was squatting in the house with Squatters move in to Redbridge’s empty when the bailiffs returned at dawn two days later, April 1969 by Redbridge Council. (The house was not her husband and son, was struck in the stomach houses, February 1969. Barricades are their thuggery was reported in the press and shown needed until 1976 when it was demolished and the site was with an iron bar. She was pregnant and the blow built immediately. It was a first home on TV all over the country. Redbridge Council still unused in 1980). Above: A thug is frogmarched out of caused her to bleed and consequently to lose her for the Beresford children (right) whose earned the worst press that a council has ever a house by squatters after an abortive attempt to evict eystone baby. The thuggery only ceased when a doctor parents had been homeless for 12 years. K received in dealings with squatters. Not only was the Flemings from their next squatted home, June 1969.

18 19 it shown to be pursuing a wasteful and inhumane policy of unnecessarily destroying habitable houses, but it was also illegally using The Times extreme violence against the homeless. The media coverage played a major part in forcing the Council to negotiate despite the reluctance of many councillors and council officers, and in July an agreement with the squatters was worked out. Some squatter families were to get permanent council homes, the Council was to carry out a review of its use of short-life property and all gutting was to cease while this review was carried out. The squatters were to meet the Council again after it was completed. In order to obtain these concessions, the squatters had to vacate the houses they occupied and stop their campaign in the area. They voted by a two-thirds majority to agree to the Council’s conditions but the agreement was denounced by some as a ‘surrender’ and there was a lot of bitterness on both sides about the decision. Although it did get housing for some of the squatting families, the agreement had only a small effect on Council policy. Redbridge did bring into use some properties not scheduled to be demolished for seven years but claimed that most would cost too much to bring up to habitable standard. Three years later, in fact, it released several of the poorer short-life properties to local squatters. One of the properties that squatters voluntarily vacated in July 1969 – No 2 Woodlands Road — was still empty ten years later. Indeed the same streets in Redbridge which were the focus for the 1969 campaign remain blighted by the same redevelopment scheme in 1980.5 To avoid opposition, Redbridge now has a policy of ‘prior demolition’, pulling down houses which are on land not needed for several years. Nevertheless,the Redbridge struggle achieved a great deal. It ensured that owners seeking eviction Evening Standard went through the courts, affording squatters a minimal degree of security without which squatting could not have gone beyond the stage of protest sit-ins. Indeed the London Squatters Campaign’s adroit legal defence established precedents which benefitted squatters for many years and many people involved in Ilford went Left: Protected by dustbin lid shields, Redbridge on to promote squatting in other areas. The Council’s hired ‘bailiffs’ hurl bottles and bricks in a London Squatters Campaign renamed itself East dawn attack on No 6 Woodlands Road. The squatters London Squatters as new local groups were fought back and, after a fire started, the police finally established all over the capital. The beginnings Widespread support and sympathetic publicity helps eystone

K intervened. Above: The squatters fight on. of squatting on a mass scale had been made. the upsurge in squatting.

20 21 Illustrated London News Brian Weske/ Camera Press Weske/ Brian The Times Sunday Telegraph Sunday Brian Weske/ Camera Press Weske/ Brian

The occupation of No 144 Picadilly. A hostile press and defiant slogans ensure a permanent sea of onlookers (left), while inside, people try to establish a long-term communal squat. Plastic balls are used both for defence (top ohn Haines/ Topix Camera Brian Weske/ Press Daiily Telegraph J Brian Weske/ Camera Press Weske/ Brian left) and for play (top right).

Hippydilly The Russell Square squat was equally short-lived. Piccadilly. These are not rumours but facts, extremely hostile and potentially violent. Indeed, fall’ and ‘Come on, why don’t you jump?’ For a The next day The Times carried an editorial The tide of public opinion which was firmly in The press had already introduced the ‘hippy sordid facts which will shock ordinary decent, until the eviction, most police activity was directed moment it looked as if he might fall; he slipped, demanding that squatting be made a criminal favour of squatters in Redbridge turned later in menace’ to the public earlier that year, but had family-loving people.’6 against spectators who wanted to ‘deal with’ the lost his footing and was left holding on by one offence, and suggesting ‘Meanwhile, if groups of 1969 as a result of the terrible publicity attracted not yet generated the hysteria which erupted in declared the front page of The People under the squatters. Little media coverage was given to hand. The group of men below cheered but much hippies continue to roam from one unoccupied by the occupation of a number of prominent September. The London Street Commune was a heading ‘HIPPIE THUGS: THE SORDID these incidents. In one case, when five motorbikes to their disappointment, he was saved. building to another, they could be prosecuted buildings in central London, particularly No 144 loosely organised group of mainly young, long- TRUTH’. belonging to people inside were set on fire, not Even when No 144 was evicted on 21 under the Vagrancy Acts.’ Piccadilly. haired people who wanted to find somewhere for The Times warned in a lead article that one large circulation paper mentioned it, even September, press coverage remained firmly rooted Although, looked at objectively, these squats September 1969 became the open season for hundreds of ‘hippies’ then sleeping rough in ‘Molotov cocktails were being manufactured’ in though every paper reported that the occupants in the fantasies the press had created which seemed did not give a particularly good impression of the hippy-hunting and squatter-bashing in the press. London’s parks to stay overnight. No 144 preparation for a long siege. The Sunday Express, hurled missiles at the people responsible. to relate more to medieval times or the Wild West squatting movement, the frenzy of paranoid The main action was centred upon the takeover by Piccadilly, a privately owned empty mansion at in common with most newspapers, ‘smuggled’ The media, having created this mood of intense than to 1969. For the Daily Mirror, the Piccadilly indignation they aroused was out of all proportion the ‘London Street Commune’ and assorted Hyde Park Corner, seemed an ideal place to reporters and a photographer into the building. hostility, neglected, by and large, to report how it eviction took on the form of the ‘FALL OF HIPPY to their significance or to the number of people supporters of No 144 Piccadilly, an empty school establish a communal squat. But any possibility Under the heading ‘HIPPIES WITH SWORDS was manifested. For example, the saddest moment CASTLE’. The Times emphasised the role of 50 involved. Furthermore, the public hostility itself in Endell Street, Covent Garden and empty offices of this happening was immediately destroyed by WAIT FOR BATTLE’, the brave journalists of these squats was reported only by radical papers young policemen who formed ‘a bridgehead for a was largely responsible for the escalation of the in Russell Square, Bloomsbury. No 144 Piccadilly the powerful reaction of the media. revealed that the squatters had an armoury consis- and The Guardian.Ayouth climbed onto a window supporting column of police waiting nearby’ and squatters’ defences and the disintegration of was squatted early in September and when police ‘Drug taking, couples making love while others ting of ‘knives, coshes, rocks and even swords’. ledge 30 feet above pointed iron railings during its headline bawled ‘SQUATTERS OUSTED BY organisation inside the squats. For example, after evicted its occupants less than three weeks later, look on, rule by heavy mob armed with iron Media coverage ensured that the crowd the eviction of the Endell Street squat. A police- POLICE COMMANDO’. The Daily Telegraph initially intending to occupy No 144 Piccadilly many of them moved into the Endell Street school, bars, foul language, filth and stench. THAT is outside No 144 Piccadilly rarely dropped below man inside the building tried to grab him. Down crowed delightedly ‘POLICE ROUT PICCADILLY peaceably and eventually to argue their case in from which they were evicted after only two days. the scene inside the hippies’ fortress in London’s 500 during the day and large sections of it were in the street a group of onlookers yelled ‘Let him HIPPIES’. court, the hippies felt forced to bring in Hell’s

22 23 Angels to form a defence force against attacks by 32 of them were still being held at Ashford likely, the campaign itself created that outrage, both the nuclear family and the work ethic, and police and skinheads. The Hell’s Angels started Remand Centre. Eight were singled out as ‘ring- there is no doubt that the media coverage pandered however superficial that challenge was in reality, to dominate the squat and there were several leaders’ and charged with conspiracy to ‘forcibly to people’s worst prejudices, and focused resent- it was regarded by the public and the state as a nasty incidents, including a rape. Faced with detain’ the Endell Street premises under the ment not just against hippy squatters but against real and substantial threat. angry crowds, impending eviction and internal 1429 Forcible Entry Act. After a nine-day trial squattersgenerally.Priortotheseevents,thepress The London Squatters Campaign vacillated in dissent between hippies and Hell’s Angels, what held in ultra-conservative Lewes 50 miles from had been equivocal about squatters, and, at times, its attitude to the ‘hippy’ squatters, and in doing could have become peaceful communes housing London, all eight were found guilty. Two were had supported them wholeheartedly like at Red- so missed one of the most crucial points arising homeless young people became chaotic and jailed for nine months, two sent to detention bridge where public opinion lay solidly with the from the central London occupations – the disorganised fortresses. centres, three given suspended jail sentences and homeless families involved. But No 144 Piccadilly expression of the growing need for single person For all the talk of violence, there was none at one escaped with a £20 fine. was totally different.The demands of the Redbridge accommodation and more imaginative thinking the evictions. Most of the weapons were figments The events of September 1969 provide the squatters had been realisable in the short run in housing provision. Not all young people of journalists’ imaginations. Those that really historical basis of later popular and media within the terms of the existing institutional wanted to live in bedsitters or with their parents, existed – mostly brightly-coloured plastic balls images of squatters. Labels thrown around freely framework of housing. They sought improved and the big squats of September 1969, for all and fire extinguishers – were relatively harmless at that time stuck. The image of lazy scroungers housing provision for homeless families and the their short-comings, did reveal the increasing and ineffective. It took just four minutes for bent on destroying society became synonymous main issue at stake was bureaucratic inefficiency demand for communal living arrangements police to take control of No 144 Piccadilly and with squatters, as Peace News observed: in the handling of local authority housing stock. managed by young people themselves. little longer at Endell Street. ‘The word ‘squatter’ now conjures up a club- Conflict between the needs of people for housing But any serious consideration of the issues The press outcry also provided a smokescreen waving savage who is liable to take over your and the right of property owners to do as they raised by these squats was drowned in the tide of behind which civil liberties were being cast to one semi-detached the moment you turn your back, wished with their property – including leaving it hysteria. Meanwhile we were left to reflect upon side. The eviction of No 144 Piccadilly was not leg- and wreck it. A totally misleading image, even empty – was a secondary issue. Squatting in Red- the unedifying spectacle of Mr Ronald Lyon, a ally authorised.The police had no possession order insofar as it applies to the occupants of No bridge was not so much a challenge to private property developer, walking into West End and used a warrant under the Dangerous Drugs 144, let alone to other varieties of squatter. property rights as it was to incompetent councils. Central Police Station and donating £1,000 to Act to legitimise their entry.In Endell Street 200 But it will stick, and it will greatly help the The‘hippy’ squats appeared to present a starker police charities in appreciation of the good job policemen evicted 63 squatters, all of whom were Quartermains of this world.’7 threat to private property. The lifestyle of the done in evicting the occupants of No 144 arrested and charged with resisting the Sheriff. Whether the press campaign against hippy hippies, or at least the way in which it was Piccadilly. The building stayed empty for three Manyhadadditionalchargeslaidagainst them and squatters was, as the newspapers would claim, a described, was perceived as a challenge to society’s more years and was then demolished (despite most were refused bail.One month after the arrests reflection of public outrage or whether, as is more most dearly held values. It called into question being listed) for a luxury hotel.

The end of No 144 Piccadilly. Police on a drugs raid clamber in over the ‘drawbridge’ (far left) and evict the squatters many of whom move to a squatted school in nearby Endell Street (right). eystone opperfoto K P The Guardian Daily Telegraph The Times

24 25 Project and its helpers, warning of ‘private armies’ bailiffs. The weapons in Fulham and Brighton guarantee of rehousing. from sections of the Labour Party. Squatters opix

and ‘terrible weapons’ waiting at Wykeham were, in fact, a direct response to events in In return the squatters would be licensed to T could thank the tangled and complex laws of Terrace.The dire warnings seemed to be validated Redbridge as a statement, largely ignored by the use short-life houses given to them by the Council. property ownership and tenure for the reluctance when three people from the squat were arrested press, from the Fulham squatters made clear: (Technically a licensed squatter is not a squatter to legislate quickly rather than any enlightened for firebombing a local army recruitment office. ‘The stockpiling of weapons must be seen at all but a licensee: a licensee has permission to approach on the part of either major political The petrol bombs had been made at the squat against the right background. They were remain in a property until the licence is revoked; party in office. In the absence of any centrally- and several squatters were later sent to prison. acquired at a time when certain authorities a squatter does not have the owner’s permission directed policy, the state’s response to squatting These events were widely publicised with were using private armies of strongarm – see p 230). The families who were housed varied immensely between one area and another disastrous consequences. In Brighton for toughs on eviction work. When the danger of would have their housing waiting list points and even between different groups of squatters Siege mentality instance, squatting abruptly came to an end and this happening in our case diminished ‘frozen’ so that their long-term chances of getting within the same area. It was not only‘hippy squats’ which ran into trouble the Brighton Rents Project disintegrated, torn [because the owner showed no intention of a Council house would not be jeopardised. at this time. In the midst of the Hippydilly affair apart by external hostility and internal divisions. using violence] the weapons should have been The critics amongst the squatters argued that Growth and limitations of licensing Alistair Black, Under Sheriff of Greater London, got rid of. Unfortunately they weren’t.’9 the conditions imposed by Lewisham made the Local authorities did not rush to follow the whose opposition to squatters has since often put The reason why the weapons were kept was squatters totally dependent upon its generosity example set by the Lewisham agreement. On the his name in headlines discovered ‘an armoury of that a kind of siege-mentality had taken over from and its efficiency in the use of its housing stock. contrary, the usual pattern for the emergence of diabolical weapons’ in No. 22 Rumbold Road, reasoned and intelligent action. The task of There were a number of objections: licensed‘squatting’groupswasthatfirst,squatters Fulham, after he had evicted squatters from the physically defending buildings had completely • How could they be sure the Council would moved into council property and the council would premises.Alderman Bill Smith, Leader of the local dominated that of organising an effective defence honour the agreement? start the eviction process while the squatters Council said the house was like a ‘World War One politically.The occupants became involved in an in- • What would prevent it from merely responded by waging a campaign around dug-out’ and that the weapons found included creasingly introverted and insular struggle which releasing a handful of dwellings keeping demands for no evictions and the use of empty gas chlorine bombs, swagger canes filled with lead, bore no relation to tactical or political realities. many more empty? piles of bricks and sticks with sharpened metal This failure was exploited to the full by the • Why restrict allocation to families living in ends.8 The squatters were subsequently found media to the detriment of all squatters. the borough? guilty of conspiracy to commit actual bodily • What about the rights and needs of single harm to persons attempting lawful entry and people? The Guardian received suspended prison sentences. Emergence of licensed squatting Supporters of the deal argued that obtaining In Brighton too squatters went to extreme In June 1969, negotiations started between South licences was a great victory. Families gained lengths to defend their homes. Squatting in East London Squatters and Lewisham Council, security from eviction and the agreement did not Brighton was launched by the Brighton Rents with a view to allowing people to use empty preclude further militant squatting campaigns if Project, a broad based campaign for better housing Council properties on short term licences. The the Council failed to deliver the goods. Indeed which had already received widespread support, first squats in Lewisham coincided with the the agreement was based upon the threat of including that of the Labour MP for Kemp Town, violence in Redbridge and Lewisham Council was direct action. Furthermore, they argued that it Dennis Hobden.Squatting was seen as a last resort eager to avoid a similar conflict. The existence of was easy to ensure that a family was put on the in the face of an intransigent Conservative Council. several large redevelopment schemes in the waiting list by housing them temporarily at an The first licensed family squatters move in, Lewisham, Several empty houses were occupied and families Angus Brighton Evening borough meant that a large stock of property address in the borough – all residents of December 1969. installed. The Council promptly announced that Military-style defences at Wykeham Terrace, Brighton, would be empty for several years and the Council Lewisham being eligible to put their names on the squatters would be struck off the housing July 1969. realised that if it failed to reach an agreement the waiting list. They also pointed that although though with fewer houses than in the past. It waiting list, and immediately began court with the local squatting group, squatters would no offer of permanent rehousing was made, has long been a thriving model of a short-life proceedings for eviction. And, as if to emphasise Physical defence of squats was not in itself the probably take over these houses anyway. families evicted out of short-life property could group working in harmony with its local council. its lack of concern for the homeless, it proceeded main mistake. Indeed in Redbridge, which had The negotiations were long and protracted, always find accommodation through Lewisham’s The creation of licensed squatting emphasised a to sell No 70 Church Street, a house in the town received nothing but favourable publicity, it had partly due to the cumbersome process of local Homeless Families Department. division that was developing between ‘responsible’ centre which it had kept empty for 20 years. been essential. On one occasion when a bailiff government, but also because the Labour minority Eventually agreement was reached and on 13 family groups and other squatters, especially of Despite numerous arrests of supporters on broke through the front door of a squatted house, opposed any deal with the squatters. At all stages, December 1969 Sam and Jill Kelly moved into a the ‘hippy’ variety. This division facilitated the minor charges, the campaign continued to grow. he fell down to the basement as the Council had the squatters’ negotiators pushed for further con- Lewisham house with their ten-month old baby, development of a dual movement by the end of Towards the end of July 1969, houses in Queens removed the ground floor floorboards. His cessions but some squatters felt that they were marking the official recognition of the first licensed 1969 when various groups had forced concessions Square and Wykeham Terrace were squatted. The misfortune was compounded as squatters pelted being too conciliatory and betraying the original squatters association. Within a few months the out of a few authorities and won licences whilst army, which owned the properties, had been him with bricks until police intervened. The ideas of the squatting movement. Critics of a ‘deal’ Lewisham Family Squatting Association had over many more squatters continued to face hostile difference was that in Redbridge, physical intending to sell them with vacant possession, but pointed to the number of restrictive conditions 80 houses and employed Ron Bailey, one of the reactions. There was a growing lobby in favour of Direct action like this occupation of the Labour Party’s the presence of squatters meant that this had to be defence was part of an overall strategy and the insisted on by the Council. Only Lewisham founder members of the London Squatters making squatting a criminal offence. This came HQ at Transport House in May 1971 (above) was postponed.The squatters dug in to fight and called actions of the squatters were clearly seen (both families on the waiting list were to be housed; Campaign, as a full-time worker. During the next not only from expected sources, such as the needed before Labour-controlled Southwark Council for support. In the months up to the eviction (on in law and by the public) to be in response to dwellings licensed to the squatting group were to five years, it housed around 100 families at any Property Owners Protection Society and the was prepared to start a licensed squatting scheme. Few 28 November) the local press pilloried the Rents violence on the part of the Council and its be vacated when required and there would be no timeand at the time of writing it is still operating, Conservative Party,but also, and more alarmingly, councils gave in without such pressure.

26 27 property. Finally, the council would capitulate aspects of squatting, as well as Squat,a bi- 2,500 licensed squatters in 16 London boroughs, and hand over a limited number of its empty monthly news magazine. Interest-free loans of up an increase of 150 per cent in little over a year. houses. Councils rarely handed over houses unless to £100 and grants of £20 were made available to This rate of increase continued throughout 1973 Extracts from Bromley Family Squatters faced with the threat, or use of, direct action. local groups. and by the end of the year Student Community Association Leaflet for prospective Nevertheless, licensed squatting became more Soon after its inception FSAS could point to Housing alone was housing over 700 people. Pro- licensed squatters Model Agreement between Councils and firmly established as housing authorities grew new agreements reached by groups in Brent, vided the groups handed houses back when Family Squatting Associations We are allowed to use the houses for a year or more aware of its value. In June 1970, the Islington and Wandsworth. By the end of 1971, required, the arrangement was extremely Information Sheet No.7 so until they are wanted for demolition. We Family Squatting Advisory Service have promised the two councils that we will see Greater London Council (GLC) gave Lewisham 12 local authorities in London had entered into advantag-eous for local authorities and the that our families leave when required by them Family Squatters Association four houses on agreements with squatting groups many of continuing pressure of unlicensed squatting was 1. ‘The Council of the London Borough of – – – to do so. If you have not been rehoused by the licence and later that year Student Community which were renamed ‘self-help housing’ groups as forcing them to look for ways of avoiding the (The Council) will offer to the – – – Family council or anyone else when that time comes we Squatting Association (The Association) all will certainly try to transfer you to another Housing came into being in Camden with houses technically their members were not squatters squatting ‘problem’. By ‘co-opting’ the family properties in the Council’s ownership with a squatting house. But we cannot guarantee or from both the GLC and Camden Council. Tower but licensees. By the beginning of 1972, the squatting movement they could exercise control minimum life of nine months and which the promise that we will be able to do so. Council does not propose to use themselves.’ We can only offer accomodation on the clear Hamlets, Greenwich and Lambeth soon followed family squatting movement was housing around over a trend which was threatening to usurp a understanding that you will move out when the suit in reaching agreements with their respective 1,000 people. During that year Ealing Council (in little of their power.Granting licences to particular 2. ‘Such properties shall be offered to the council ask for the property back. Association without charge’. local squatting groups and in September 1970 January), Haringey (September) and Hounslow groups which were housing the deserving You must take responsibility the Family Squatting Advisory Service (FSAS) (October) started to give self-help groups short- ‘homeless’ also added the bonus of undermining 3. ‘The Association will decide whether to accept There is no tenant/landlord division among was set up with a £5,000 grant from Shelter. life properties. Even Redbridge Council finally popular support for squatters without licences. or reject properties offered to it. Before officially the squatters. If you join us you will become a accepting a property the Association shall be landlord just as much as a tenant. You will be FSAS activist Jim Radford outlined two basic gave way in June 1972. And yet this strategy was unable to halt the permitted to enter the property for the purpose of expected to accept your share of responsibility purposes behind its establishment.10 There was a Outside London, where the housing crisis was ‘boom’ in unlicensed squatting which started in repairing it.’ for the whole organisation. You will have an equal voice in our decision-making and you practical purpose – to alleviate housing need by less severe, far fewer squatters obtained licences. 1972. Family squatting groups were quickly 4. ‘Anyone rehoused in the properties by the The number of families in licensed ‘squats’, in London will be expected to come to meetings and to join making use of disused council property: ‘To this There, the condition rather than the availability inundated with requests for housing which they Association shall be liable to pay general rates and boroughs, end of 1973. (Source: FSAS). work parties from time to time to help other water rates.’ end we were prepared to work, organise, or cost of housing tended to be a greater were unable to fulfill and most groups had people. negotiate and, if necessary, fight.’ There was also problem. The proportion of squatters in small housing waiting lists almost as intractable as 5. ‘No expense shall fall upon the Council in You will contribute subscriptions respect of any works, repair or maintenance needed an ideological purpose: ‘To show that ordinary towns was thus smaller than in London and this those of local authorities. Also, with the The sub. for squatting houses is fixed by the at any of the properties.’ association at a reasonably low level. It is people can organise collectively to run their own correspondingly reduced the amount of pressure exception of Student Community Housing, none 6. ‘The Association will ensure that the properties normally £3 per week per family. It does not affairs and make their own decisions and that which squatters were able to put on councils. of the groups catered for people without children are only used for the benefit of people registered make you a tenant. It makes you a member. the weakest can become strong through the Also, a greater proportion of squatters outside and few would house people from outside the The money is used for the essential repairs with the Council for housing accommodation and principle of mutual aid.’ A fundamental London were in privately-owned property for boroughs in which they were based. The failure in exceptional cases for any other families, needed BEFORE houses can be occupied, for provided that in such exceptional cases the the connection of gas, electricity and water innovation of the family squatting groups was which licences were less forthcoming. of licensed groups to cope with the demand for Association shall obtain an alternative rehousing supplies if these are cut off at the road, and for that they were democratically controlled by the Squatting outside London achieved much in such accommodation, coupled with the continued commitment for the families involved.’ administrative costs. The sub. does not entitle you to expect the families involved, even if in practice they terms of forcing the release of property for use by existence of a large amount of empty property 7. ‘The Association will give the Council vacant association to pay for repairs AFTER you have frequently relied on professional leadership. housing associations, charities and other non- which councils were unwilling to license, meant possession of any of the properties when they are moved in. We expect you to do those or pay for required by the Council for demolition or them yourself. But we do try to help one The successful development of the Lewisham squatting groups. In 1972, for instance, I was that unlicensed squatting became Increasingly rehabilitation and the Council will give the another as much as possible. group made it possible to persuade Shelter to involved with a community project in Stoke-on- attractive for a growing number of people. Association at least three months notice to vacate.’ You will be responsible for your own gas and electricity bills and general and water fund FSAS in the belief that it would bring about Trent; the Community Help and Information At the end of 1971 when there were about Radford, Street Research No 2 8. ‘The Association undertakes to use its best rates. a rapid increase in the use of short-life housing Project (CHIP), which became one of many such 1,000 licensed squatters in London, there were endeavours to rehouse the occupiers of any of the Jim and a network of self-help, community-controlled groups to benefit from the squatting movement. fewer than 1,000 unlicensed squatters. From 1972 properties when they are so required, unless What happens next? (a) the occupiers qualify for Council If you are prepared to accept these conditions groups. The grant enabled FSAS to employ two CHIP needed premises from which to operate and onwards, however, the number of unlicensed accommodation, or and want to squat, fill in the attached full-time workers and maintain an office in the Council had many empty commercial squatters exceeded the number of licensed ones. (b) the occupiers have persistently failed in a questionnaire and return it to one of the Lewisham. An FSAS hand-out described its job properties in the city centre pending demolition The history of squatting after 1971 becomes material respect to comply with the terms officers. You will be visited at home by one or of the licence granted to them by the more members of the association who will then as for a new road. By reaching a licensing agreement, more and more concerned with ‘unofficial’ Association. report back to the Friday meeting. ‘To service, support and maintain contact with CHIP was able to get a shop and sufficient space squatters and it is to the growth in unlicensed As regards (a), in assessing eligibility under the We will expect to see you at the Friday Council’s points scheme, the occupiers shall be meetings at 77b Thicket Rd., Crystal Palace existing groups and to initiate the setting up to run a ‘crash pad’ for people with nowhere to squatting that we now turn.• deemed to have remained in continous occupation beginning at 8 p.m. These are the meetings at of new groups by researching possibilities, stay. Squatting had provided the impetus for the of the accommodation they occupied immediately which decisions are taken on whether or not to development plans, etc in new areas, by contact- Council to reach an agreement and the means by before they were first rehoused by the squat a family and where. No discussion about Association.’ a family takes place at a meeting unless at ing and bringing together interested people which it could be formalised to its satisfaction – least one member of that family is present. So for this purpose and by assisting and advising a licence. Councils also awoke to how unnecessary 9. ‘The Council and the Association shall each if you miss a meeting it means you lose a week. nominate four people to serve on a Working Group You qualify to be a voting member of the at every stage of the negotiations if needed.’ it was to use expensive bed and breakfast hotels to discuss this agreement, its workings, any association after attending three meetings and A model agreement between councils and as temporary accommodation for homeless disputes or any other matters which may arise. The three work parties. The final decision to admit Working Group shall meet whenever either party you to membership or not will be taken by the family squatting associations was drawn up and families when empty short-life property was decides there is a need for such a meeting.’ meeting. FSAS also produced a series of detailed inform- available as a far cheaper alternative. ation sheets on legal, practical and organisational By May 1973, FSAS estimated there were

28 29 the growing number of empty houses, led to the Their spokesperson remarked: In fact, these squatters won their struggle. Chapter growth of squatting both in scale and scope. ‘We refuse to act as social policemen. The The families were rehoused by the Council and Here there and everywhere 4 squatters are being made scapegoats; it is not single people were left in peace until the house they who are driving people out of Islington they occupied was demolished. In addition, Barricades in Islington but the speculators who can afford to pay up Student Community Housing was given its first The mid-seventies boom in squatting The best-publicised squatting struggle of 1972 to £30,000 for a house . . . they are pushing up licensed houses by Islington Council as a direct took place in Islington. Three houses in a the cost of land, interest charges and rents.’1 outcome of this fight. Local tenants, moreover, redevelopment area, occupied by 19 squatters, The brief presence of barricades in a North were delighted by the glare of publicity which including six children and four pregnant women, London street (the police cleared them after a day) focused attention on the appalling conditions in were threatened with eviction by Islington attracted immense media interest at a time when which they were living. The publicity resulted in Council. Their response was defiant. On 26 June the limitations of licensed ‘squatting’ were some people obtaining rehousing much earlier they erected barricades at both ends of Lesly becoming more apparent to people active in the than the Council had originally intended. Street to which a sympathetic lorry driver gave squatting movement. Indeed, the developing The story of these squatters clearly illustrates added strength by dumping several tons of old schism between family squatters in licensed the way in which there was never a clear-cut bricks. The following day the area social work property and ‘unofficial’ squatters was heightened demarcation between licensed and unlicensed team gave its backing to the squatters and the during the course of this struggle. According to squatters. Student Community Housing obtained social workers even marched down to the Diana Shelley, one of the Islington squatters, Jim licenced properties from the Council as a result barricades to express their solidarity. Radford, of FSAS, attempted to ‘negotiate’ with of a struggle by unlicensed squatters who gained the Council on behalf of the squatters without an informal licence thereby making the No entry! Squatters barricade Lesly Street in Islington, consulting them first. His unwelcome help was transition to licensed status! Indeed, the main June 1972. rejected and his ‘initiative’ seen as interference. demand of many squatters was for a licence.

There were a number of developments which tenants and sell the property. In many areas, low who, with land values steadily rising, bought served to heighten the housing crisis in the early income tenants were pushed out and their dwel- property as an investment with no intention of seventies. These were the years of the property lings, often improved with the aid of government using it. For those people who fell between the ‘boom’ when house prices soared, especially in grants, were sold off to wealthier newcomers. In twin stools of home ownership and council hous- newly ‘desirable’ parts of major towns and cities. some parts of London, entire neighbourhoods ing (ie those who would traditionally have been The average price of new homes almost doubled were altered in a few years by this ‘gentrification’. housed intheprivatesector),opportunitieswere in three years. As well as making it more difficult Property companies also bought rented properties shrinking, rents rocketing and security diminish- for people to buy their own homes, the boom also to demolish or refurbish for offices or luxury ing. This increasing desperation of people at the

made it extremely profitable for landlords to evict homes. Worse still was the scourge of speculators bottom end of the housing market together with London News Service

30 31 From Taunton to Colchester in this world you have to fight. I have only my This encouraged other local squatters to occupy Almost half the London boroughs had reached pride to keep me going. That’s why I must keep millions of pounds worth of the company’s licensing arrangements with local squatting my job.’4 property throughout the borough. The Brixton

afod y Ddraig groups by 1972 but, in other parts of Britain, All sorts of people were being forced into choos- Women’s Centre in Railton Road became a focus T antagonism towards squatters meant that even ing between squatting and homelessness: families for squatting advice and assistance and between small concessions were granted reluctantly and denied access to council housing or mortgages, 1972 and 1975 was responsible for the squatting under immense pressure. students, unemployed people and others on low of 300 empty private dwellings. Sheridan/ IFL Michael In Kent, for example, in October 1972, Medway incomes, battered women, gays denied the right These campaigns brought squatters into the Action Committee for the Homeless squatted an to live as they choose, people with unorthodox forefront of struggles against property developers empty school in Gillingham because of the lifestyles, ex-offenders fresh out of prison (in and speculators and they drew immense local County Council’s appalling record in housing Colchester, the Senior Probation Officer said that sympathy and support. The picture became famil- homeless families. In particular, this squat was Oakley, Buckinghamshire, 1972. he and his colleagues could see no alternative iar. A property company intent on obtaining prompted by the Council’s failure to provide but to suggest squatting to ‘clients’), and many planning permission to redevelop began to buy accommodation for families who had been living Oakley Vigilantes was formed in a small more. At times, they combined to form unexpected up houses in an area,leaving them empty when pos- in holiday chalets on the Isle of Sheppey and Buckinghamshire village. They warned that if a alliances. The squatters who had erected the sible and thus precipitating the neighbourhood’s who were forced to leave when the chalets were local empty house owned by the Ernest Cook barricades in Islington, for example, consisted of decline. Residents lost heart and the will to fight. closed at the end of the holiday season. Trust was not used within a fortnight they would an anarcho-pacifist commune (The Living Theatre Those that could moved out of their own accord This campaign serves as an example of the squat it. One can imagine the rushed work at the – London) and three working class families. and the neighbourhood deteriorated still further. broad-based support which squatting was, on Trust which enabled it to announce plans for the By the end of 1973, there were about 3,000 Squatters entered onto the scene taking over

Bristol United Press occasion, able to command. A local vicar was house within the set time limit. licensed squatters in London and several hundred empty houses and restoring them. The squatters extremely active on their behalf and the Kent There were many such small victories to outside the capital. But there were an estimated were often young, enthusiastic and willing to Evening Post, whilst not actually encouraging prove that squatting, or the threat of it, was 7,000 unlicensed squatters in London and a further fight back, providing the backbone to campaigns people to squat, certainly made it easier for those effective. During January 1973, 13 squatters 4,000 elsewhere (p 230). Each victory won by against redevelopment and speculation. already squatting by organising a very successful moved into two houses in Belle Vue Road, squatters, however small, increased the impetus Squatters often worked closely with the exist- ‘Homeless at Xmas’ appeal for food, toys, cigarettes towards further unlicensed squatting, particularly ing local communities. Unity was forged between Rural squats: Colchester. A few weeks later a further 20 people Squatters in and furniture for the people in the school and occupied the empty Woods Sports Club premises since licensing arrangements involved the use of squatters and other local people, for instance, in Sheridan/ IFL Michael Talybont, other homeless in the area. Public support was and turned it into a spartan People’s Community only a very small proportion of empty dwellings. a long campaign against Prebbles, an estate agent Dyfed, Wales, so strong that Kent County Council turned a Centre. The local authority was galvanised into in Islington.Prebbles was one of a number of estate 1973 (above); blind eye to the occupation and eventually action, offering some of its empty houses to a agents playing an active role in the gentrification Taunton, agreed to use the school for homeless people. local Christian Action project. But this Squatting speculators of the area. Regular pickets were organised Somerset, Support for squatting started to come from concession was insufficient to halt the spread of Not all squatting was in council property. Indeed, outside the Prebbles office and were so successful 1973 unusual quarters. In November 1971 the Cyren- squatting in the town and by May 1973 there many of the more influential struggles of 1972- that the company was compelled to seek a court (right); ians a charity for the single homeless which had were around sixty squatters in Colchester.3 1974 were in privately-owned property. In mid injunction banning them. Prebbles was granted a and Little become exasperated with Brighton Council, squat- 1972, for example, squatters began moving into temporary injunction pending a full hearing. The Coxwell, Steve, locally born and bred, and working for Oxon, 1974 ted three houses.Social workers,probation officers, the Council on a building site, typified many privately-owned terraced housing in the Parfett case was never brought to court andwaseventually (below). housing department officials, councillors and thousands of people forced to squat out of Street area of the East End of London. After dropped in 1978. Nevertheless the action halted Squatters and other local residents in Islington churchmen, unable to help people find somewhere desperation. Unable to find anywhere to live, he several battles they succeeded in staying for the pickets (after at least one supporter had been picket Prebbles estate agents in protest against to live, were suggesting squatting to the homeless. had slept rough since leaving home at 17 and had many years, and eventually prompted the council jailed for defying the injunction) and the property speculators, 1974. In Slough, for example, the Council’s General spent the previous winter in a beach hut in West to buy the houses with the squatters in occupation. campaign against Prebbles failed in its ultimate Purposes Committee chairperson, John Harley, Mersea.In 1973-74 he was squatting in Colchester: (See Chapter 10 for a more detailed account). objective. It did, however, make speculators more noted in April 1972 that many private flats in the ‘I feel guilty taking over someone else’s property Olive Morris and Liz Turnbull became the first cautious about moving into Islington. town were empty. To the homeless he had a clear – sure. But it came down to the simple fact successful squatters of private property in Lam- The campaigns in Camden against Joe Levy’s message: ‘My advice is to squat these places. If that I needed somewhere to sleep – that’s all. It beth when they occupied a flat above a launderette property company, Stock Conversion, provide iltshire Newspapers

W necessary I will personally assist you.’ Referring isn’t an easy life and I don’t know how people in Railton Road. Successfully fighting off attempts another good example of squatters and other to one family squatting in a house without think we do it voluntarily. There is a continual at illegal eviction,they set an example for hundreds residents fighting against speculators together. services, he said, ‘I can tell them about some far overriding sense of insecurity. I pray as I come of homeless young people in Brixton and the flat Without the involvement of squatters, it is likely more comfortable places.’2 home that there will be a light on in the house so remained squatted for many years. In June 1973. that Stock Conversion would have been able to As well as involving such diverse people, squat- I’ll have another night with a roof over my head.’ Lambeth Council gave squatters occupying shape two areas, in Camden High Street and ting spread to remote places. Although largely Steve worked for as much as 88 hours a week maisonettes in Herne Hill support hy agreeing to Tolmers Square respectively to suit its profit- spontaneous in nature and lacking central to save the money to buy his own home. He did negotiate the purchase of the flats which were making motives. direction or leadership, it became truly national. not give his full name for fear of losing his job. ‘I owned by Grandiose Properties Ltd (part of the In the sixties Stock Conversion constructed aul McNicholls/ Time Out aul McNicholls/

At the end of September 1972, a group called the have come to the conclusion that to get anything Gerson Berger group) without vacant possession. Euston Centre, a massive 500,000 square foot P

32 33 office development, on a site formerly consisting the police arrived, squatters were securely inside of low rent working class housing, workshops and a picket patrolled the pavement outside. A and cheap commercial premises. The company furious representative from Cromdale was told edro George

had made £64 million profit on this development P by the police that it would have to reapply to the by 1973 and started buying property in similar courts for possession. The company had completely areas with a view to further office developments. failed. It had gone through two court cases, two eter Smith/ Time Out eter Smith/ In June 1973 Susan Johns and John Rety were P evictions, suffered intensive bad publicity and ony Prime/ Camera Press evicted from No 220 Camden High Street where T achieved nothing. No 220 remained squatted for they had lived and run an antique shop for 12 two more years and the campaign eventually years. Cromdale Holdings, a subsidiary of Stock succeeded in halting Stock Conversion’s Conversion, had increased the rent from £15 to redevelopment plans for Camden High Street. £60 per week on acquiring No 220, in order to In nearby Tolmers Square too, squatters force them out. The two gave full support to the staved off attempts at eviction by the same people who squatted their old home in order to company and were instrumental in stopping its prevent what they described as ‘the carve-up of plans for a half million square feet office and Camden High Street.’ The building was used by commercial development.6 a number of community groups over the next Squatters became increasingly daring in their nine months and became the organising centre of choice of targets. In January 1974, a group of the campaign against Stock Conversion’s plans. activists pulled off a spectacular publicity coup Impressed by the strength of local support for occupying Centre Point, the best-known empty the squatters at No 220, Camden Council passed building in Britain. Their action required months a resolution giving them its backing. In April of planning, including the infiltration of the firm 1974, the police asked the local fire brigade if supplying security guards and was performed they could borrow ladders in order to get onto with almost military precision. It made the front the roof to evict the squatters as the front of the page of every newspaper in the country. Centre shop had been barricaded with steel bars and Point, empty since its completion in 1963, was a iron bedsteads. The Camden Fire Brigade Union gross affront to the homeless and a powerful refused, saying that it would be ‘the first step example of the way companies could make vast towards a police state’.5 Six bailiffs backed by profits simply by owning empty office blocks: 120 police were eventually sent to carry out the built for £5 million in 1963, by 1974 Centre Point eviction at 5 am one morning and had to use a was worth £45-55 million. The activists demanded winch mounted on a car transporter to tear down that the building be requisitioned. (Camden the front door. Backing its verbal support, Camden Council did later attempt to compulsorily purchase Council provided a nearby shop for the campaign. 24 luxury flats at the rear of Centre Point but During the court proceedings for possession, after protracted and costly legal proceedings, the Cromdale Holdings’ representative had claimed Law Lords quashed the Council’s Compulsory that the company needed immediate possession Purchase Order in April 1977. Most of the building in order to relet the premises; yet, straight after remained empty until 1980.) As well as publicity, the eviction the staircase was smashed, wiring the occupiers received a great deal of support and toilets were ripped out and the building was and, when they left the building after two days, securely boarded up. Companies connected with they were greeted by a rally of 3,000 people. Stock Conversion then owned a quarter of Camden The success of this ‘propaganda squat’ prompted High Street and 50 shops in the area were empty. others to follow. On the weekend of 17 May, Two weeks after the eviction, the squatters Hillman House, described locally as Coventry’s held a press conference and demonstration. They Centre Point, was occupied by 60 people. Later marched up the High Street and, to cheers from that month a coalition of radicals in Bristol local people, reoccupied the building. By the time (where the amount of empty office space quad- rupled in less than a year) took over an empty Squatters fight property speculators: office block in Victoria Street and stayed there a Left: West London 1973; month. Several homeless families were moved in Centre: Tolmers Square, Camden, 1975; and Bristol Council shortly afterwards put a ban Right: No 220 Camden High Street, Camden, 1974. on planning permission for new office building.

34 35 Occupying Centre Point (left) in central London, January 1974. The block owned by Harry Hyams had been When the squatters come out on Sunday afternoon left empty for 11 years. Emerging from the West End crowds, 80 people with sleeping bags and other essential (right), they are greeted by a large crowd of equipment are safely inside within 90 seconds. Barricades are erected immediately (below) and a squatter supporters (bottom right) with mixed chants of who got a job as a security guard in order to obtain the uniform, convinces the police that there is no point in ‘well done’ and ‘stay put’. Bottom left: Organiser Martin Slavin storming the building (bottom left). The squatters’ aim is publicity and they plan to leave peacefully after Ron Bailey is interviewed by TV men. three days. Bottom right: Makeshift sleeping arrangements. Martin Slavin Camera Press Press Association Martin Slavin Press Assoc

Press Association 37 Prince of Wales Crescent, Camden, where squatters experiment with ‘alternative lifestyles’ and different forms of community organisation. Below: Community Supplies, a cheap organic food supplier. Mike Goldwater Liz Jellinek Chris Steel-Perkins Aden Kelly Taking the whole street pentry. A derelict site was turned into a park with tantric and Action Space. whole community. Houses were constantly persuade the Council to shelve its redevelopment Council was not up to the challenge and rejected As well as raising questions about the amount of a sand pit, paddling pool, cafe and treehouses. Almost everyone lived in shared or communal broken into, local tenants antagonised and the plans and let the community stay to retain and the squatters plan and eventually the squatters housing available, squatters increasingly Musical events and barbecues were held regularly houses, often because the houses couldn’t easily community spirit started to fall apart. reinforce its identity. were evicted (p65). challenged the nature of housing and the quality and two community newspapers were started. A be divided into self-contained flats, but sometimes In response, squatters started to form their own ‘It is a genuine organic community. Planners Squatting communities grew up all over of community life. In many towns whole streets creche began and unused food was collected from for more positive reasons. One person enthusiastic- forms of self-help community care. The Mental are searching desperately to produce this London: at Bristol Gardens, Charrington Street, were empty pending redevelopment schemes, nearby markets and distributed free. ally endorsed communal living as a response to Patients Union was set up and provided a crisis phenomenon in new estates, so far without Tolmers Village, Finsbury Park, Longfellow Road and these were gradually occupied creating Enterprises sprang up and flourished both in ‘the adverse psychological effects of centre where people with psychological difficulties success. Prince of Wales Crescent is an and many other places. A few similar communities sizeable squatting communities. One of the first squats and in buildings licensed by Camden individuals living alone – neurosis, depression, could help each other and remain in contact with excellent example of what people can do if left occurred outside the capital, too: Hebden Bridge, was in the streets surrounding Prince of Wales Council: alienation – which can in extreme cases lead to sympathetic members of the community. Other to their own devices.’7 Bristol, Brighton etc. Each one was different Crescent in Camden, where by 1972 there were •Community Supplies began as a cheap psychosis and general personality breakdown. groups dealt with drug dependency and a comm- An alternative plan was drawn up. Houses depending on its size, the conditions of the 28O mainly young people squatting. One third of organic food supplier, where customers weighed, People in this area have learnt from bitter unity work directory was established to enable could be rehabilitated on a self-help basis costing property, the amount of security, and the people them had university or college degrees or packed and priced their own goods. Demand was experience and have set about changing their the unemployed to develop new skills and serve between £300 and £3,000 per dwelling compared attracted to them. Some were made up of people diplomas, yet it was far from being a traditional so great that a bulk store was opened serving circumstances – hence the development of a community which could not pay commercial with £9,000 for new build – saving £1/2 million. from predominantly middle class backgrounds; middle class city neighbourhood. people from all over Britain. community spirit. None of the residents have any rates. A ‘police force’ was established and some A further £300,000 could be saved by turning the others were almost exclusively working class. Employment patterns were unconventional •The Institute of Art and Technology desire to return to the isolation of a bedsitter.’7 improvement was made. However, the problems street into open space instead of knocking down Some, like Prince of Wales Crescent, shared a with most people working freelance or doing converted a former dairy into a centre for artists There were leaflets about various objectives of created by the people with severe psychological houses to make one. Mixed uses could be allowed hippy ideology which never truly adapted to casual work to earn money. The average wage in and craftsmen working in new media. the community: a ‘decentralised urban self- or social difficulties manifested on occasion by to continue instead of providing just housing and overcome social or political problems. 1972 was estimated at £7 per week. Having been •The Centre for Advanced Television Studies managed community’, a ‘green revolution in the their excessive use of drugs or alcohol remained ‘turning a socially mixed area into another And they all invariably changed rapidly, respond- empty for up to seven years the houses were began as a nationwide information centre for city’, finding ‘new ways of human interelationships’, both in the Crescent and in later squatting desert-like council development where the ing to external and internal pressures. But common fairly derelict and conditions were primitive. video users. and building a ‘new culture from the pieces of the communities. The very transience of most inhabitants are socially homogeneous.’ And more to most was a sense of identity seldom found in Skills such as wiring or plumbing had to be self- •The Craft Shop promoted home crafts such old’. Inevitably such ideals could not be sustained. squatting communities meant that a satisfactory people would be housed because the density towns. People had a sense of living somewhere taught and shared with people less able to do it. as candle making and tie-dyeing. They were, in essence a middle class luxury, prom- long term solution on how to deal with these could remainat 180 persons per acre instead of special, symbolised by the street carnivals and par- The increased leisure time available to people •The Guild of African Master Drummers oted by people who could often retreat to a well- problems seldom had time to develop effectively being reduced to 125 persons as laid down in ties which became a regular feature of squatting who often chose to live on low incomes enabled made high quality drums. paid profession or a comfortable parental home if (unlike in Christiania in Denmark (p213) where government rule books for redevelopment. life (see p 190). For some people, albeit only a them to do more for themselves. It also allowed Other groups which found a home around the the going got rough. The relaxed atmosphere also after a number of years extremely successful The squatters suggested that the Council should small minority of squatters, squatting began to be people to experiment and put ideas into practice. Crescent included Airworks (a centre for air struc- attracted some people who shared few of the ideals forms of self-management have evolved). see the area as an environment for experimenting more than simply finding a roof, it became fun, it Several squatters started workshops – electron- tures), the London Film Makers Co-op, Little of early Crescent squatters. At times, drug addicts, In December 1973 the Prince of Wales Residents with ways of living, and that it should actually offered new freedoms, a sense of community ics, engineering, silk-screening, jewellery and car- Sister of Jesus, European Theatre Exchange, Poly- alcoholics and thieves threatened to overcome the Association was set up and an attempt made to take a positive interest in its growth. But the ...almost a way of life in its own right.

38 39 often the only non-white residents. The Guardian After that incident the Mumins finally decided to occupied by squatters and issued eviction notices told of one family’s experiences: join several hundred other Bengali families who against 100. In fact, many squatters in Council ‘Abdul Mumin came to Britain in 1963 to work had already fled council flats for the security of property at this time did not receive eviction as a tailor’s machinist in East London. It took squats in the predominantly Asian district of notices, indicating that the number of Council him ten years to save enough money to bring Spitalfields. They were aided by Tower Hamlets squats in Manchester was probably in excess of his wife and children to Britain and within a Squatters Union and the Bengali Housing Action 200. few months he lost his rented accommodation. Group which opened up several blocks to cope Estimates from various parts of the country Tower Hamlets put the homeless Mumin family with the demand. At its height, one of these, are available for this period.10 For example: in a Council flat at Constant House, Harrow Pelham Buildings, had almost 200 families •In Bristol there were around 200-300. Lane, Poplar, in July 1973. A week later a boy squatting in it. •In Portsmouth tnere were 80. knocked on the door and coolly said, “I don’t A Lambeth Council report in December 1974, •In Brighton about 150. like you coloured people.” Someone else threw identified 333 unlicensed squats in Council prop- •In Guildford there were 50. an iron bar as the family stood in the doorway. erty. This figure added to the number of squats •In Swansea there were between 60 and 80. Every night the door was kicked and the in private and GLC houses, and to those the Coun- •In Cambridge there were 40. windows hammered. Within a few months the cil did not know about, suggests a total of some •In Leicester there were 100. attacks had grown into the smashing of 3-4,000 squatters in Lambeth alone. Similarly, in Press cuttings from 1975 reveal squats in many windows. One evening, as Mrs Mumin went to August 1975, Camden Council reported that 176 remote rural areas, villages and small towns; the dustbins, a youth jumped on her back. of its properties were occupied by unlicensed squat- from Sotterley in East Anglia to Chertsey in Another night three men tried to kick the ters. In addition both boroughs had about 1,000 Surrey, from St Ives in Cornwall to Stone in door down. Then one of their four children people in licensed property. A London Boroughs Staffordshire and from Shepton Mallet in opened the door to a caller and two men and a Association survey published in September 1975 Somerset to a small farm near Heathrow Airport. Syndication International woman barged in. One man knocked Mr estimated that there were 20,000 squatters in Need had begun to assert itself over centuries of Extending frontiers and explosive growth Few, if any, would have been officially classified Thirty battered wives and their children escape from over- Mumin to the floor and kicked him in the ribs. council property in the capital. And this figure did deference to the rights of property owners.• The success of squatting both as a means of as ‘homeless’; they had come from overcrowded crowded conditions at the women’s aid refuge in Chiswick He was threatened with a knife and abused not include those in GLC and private dwellings. and take over a former four-star hotel in Richmond owned obtaining accommodation and as a more directly conditions (such as living with parents), because of his race. Soon after that a window It was not only in London that squatting had Bengalis in London’s East End squat together in political tactic, led to its continuing growth expensive or substandard accommodation or by Goodhew Developers Ltd who had deliberately left it to rot for three years. The squat lasted from 1975 to 1979. was smashed, paraffin poured through the become so common. In February 1975, Manchester rundown buildings rather than face racial violence on during 1974 and 1975. Indeed, these were ‘boom’ from short-let rooms, hotels and hostels. There hole, and the curtains set alight.’9 Corporation claimed that 130 houses were more modern estates. years, with the number of squatters increasing were also people for whom local authorities en’s meeting and resource centre operated until from 15,000 at the end of 1973 to an estimated accepted no responsibility at all – the childless 1977 and in Mile End women squatted a house 40-50,000 by mid-1975. Though the majority and families from outside Norwich. to use it as a nursery. were concentrated in inner London, there were At that time most councils did not consider In Lambeth, the East End, Haringey, Bristol few towns of any size which escaped. In April women fleeing from domestic violence – ‘battered and elsewhere, empty buildings were taken over 1974, for example, a group of young people took wives’ – to be homeless. Such women often need and used as gay centres. Properties were occupied, Hoffman David over houses in Queens Terrace, Hebden Bridge, support and help from others in the same too, for offices, workshops, meeting rooms and Yorkshire. The local council was worried that too position and normal tenure arrangements do not social centres for community groups. Artists, many young people were leaving the town, but allow much scope for the communal homes which carpenters, mechanics and second-hand furniture had not accepted that it was partly due to best fulfil such requirements. As a result, large dealers operated from squatted premises. A variety housing shortage. Councillor Cyril Farrar, the numbers of battered women turned to squatting of shops and cafes were established in squats and Housing Committee chairperson, opposed letting and many women’s groups took over houses to a group of prostitutes took over empty offices in the squatters stay on the grounds that, ‘Once we provide refuges where women could escape from Greek Street, Soho, from which they plied their start to allow squatting, no one’s house will be their violent partners. Squatted houses for trade. Several community groups squatted derelict safe’.8 However, such inflexible attitudes did not battered women were opened in Manchester in plots of land, converting them into playgrounds, prevent the spread of squatting in Yorkshire, and March 1974 and, two months later, in Glasgow. communal gardens, and even urban farms. by August there were squatters in Halifax, The 1975 takeover of the Palm Court Hotel At the beginning of 1975, Cornwall Terrace, a Harrogate, Sheffield, Batley, Huddersfield, Leeds, (p196) in Richmond was the best-publicised but historic Nash building overlooking London’s Reg- Barnsley, Bradford and many other towns. there were several others. ents Park left empty by the Crown Commissioners, The existence of squatting often revealed large Squatting opened up new possibilities for was opened up and rapidly filled by over 300 numbers of ‘hidden homeless’, people not shown women’s groups, enabling them to find premises people. In North Islington the number of squatters as homeless in official housing statistics. In for a variety of activities. Brixton Women’s Centre in three blocks of GLC flats on Hornsey Rise rose Norwich, for example, 19 houses were occupied in was housed in a squat for several years and played to about 350. In the East End of London contin- the Sandringham Improvement Area in May 1974, a leading role in the growth of squatting in Lam- uing racial violence was forcing Asian families to housing 63 people, almost all of them families. beth. In Radnor Terrace, South London, a wom- leave council flats on estates where they were ane Brown/Camera Press 40 J Nick Wates Nick Caroline Lwin Caroline Lwin Caroline Lwin Mike Goldwater

Squatted land and buildings are Nick Wates Nick put to many uses, London, 1974-7. Syndication Int city farm city farm breeding hens, ducks and rabbits open air music entertainment workshop poster workshop Lambert Aden Kelly Aden Kelly ck osta Mathey Mark Gimson Ja Adam Harvey K Lambert ck Charles McKean practice room woodwork shop growing tomatoes allotments food co-operative new religions playground under a motorway Ja adventure playground The Times Nick Wates Nick Adam Harvey Caroline Lwin Caroline Lwin Philip Wolmuth

artist’s studio bakery cheap food Wates Nick Vegan restaurant Vegan restaurant banquet action centre bookshop Mike Wigg Adam Harvey David Hoffman David David Hoffman David Hoffman David

sculpture studio workshop instrument making Hoffman David jewellery workshop motorbike repairshop shop wholefood supplies Wates Nick meeting room 42 43 London Express ony McGrath/ Camera Press T

Squatting in style. Left: Squatters purporting to belong to an organisation called MUSTARD (Multi-racial Union of Squatters to Alleviate Racial Discrimination!) take over a £200,000 house in Notting Hill Gate, 1976. Above: Behind the Nash facade of Cornwall Terrace in London’s Regent Park, 300 new residents start a commu- nal kitchen and a nursery. They also organise meditation classes and concerts in the spacious rooms, 1975. Below: A luxury house in Palace Gardens, West London is occupied by members of WOGS (World Organisation of Gracious Squatters) 1976. Right: The Bishops Avenue (‘Millionaire’s Row’), Hampstead where houses left empty by a bankrupt property company are squatted, 1977. Far right: Living in Bilba’s abandoned depatment store in Kensington High Street, 1977. eystone K opperfoto P 44 Mike Goldwater Town and country squatters. Faced with a student accomodation Far left: Condemned millworkers’ cottages crisis, the 1975 National Union of in Hebden Bridge, Yorkshire, 1976. Students conference recommends its

Top left: Garden life in suburbia, members to squat – inspiring a racist Topix Ward/ Michael

The Guardian Kingston upon Thames, 1974. cartoon from the Times Higher Second from top: The ‘Wiltshire Wallies’ at Education Supplement. Stonehenge where they claim God has told them to set up camp. The Department of the Environment say they need its permission first and soon starts court proceedings saying they are bad for the Surrey Comet John John Sturrock/ Report tourist trade! Third from top: Commune in a squat in Bracknell, Berkshire, 1974. Bottom: Almshouses in Salisbury, 1976. Press Association

Top right: Already evicted three times

from council property, this couple had to Newsphoto Mansfield move out of a relative’s house because the council claim it is overcrowded. They erect this tent on council land nearby. The council is unmoved and threatens them with eviction yet again, Mildenhall, Suffolk, 1975. Second from top: Caravan dwellers squat on council land at Rainworth, Nottinghamshire, 1974. People living in caravans, are increasingly forced to squat because of the shortage of official sites. Third from top: Squatters pose for the Sunday Times in Birmingham, 1976. Bottom and far right: Sumner House, East London, 1974 where 52 of the 64 flats are squatted after Tower Hamlets Sally Soames/ Topix Reading Evening Post Council refuses to support a proposal for a tenant co-operative in the block. Although the squatters are rehoused, the flats are gutted and most remained derelict in 1980. Hundreds of similar flats in the area are squatted but few successfully make the transition to co-ops (p90). Salisbury Times 46 47 Topix Ward/ Michael Mounting opposition Chapter 5 Property owners and the media attack squatting

‘While there is a large pool of empty property, public and private, it is ‘The high incidence of squatting should not be considered as a “problem” difficult to see a reduction in squatting. The best that can be expected is which by definition is capable of sulution, but as a “condition” to be to contain it...’ alleviated rather than cured. While society refects the criminalisation of (GLC Director of Housing (Management and Maintenance) report 20 squatting and prohibits the use of private force, the practice can never be January 1976 Hg 746). stopped. Local authorities must, therefore, use a combination of avoidance and prevention, together with a variety of cures, in order to ‘There is no question of the Corporation entering into any agreement reduce the incidence. In this combination it is avoidance and prevention with squatters, or negotiating with them, since they are illegal occupiers.’ which lead the way...’ (Public Relations Department, Bristol Corporation, November 1973). (Report by Co-ordinator of Housing, Islington Council, 20 February 1975.)

By the end of 1975 unlicensed squatting had necessary, there was also strong determination to dox, people squatting. Most councils remained almost established itself as a routine method of bring it under control. As an officer’s report in unwilling to negotiate with either type fearing finding housing in the short term. A number of November 1974 to Lambeth Council’s Housing that to ‘give in’ would cause a flood of ‘queue housing officials stated in private that squatting Committee put it: ‘The Council is faced with a jumpers’ to descend on their area in search of had to be tolerated, quite simply because it was situation which is clearly out of control and the housing. Everywhere that there was squatting, impossible to envisage any alternative for the need is to bring it under control as quickly as at least one local councillor would warn of the estimated 40-50,000 squatters.The Advisory possible.’ danger of becoming a ‘soft touch’ for squatters. A Service for Squatters (ASS) reported in a press Thus, the explosive growth of squatting policy of immediate eviction was preferred in release that housing aid centres, social service during 1974-75 was accompanied by an immense most areas. departments, citizens advice bureaux, probation increase in opposition unparalleled since 1969. The Labour leader of Tower Hamlets in East services and even the police were regularly As most squatting took place in council property, London, Paul Beasley, echoed the attitude of referring people to them. Brixton Women’s Centre the most vociferous opposition tended to come many councillors when through the local paper, received as many as 30-40 referrals in one week from local authorities. They were generally even he declared ‘all out war on squatters’ in February from Lambeth Social Services Department. less willing to negotiate with the ‘new wave’ of 1975; ‘We are not going to be taken for a ride; we Official attitudes toward squatting were, how- unlicensed squatters than they had been with have had enough and we are bloody well not ever, paradoxical. While there was often a measure family squatting groups particularly as there were going to have any more.’1

of acceptance of squatting as inescapable, even now more young, single, and sometimes unortho- Squatting was a headache for councillors and Newsline Eviction at Bramley Road, North Kensington, 19 April 1977 48 49 Eviction officers; it was exposing the inadequacies of local Bailiff’s Song (Dedicated to all opressed Bailiffs) all over authority housing programmes and was seen as There’s something about a Bailiff There’s something about a Bailiff England Adam Harvey 1978 a threat to some of the established institutions of There’s something about a Bailiff housing. A Department of the Environment That is BAD BAD BAD (DOE) consultation paper put it this way: His job is not his hobby ‘Squatting raises the wider and very real prob- It’s banned by the Union lobby And even the Britiish bobby finds it SAD SAD SAD lem of the extent to which local authorities If only he knew what I know are having their position, as elected bodies If only he knew what I know answerable to the general electorate, If only he knew what I know undermined. To the extent that squatters are If he KNEW KNEW KNEW He’d hand in his resignation attempting to buck the system, they clearly Without any hesitation call into question the traditional democratic And claim for compensation as his DUE DUE DUE basis of current procedures, founded on the But a bailiff never guesses rule of law and its ordered administration.’ 2 How much the British press is A medium that suppresses Above all, squatting was seen as a threat to What is TRUE TRUE TRUE Martin Slavin 1973 Martin Slavin that basic pinion of council bureaucracy — the That a Bailiff would go pale if – housing waiting list. In effect, squatters have That he’d get ten years in gaol if – generally opted out of, or been excluded from, the That he’d never get out on bail if – People KNEW KNEW KNEW housing queue as surveys have consistently shown

Sevenoaks Chronicle 1975 Sevenoaks Chronicle ( p 233). They have made use of properties that Elephant and Castle Sevenoaks Battersea would otherwise have been empty and have not taken over houses intended for people on waiting lists. For the vast majority of people whose names were on it, the waiting list had become precisely that – a list upon which you waited . . . and waited . . . and waited. Many councils simply could not cope with the record number of people looking to them for homes. Unwilling to call for the structural social changes needed to supply housing for everyone, they made excuses for their failure to act, and instead attempted to clamp down upon people who challenged this failure by squatting. The DOE attempted in 1975 to ‘get an agreed approach to the squatting problem by local housing authorities and the Department, and to develop a joint policy.’2 But no such policy

ony Sleep materialised. Instead councils employed a Battersea Mike Goldwater Camden Laurie Sparham/ IFL 1979 Regents Park London Express 1975 Camden T variety of techniques in their efforts to prevent, Eastcote (below) Westminster (below) Kendal (below) Somerset (below) control or halt squatting and during 1973-76 these were tested and refined in various areas by both Labour and Conservative administrations. The Labour-controlled GLC’s policy was typical of many authorities. In June 1974 it announced the first of several ‘new policies’ towards squatters. It intended to be ‘humane but firm’ and expressed its determination that squatters should not mess up its plans any longer. A GLC report estimated that 2,000 squatters were occupying 390 GLC dwellings.3 ‘Any attempt to mount a drive Union Row, Kent against all squatters at one time would be wholly beyond the present resources’,” reported the Bailiffs in

Head of the Housing Department and thus the Battersea 1977 Mike Goldwater estmorland Gazette 1974 entish Gazette 1974 K Middlesex County Press 1975 W Bristol United Press 1974 51 Thousands of habitable houses are vandalis- ‘humane’ aspect of the policy was that people ed by owners to stop squtters using them. already squatting would be allowed to remain until the buildings were needed. But this did not Top left: Lambeth Council raises the roof in seem to happen in practice and many squatters St Agnes Place, 1976. all over London were evicted without offers of Bottom left: Police protection for the wreckers, Lambeth, 1976. alternative accommodation and frequently well Middle: Westminster Council gets to work on before the buildings were needed for development. a house in Bravington Road, 1977. In the East End, for instance, on Mercer’s Left: Without waiting for the departure of the Estate, Stepney, there were 69 squatted flats as elderly tenants, Lambeth’s workmen start well as 177 empty ones – whose occupants faced demolition at Radnor Terrace, 1977. eviction under the new GLC policy. For three Below left and centre: Ritchie House, Hornsey years tenants had slowly been moved out in Rise in the hands of the Greater London preparation for demolition, but the DOE then Council, 1975. imposed a preservation order on the flats and so Below right: Westminster Council smashes up Sandringham Flats in Charing Cross Road new plans had to be drawn up. in 1973 only to repair them two years later at Yet the GLC went through with this unnecess- a cost of £400,000. ary eviction making a complete mockery of the Sevenoaks Chronicle 1975 Sevenoaks Chronicle statement by its Housing Committee chairperson, Gladys Dimson, that: ‘Our policy is to use every possible empty house awaiting redevelopment.’ The ‘firm’ aspect of the GLC’s policy involved tightening security on empty houses to prevent any further squatting. Boarding up houses was not proving successful as a deterrent and the GLC resorted to gutting, a term used for ‘ripping

Union Place Collective up floorboards, knocking out windows, taking Corrugation Street No.5 Association Covent Garden Community Squatters Handbook 1978

down internal doors, moving or destroying sanitary fittings, etc.’5 The ‘etc’ in the statement actually concealed the most objectionable parts of an already objectionable practice e g pouring concrete down lavatory basins or drains, sawing through support joists and breaking roof tiling. Other public authorities also resorted to gutting. The Crown Commissioners not only smashed washbasins and lavatory bowls but welded metal estminster Empty Property Action Group estminster Empty Property David Hoffman David Wates Nick W windows shut. Although squatters proved adept

52 53 Time Out Gutting by Quadrant Housing Association, Crystal Palace, 1973 (above). Gutting by Brent Area Health Authority, Brondesbury, 1979 (below). Ray

Mike Wigg Gutting by Redbridge Council, Lockwood Road, 1979 (above). Lambeth, 1977 (below). Nick Wates There were cases of children of squatters being beach before squatting, were not only evicted but had not actually taken or damaged anything in as a base by community groups came under refused places at local schools and of squatters also struck off the housing waiting list. entering premises, these were often defeated in harassment from the National Front and on one being denied access to the refuse collection service. Banning squatters from waiting lists became court. Nonetheless, the eagerness with which occasion a shotgun was fired through the window. In 1973 Camden Council even tried to ban quite a common tactic, the hypocrisy of which many police officers sought possible charges was The North London Gay Centre, a squatted house squatters from using library facilities by issuing was illustrated in Southwark, South London, in indicative of their hostile attitude to squatters. in Finsbury Park was attacked by a bottle- a directive instructing staff that squatters were 1976. On 8 March, the Senior Lettings Officer of Police in Twickenham, Surrey, took the unpreced- throwing gang of NF youths. These are just a few not classed as ‘residents’ and were therefore not the Council wrote to a Mr Orchard as follows: ented step of announcing figures showing how examples of incidents against squatters which entitled to borrow books.9 Attempts were made to ‘With reference to your application for housing many squatters had been arrested over a certain were not effectively investigated by the police. prevent squatters obtaining advice from council- assistance, it is observed that you are illegally period. These figures were not even a true The covert police attitude appeared to be that aided advice groups. In June 1976, for instance, squatting ... In view of this irregularity, it will reflection of the level of crime among squatters squatters were ‘fair game’ and not entitled to Holloway Housing Aid Centre received a renewal not be possible to place your name on the as they related to arrests not convictions. protection of the law because they had put of its £17,000 grant from Islington Council only housing waiting list and you are advised to Needless to say similar figures relating to council themselves outside it by squatting in the first on condition that it guaranteed not to assist vacate immediately, since only in the event of tenants or owner-occupiers were not produced. place. When it was arranged for squatters in squatters. Islington Council in fact attempted to your being able to find alternative The police harassed squatters, too, through Camden to give lectures on squatting to the local South Wales Evening Post Wales South disguise its empty property by putting up curtains accommodation within the London Borough of raids in search of drugs or, on occasion, even bomb force to increase ‘understanding’, eight policemen On ‘instructions’ from West Glamorgan Council, in Bristol, squatters went to the High Court. But in windows. Then, having decided that ‘squatting Southwark will you be able to register with and firearms (p 127). The number of raids and the complained in a letter to the police magazine, The electricity board workmen cut supplies to houses in all such cases were lost by the squatters and the invasions of Islington’ were being organised by this authority for alternative accommodation.’ number of police involved was disproportionate in Job: ‘The obvious continuation of this policy must Oystermoulh Road, Swansea, even though the squatters chances of obtaining supplies of services varied ‘certain notorious persons’, considered, in February A similar letter was sent to Kathleen Hoey, relation to the number of drug-taking squatters. be that within the foreseeable future we shall be had paid their bills, 1974. greatly from area to area depending on the attitude 1975, taking out injunctions stopping these people her husband and their children on 29 October. For instance, in the same week in September lectured by thieves, prostitutes and the like.’12 of the local boards and the owners of the squatted from trespassing in Council property. This Yet only the previous day, a social worker in the 1977 80-strong police contingents, spearheaded In the courts, a series of regressive rulings at repairing gutted houses, this municipal properties. Minister of Energy Tony Benn stated addition to the arsenal of anti-squatting measures same Council had written to the Camberwell by the Special Patrol Group raided the squatted eroded loopholes that had been used over vandalism was responsible for the destruction of in Parliament in 1975 that squatters would be was only rejected when Islington realised that squatting group to which Mr Orchard and the Elizabeth Garrett Anderson maternity home in previous years (Chapter 14 details this gradual thousands of useable homes. treated the same as any other occupiers6 but in the ‘notorious persons’ would have to be supplied Hoeys belonged as follows: Hampstead, North London11 and squatted houses erosion of the law). Possession orders could now, Councils also increased harassment of spite of this property owners continued to be able with complete lists of empty Council property or ‘This is to introduce Colin Myton who urgently in Little Venice, West London, both early in the in theory, be obtained in as little as a week but squatters through gas and electricity cut-offs to deny them gas and electricity supplies. otherwise they could claim to be unaware when needs accommodation. He is staying with friends morning. At the maternity home, the police in practice the courts are always so clogged up taking advantage of legal confusion on the issue Indeed, the DOE, three months before Bonn’s they were in breach of the injunction.10 at the moment but must leave immediately. I kicked down almost every door in the building, that generally they took several weeks. More (p. 162 ). Bengali squatters in the East End statement, had suggested that to deter squatters Council responses were cynical in the extreme. hope you can help.’ including one which fell on top of a 58-year-old significantly, possession orders could now be used suffered particularly through gas supplies being it ‘would be willing to approach statutory To lower squatters’ public status, housing depart- woman, causing a face wound which needed four against unnamed occupants, preventing squat- disconnected in properties where gas was the undertakings centrally, as a supplement to local ments would sometimes claim that squatted houses stitches. Eleven of the 40 people living in the swopping and they could not be suspended only safe form of power for heating or cooking as approaches by the local authorities to the boards were just about to be let. Squatters were therefore squat were arrested but only three were actually without the owner’s consent. It was also ruled the electrical wiring was unable to carry high in their areas, to establish that they would be seen to be creating hardship, and quite often left charged all for possession of small amounts of that it was legal, if inadvisable, for an owner to loads. In 1973 the GLC refused the London ready to consider not making supplies available voluntarily. On one occasion in 1975 Calderdale cannabis. In Little Venice, people who did not get evict without a court order. Electricity Board access to houses in Charrington to houses notified to them by a local authority.’7 Housing Department allocated a house in Royal out of bed immediately also had their doors The tighter legal context made it increasingly Street, Kings Cross, to prevent squatters A variety of other attempts were made to Terrace, Hebden Bridge, to a woman and her kicked down but no one was arrested. difficult to mount an effective defence to a poses- obtaining a power supply. It was a tactic employed repress squatting through use of the law. three children ten minutes after hearing that it The role of the police in drug raids on squatted sion order in court but this did not satisfy many successfully again and again by property owners Bradford City Council, for example, tried had been squatted. The flat had been empty for a premises had less to do with maintenance of law opponents of squatting for whom substantial as an effective form of back-door eviction. unsuccessfully to get damages for trespass, costs year and a half. Six months previously the same and order than with intimidation. Magistrates legal reforms seemed long overdue. Since 1971, In Bristol, for example, it was used successfully for ‘use and occupation’ (which amounted to rent) woman had asked the Council if she could live handed over warrants to search squats for drugs the Law Commission had been working on a by both private owners and the local authority. and other injunctions restraining named illain No. 26

there and had been told it was not for letting. In V without question and the police often took review of the criminal law with the brief to Squatting first occurred in Bristol in October 1972, individuals from squatting.8 Other authorities, fact, the squatters moved out to make way for advantage of the lack of public sympathy for reframe the law relating to trespass. In 1974 the when four houses owned by a company were occu- especially outside London, where squatters more her but she did not take up the offer. (Some of Cops and squatters squatters by treating them as they liked. When the Law Commission published a proposal that any pied. The company instructed the electricity board often had no legal advice or support, tried other the houses in that street were still empty in 1980.) The police, under heavy pressure from property SPG kicked down the door to a squatted flat in act of trespass should be made illegal, once the not to connect electricity supplies, and the coldness tactics like applying for large sums of money in One of the most ironic deterrents was dreamt owners, sometimes attempted to bring criminal Emmalisa Court, Islington, during a drugs raid in trespasser had been asked to leave. In response, of winter helped minimise resistance to eviction. costs against squatters when they obtained up by Conservative-controlled Brighton which had charges against squatters, particularly in small 1975, they were asked why they had not knocked the Campaign Against a Criminal Trespass Law Later, Bristol Council used the same tactic against possession orders. Bath City Council threatened maintained a tough line, involving the immediate towns. In July 1975, for example, three squatters in first. The answer was: ‘It’s more fun this way.’ (CACTL) was set up by All London Squatters (p over 100 people squatting in houses due to be squatters in an old stone cottage which had been eviction of all squatters, since 1969. In the summer Lancashire were charged under the 1824 Vagrancy In addition there was a marked lack of interest 87). After much opposition to the proposals, both demolished for a new road scheme in Ashley condemned as ‘unfit for human habitation’ that if of 1973, a new campaign began in the town and Act with ‘wandering abroad, lodging in an unoccu- on the part of police when squatters themselves from CACTL and from diverse organisations Road. The denial of electricity supplies again they did not leave they would be liable to fines of the Council, echoing the blinkered assessment of pied building, failing to give a good account of were victims of crime. During the summer of 1976 outside the squatting movement, ranging from reduced the will of the squatters to fight eviction. £100 – plus £20 per every day they remained in the Brighton Evening Argus that ‘squatting is a themselves and failing to apply for accommodation Bengali squats in the East End were firebombed, the police to the trade union movement, the Law Squatters in several areas attempted to compel the premises – under public health legislation. social disease which breaks out at intervals’, intro- when directed to a reasonable place of shelter’. as were squatted houses in other parts of London Commission reported again in 1976 with less their local gas and electricity boards to provide The idea that one could be evicted for the sake of duced a new punishment. Eugenia Griffin, and More commonly, charges of criminal damage or – West Hampstead, Brent and Kentish Town. No Draconian proposals that were to make supplies by appealing to the Magistrates Court and one’s own health added a bizarre twist. her five-year-old son, who had been sleeping on the theft were laid, although provided that squatters 220 Camden High Street which was being used squatting more difficult but not illegal (pp 161-2).

56 57 squatters evicted. They were encouraged in pur- the deterioration of the area, turned into resent- ‘legitimate’ occupiers ever experience, and their service. Eager to take over any dwelling, whether set out in the letter to The Times and that the suit of this aim by the fact that two Labour ment against squatters who became the scape- every action is noted and commented upon. They empty or not, the squatters were portrayed as letter is, to say the least, disingenuous.’18 In less Councillors had given support and encouragement goats for everything wrong with central Twicken- walk a knife-edge between acceptance (and hardened political militants who lived rent-free polite terms, she was lying. (When contacted by Trouble With Neighbours to the squatters. Tremlett accused Labour coun- ham. The mobilisation of that resentment was support) and hostility (and opposition). By 1975, on social security handouts, using the homeless the press, Mrs Such declined to comment on Mr Not all hostility towards squatters emanated cillor Lady Connor of encouraging ‘riff-raff into the not spontaneous and its direction against the a growing number of squatters were on the for their own ends. Upper-class or university- Lane’s letter.) from property owners, and on several occasions borough and warned: ‘The borough is fast devel- squatters rather than the developers was largely wrong side of that edge. Their failure to take educated squatters were given particular attention But the damage had been done. In the interven- councils evicted squatters because they claimed oping a cancer in its midst, a cancer that could determined by the intervention of local worthies sufficient account of the feelings of neighbours, as were two ‘glamorous, polished’ women squatting ing three weeks, there had been a spate of letters, to be under strong pressure from local residents dangerously pollute the quality of our life and like Hall and Tremlett and the press. whether reasonable or not, was increasingly in Cheltenham. The articles emphasised violence articles and editorials condemning squatting and who accused the squatters of causing a nuisance.13 the moral well-being of our children.’15 (Ironically, Events in Twickenham in 1973 are an example damaging to their cause. (resisting eviction), squalor (the condition of demanding tough legislation. Three days after the There is a joke about squatters, current in in October 1977, then GLC Housing Chairperson, of how the stereotyped image of squatters can squatted properties), drugs (allegedly used publication of the Harper letter, another one different forms in several countries. Residents in George Tremlett gave licences to over 5,000 carry more weight than the facts. The squatter regularly in squats), and even sex (one being appeared from the Labour Chairperson of the GLC a neighbourhood are supposed to have complained squatters in GLC property under an amnesty.) was seen as single, unemployed, lazy and from Media myths headed ‘How a Naked Blonde Beat the Bailiffs’). Housing Management Committee, Tony Judge. about noise from squatted houses keeping them What was this cancer? The Richmond and outside Twickenham. Yet a survey of 18 houses What really undermined the basis of support for One month later, The Times letters column After stating ‘Miss Elizabeth Harper’s letter rightly awake late into the night. The squatters are Twickenham Times published its answer in a in September 1973 found: that there were 16 squatters was a vicious and systematic campaign became the focus for more damaging and more drew attention to the illegal behaviour of squat- reputed to have said in reply that the neighbours fanciful article in April 1973 under the heading, children squatting as well as 112 adults; that 61 against them conducted by the press and helped, influential allegations against squatters. On 11 ters who invade private homes and the reluctance woke them up early in the morning by revving ‘GARDEN OF EDEN HIPPIES SPREAD WAVE per cent of the adults were working and only 10 at times, by various politicians and other July 1975, a letter was published from a Miss of the police to take action against them’, Judge their car engines as they left for work. OF TERROR’. Hippies, according to a few unnamed per cent had not worked since moving into the interested parties. Elizabeth Harper writing from an address in went on to claim that squatters in Elgin Avenue It is a humorous tale not entirely devoid of local residents, had ‘turned day into night’ with squat; and that while 12 months earlier there At the beginning of 1975, angered by the Northumberland who claimed she had just had held up a GLC housing development, designed truth. The joke was almost mirrored by events in wild parties going on all night in a huge communal had been no squats, 67 per cent of the squatters resistance of squatters, particularly in Elgin ‘had the appalling experience of turning for people in ‘real need’, for a year, and that the August 1974 in Deal, Kent, where residents garden: ‘Young revellers danced naked to the music had lived in Twickenham for over a year and 13 Avenue, West London, and unwilling to give in to squatters out of our home in Kensington, left ‘cost to the public had been incredibly high’. After complained about cars revving up and doors of live groups’; the area was ‘a hotbed of drugs’; per cent had lived there for over 15 years.16 demands for rehousing, the GLC organised a press locked and secure three weeks earlier. The describing them as ‘worthless and articulate slamming late at night. They blamed it on the the squatters had an ‘elaborate police warning During 1973, conflict between squatters and conference to expose ‘smash and grab’ squatters. squatters arrogantly assumed the right to scroungers whom . . . the country has no conceiv- young long-haired squatters who had moved into system’, consisting of a scout near the police other local people in Stepney, East London, led to This was a ‘new breed’ of squatter – allegedly break in, to live in our home with their dogs, able duty to house’, it concluded: ‘It is past time we the street. The local paper quoted squatters as station blowing a whistle, the sound being picked several nasty incidents. Squatters had their holding up redevelopment schemes by refusing to to sleep in our beds in our sheets, to daub cleared up the absurdities in the law to reassert saying: ‘We don’t have cars. The other morning up by a bugler in a tree who immediately relays windows smashed and were subjected to various move out, taking over houses and flats meant for crude drawings in black on our walls, to use the rights of owners, be they public or private.’19 we were woken up by a neighbour telling us to the alarm. The residents the paper claimed to forms of harassment including physical violence. people off the waiting list and damaging property. our food, light, heat and telephone, to steal The next day, the Under-Sheriff of London, stop the noise. We had been asleep until then’.14 have interviewed were said to be so terrorised by Houses from which squatters had been evicted To support the last point the GLC produced £300 worth of antique furniture and above all Alistair Black, gave an account in The Times of the Normal tenure patterns tend to segregate squatters that they were afraid to give their names. and which were not due for immediate photographs of damage, said to have been done to dispose of all our treasured possessions.’ problems faced by his officers under the current different classes and types of people. Squatting What had happened, as in other parts of the demolition were set on fire by local people to by squatters, to new property in Westminster. According to Miss Harper, the police had law due to the sophistication of squatters’ methods has often broken down these divisions enabling country both then and since, was that among the prevent other squatters moving in. These allegations, based on a few isolated refused to take any action and she warned that if of defence: ‘In our view, if effective enforcement working class people to live in wealthy squatters there were a minority of anti-social In Camden, too, conflict erupted in violence on incidents, received widespread coverage and set the police continued to turn a blind eye, many procedures are available with a sanction of arrest neighbourhoods or young single people to live in people who showed as little respect for their a few occasions. On 19 April 1973, local ‘vigilantes’ the tone for the whole year. During the summer, Times readers could return from holiday to find and possible imprisonment, the scourge of the areas of council housing normally restricted to neighbours’ way of life as the neighbours did for threw out squatters from No 35 Marsden Street, anti-squatter hysteria reached new heights. their homes squatted. squatter will be removed from the already over- the elderly or families with children. This has theirs. The ethic of tolerance and non-interference, the only house in the road with a bathroom. As in 1969, it was the Sunday People which led Three weeks later, a letter was published from troubled and over-burdened housing scene.20 resulted in occasional clashes of lifestyle as at so often prevalent amongst squatters, made it Camden Council had stated that it intended to the way, with a series of three articles, published the Metropolitan Police Solicitor which pointed Much of the press coverage relied on the ‘facts’ Grosvenor Road in Twickenham. difficult for the ‘community’ of squatters to try to use the house for a family off the waiting list but in consecutive weeks in June, containing all the out that the story set out in Miss Harper’s letter as stated in the Harper letter to assert that Squatters first moved into the street in October control the undesirable elements. As a group the after the squatters had gone, Camden’s first and classic ingredients of sensationalism: ‘was not in accordance with the facts’ on police squatters were now taking over people’s homes 1972. Bovis, the building firm, had acquired over squatters appeared different to other residents. only act was to tin up the windows and doors. A ‘An Englishman’s home used to be his castle records. Amongst other things, ‘Miss Harper’ was while they were on holiday, or even out shopping, 20 properties in the area for development but did They moved into an area as it was declining and few weeks later the Francis family who lived next ...but today he stands a good chance of having in fact a Mrs Such who claimed to be a barrister, and indeed this became a widely believed myth. not have any immediate plans. After the arrival rather than their presence being seen as door and who had been prominent in kicking out it taken over by Britain’s growing army of who had not been on holiday and whose house in And despite the fact that there were no verified of the first squatters, the company decided to let symptomatic of that decline, it became seen as the squatters apparently had a change of heart. squatters. It used to be the long-vacant Kensington was up for sale. (A Frederick Such, cases of this occurring (p 231) – and that the police London and Quadrant Housing Association use the cause of it. In addition, some residents had They issued a statement saying that they had premises of property speculators that were presumably Miss Harper’s husband, was resident confirmed they would intervene if it ever did – all the empty homes. But the Association was com- developed a sense of outrage at the idea of people been mis-led by the Council and that in future the targets of the live-for-nothing invaders. at the same address in Northumberland and prac- some astute businessmen even offered insurance pletely unprepared to receive 20 dilapidated semi- living rent-free while they were paying high they would work alongside squatters to fight bad Now it’s ANYONE’S home . . . even a family ticed as a barrister in Newcastle.) In other words, policies against the possibility. Lloyds, for instance, gutted houses, so that over the next few months rents in similar houses nearby. housing. But the squatters in this particular case coming back from holiday can find itself locked it was not her ‘home’. In addition, when police offered full cover of £5,000 including the cost of more unlicensed squatters moved in. By April Rumours circulated among residents about must have been unusually patient and determined out, with strangers in occupation. Squatting, officers had gone to the house and told the squat- alternative accommodation and legal fees for £5 1973, the character of this affluent and spacious squatters and were perpetuated by the lack of and the Francis family particularly open to 1975, is highly organised, nationwide, ters the house was occupied, they left ‘without a year, and many other organisations including street had been totally altered by the ‘invasion’ social contact between the two groups. The truth discussion and argument. Very often the divide spreading rapidly - and DANGEROUS.’17 any incident occurring’. The telephone which the the Automobile Association introduced similar of over 100 squatters. Meanwhile, Alderman Hall, got distorted and lies were believed. Every piece between squatters and neighbours has been too The articles painted a picture of a sinister, soph- squatters had allegedly used had been previously schemes. It was an easy way to make money. A the Leader of Conservative-controlled Richmond of rubbish dumped in the street and every car irrational and wide to allow for any conciliation. isticated and unscrupulous squatting movement, disconnected. The Police Solicitor commented: detailed study of press coverage found that the Council, and Housing Committee Chairperson door slammed late at night was blamed on squat- When squatters move into a street they are on equipped with its own legal services, radio station, ‘I think you will agree that the facts I have set out number of column inches per day rose dramatically George Tremlett, organised a campaign to get the ters. What began as the residents’ concern over public trial. They are observed in a way that few newspapers, estate agency, police force and health ...present a very different picture from the facts during 1975 and that there was a substantial

58 59 increase of ‘anti-squatting’ articles as against ‘pro- squatting’ and ‘neutral’ ones.21 Coverage focused on five typical representations of squatters. • Deviants in lifestyle, political views, attitudes or behaviour • Queue jumpers preventing ‘genuine’ people from being housed • Parasites who cost the ratepayers money • Cheeky and greedy people indulging in a lifestyle which is the prerogative of the property-owning rich (by occupying mansions and luxury homes) •A danger to the mortgaged middle class (by occupying their homes) There were frequent calls for tougher legal measures. The Times, for example, editorialised: ‘. . . it has become increasingly clear that the act of squatting is no longer carried out by, or on behalf of deprived and homeless people. The new generation of squatters are not by any test poor (or if they are, they need not be). They are usually articulate and sophisticated, and their motives are often cynical in the extreme. At best they are people whose purpose is to live cheaply at other people’s expense. But many of them are motivated politically. Their aim is not to improve the lot of the homeless (indeed, by their action they are achieving precisely the opposite) but to make political points about the concept of private property, the capitalist system and so on. What is particularly disturbing, as correspondence to The Times over the past week has shown, is that the position is getting worse. No longer content with taking over empty properties, some have taken to squatting in obviously occupied houses. What is needed is a law aimed specifically at illegal squatters . The government should urgently consider bringing in such legislation.’22 An editorial in the Daily Telegraph even went so far as to say that squatting was a direct threat to the survival of society and described how ‘innumerable houses up and down the country are now in illegal occupation by organised gangs of thugs layabouts and revolutionary fanatics. . In reality the motive for most of this squatting is either political – a settled purpose of subverting public order – or simple greed and aggression.’23 The same views were echoed throughout the 1975: A collection of sensationalism, pompous ignorance popular papers, which vied with each other for and downright lies from politicians and journalists.

60 61 the most alarming or sinister ‘stories’. The Daily through the courts when property was required board up all windows and doors. Faced with the scrounging off social security. By November 1976 Squatters Army Mail decided that and such delays were insignificant in comparison choice of leaving or being incarcerated, the squat- there was talk of a vigilante group of locals prepar- (tune: ‘My old man’s a dustman’) ‘Many thousands – in all probability the with even the ordinary delays common to large ters chose to move on. In Brighton, where most ing to throw out the squatters and the Council majority – of squatters ... are freeloaders and development schemes. For example, in Elgin squatting was in private property, a squatters felt confident enough to evict, refusing to rehouse Oh...... layabouts . . . Strong laws are needed to prevent Avenue where Tony Judge had claimed that union was set up specifically as a defence against even a mother and child, despite a directive from We’re the squatters Army the forces of anarchy which are undermining squatters held up development work for 12 evictions which were often carried out violently the court judge that they should do so. Housing We’re the ‘won’t pay rent Brigade’ the democratic processes of our country.’24 months, building work did not start for seven by people without possession orders. Committee Chairperson, Robert Sunderland, had We like marijuana And a London Evening News ‘investigation’ months after the squatters eventually moved out. Local authorities too made use of squatters’ low already declared defiantly: ‘There is no way that And we like getting laid culminated with this editorial comment: While there undoubtedly were isolated cases of public status. In Hebden Bridge, for instance, the we are going to rehouse these leeches on society.’ Oh, have you read about us? ‘An Evening News investigation has vividly squatters damaging property, taking drugs and linking of 20 long-haired squatters living in old Not only did Calderdale Council clamp down If not you will you bet revealed the true face of the new breed of being ‘revolutionary fanatics’, ‘foreigners’, millworkers’ cottages in Queens Terrace with the on all squatting locally, but councillors and Because the Sunday People squatters who seem to have taken over Central ‘articulate scroungers’, ‘upper class’ and so on, mythical evil beings created in the media made officers went so far as to travel to London to lobby Ain’t seen nothing yet London. And what a nasty face it turns out to be. the vast majority of squatters did not fit these the owners, Calderdale Council, less willing to parliament (successfully) for an amendment to Many of them are foreign scroungers here for the mythical media stereotypes. Property owners organise a seminar to learn how to negotiate and more able to evict. With more in- the Housing (Homeless Persons) Act, then in 1. We piss out of windows social security and free accommodation. . . It is In the desperate search for sensationalism, the deal with squatting and occupations, 1975. sight than other newspapers. The Guardian Parliament. Nicknamed the ‘Calderdale Clause’ And we shit on the floor no good the government waiting for the Law press further reinforced these myths in the public remarked, ‘. . . the Council has a preconceived it allows councils to refuse accommodation to And we shoot up in lavatories Commission report before amending the law to mind. One of the most malicious stories appeared Children who lived in squats were picked on or image of them as scruffy, ill-mannered individuals people who ‘deliberately make themselves Well ain’t that wot they’re for deal with these housing bandits. By the time long after the summer 1975 coverage had petered ostracised by other children at school, and known who have been conveniently lumped together homeless’. This sufficiently ambiguous wording MPs get back from their summer holidays, how out. The London Evening News headlined a story, squats were ‘forgotten’ by refuse collectors (thus under the squatting label’.29 In fact, many of these allows Calderdale Council among others to 2. We don’t work in offices many more of the world’s waifs and strays will ‘SQUATTERS WON’T QUIT CRASH WIDOW’S fuelling the myth that squatters lived in squatters had previously been private tenants in continue avoiding its obligation to the homeless. We don’t work on the stalls be enjoying their free stays in London?’25 HOME’. It began with the sentence ‘Two squalor). Monica Ferman, secretary of Fairhazel the same cottages at Queens Terrace prior to their Councils showed little enthusiasm for We don’t work in factories squatters who have deprived a Moorgate tube Tenants Association in Camden, described how purchase by the Council in 1974. Initial suspicion negotiating with squatters or for trying to find We don’t work at all disaster victim of a new home, today refused to one tenant had, by mid-1975, ‘given up almost all by other local residents had gradually been ways of housing them and were increasingly get out.’26 A subsequent investigation showed forms of work and relaxation, as an obsession replaced by a limited degree of acceptance and prepared to use force to evict them. In Islington, 3. We got lice and scabies that the woman was not a Moorgate crash victim with squatters had taken over his life’. The support. Indeed, the squatters secured 500 signa- for example, 17 people were arrested when 200 Fleas and bedbugs too but had been hurt in another tube accident six tenant once spotted tures to a petition asking that they be allowed to police and 20 bailiffs evicted four houses in We only take our clothes off atford Evening ‘an unfamiliar pushchair standing outside his W 5.4.1974 Echo years ago. Nor had she been offered a ‘new’ home stay and gained the backing of the local Labour Charteris Road in June 1976, despite the fact When we want to screw Effect of media image – it was a poor standard prefab, on a site where building. Purple with fury ... he rushed into Party, the MP for the area, the senior social that a survey had identified a hundred Council- Some MPs did, in fact, respond to this media there were numerous other empty prefabs. The the back garden dustbins with the pushchair. worker and the local clergy, both Methodist and owned empty dwellings in the immediate area. 4. We’ll beat up your grandma onslaught. At its height a number of MPs called squatters had stressed their willingness to move Much soothed by this positive gesture, he Catholic. They also produced detailed plans for A GLC report acknowledged the way in which Coz we’re a load of thugs upon the government to take immediate action into one of these to make way for her. Finally, the went upstairs to join his family. A minute the houses and requested that they be allowed to the media prepared the ground for a crackdown We won’t even notice against squatters. A Commons motion tabled by squatters had a small child and thus the local later our tenant shot out of the house again to rent or buy them, as they were unsuitable for on squatting: ‘There is no doubt that, as a result Coz wer’re all high on drugs Conservative Hugh Rossi on 17 July, 1975, called Council had a duty to house them. retrieve the pushchair, and he made it just in families from the local authority’s waiting list. of the recent press campaign against squatting, for legislation making it an offence to squat. One The images conjured up by the media had an time to help his wife’s best friend tuck up her Unfortunately, the Tory controlled Calderdale public interest in the matter has been aroused. It 5. We laze around like landlords hundred and fifteen MPs signed it and at least effect on all squatters. Neighbours who had pre- two-year-old toddler and wave them away.’27 Council was not impressed. When squatters is likely that there would be public support for Let others rub and scrub two attempted to introduce Private Member’s viously been helpful or ambivalent became hostile. People with little direct experience of squatters presented their case in a formal deputation, more positive (sic) action on the part of local The only landlord that we pay Bills on similar lines during the summer. developed wild ideas about their lifestyle. One Councillor Raymond Pearson walked out saying authorities in tackling the problem.’32 Runs our local pub In reality, as several surveys show (pp 230-3), Wandsworth resident wrote in the local paper ‘I do not see it as part of my duty as an elected And taking the lead, the GLC held yet squatters were totally unlike the media’s ‘They are in the bingo halls as soon as the doors representative to talk to people who are another press conference at the beginning of presentation of them. open; also the betting shops and have a taxi to occupying houses illegally.’30 Nevertheless, it was 1976 at which yet another scandal was revealed. • The vast majority of squatters improved take them. The Council encourage them by agreed to renovate the houses instead of Squatters, so the unsubstantiated claim went, their properties rather than damaged them. handing out keys to enter these flats and houses. demolishing them as originally planned which were employing a ‘Rent-a-Kid’ system, whereby • Squatters did not take over other people’s It is about time something was done about it.’28 the squatters saw as a partial victory. But they squatters facing eviction ‘borrowed’ children of homes while they were out. Private property owners became more confident were not to be rented to the squatters as the friends to get rehoused.33 • Squatters rarely prevented people in greater in dealing with squatters. With the possibility of Council’s stated policy towards them was that The media campaign of 1975 and subsequent need from being housed because most squatted bad publicity largely dissipated, wasteful and harsh they should be sent back to where they came from. press fabrications about squatting were inspired houses were not intended for immediate use. policies could be implemented with little fear of Media-inspired antipathy enabled the hard- by a combination of both commercial and political • And in cases where squatters were accused public disapproval. In July 1976, for instance, 50 line opponents of squatting to mobilise support, motivation. The coverage made a mockery of the of trying to hold up development schemes, this people were forced out of the squatted Cumberland as Peace News reported: ‘Local Liberal and Tory very notion of freedom of the press and the pursuit action was usually part of a wider campaign Hotel, Earls Court, by 15 workmen with four councillors/businessmen began to exploit the of truth. Squatters were merely the latest in a against anti-social developments. Alsatians. Dispensing with such niceties as a pos- situation to stir up antagonisms.’31 The squatters long line of victims of a media that is far- Anyway squatters could easily be evicted session order, the owner intruded the workmen to were accused of living in disgusting conditions and removed from the ideals it professes to uphold.•

Daily Telegraph 11.9.1975 Daily Telegraph 63 Fighting back Chapter 6 Wise William

Squatters organise nationally and locally to defend their rights Newsline Wates Nick Adam Harvey Metropolitan Police Ray Ray LSU

Squatters organise to the opposition. Squatters keep themselves informed important local organisations and had gained the moved on in many cases to new and isolated Squatters’ meetings. Part of the success of the 1975 campaign against Many squatters’ reactions to the onslaught was Left: James Street, London, 1976. support of, amongst others, the local MP, the squats. Both of these squats experienced Top left: Cleveland Street, London, 1976. squatters lay in the relatively fragmented state to play down the fact that they were squatting. To Right and centre: Huntley Street, London, 1979. trades council and the federation of local tenants unpleasant degrees of social disintegration Petty Top right: Tower Hamlets, London, 1979. of the movement. It is worth comparing the media appease neighbours, some even pretended they were and residents associations, theft was rife, ‘hard’ drug dealers had moved in Bottom right: Islington, London, 1979. myth of a highly organised squatting movement not squatters and were paying rent. More positively, organising social events, raising money, seeking Elgin Avenue marked a tremendous victory for and the proportion of people who created Bottom centre: Cornwall Terrace, London, 1975. with the reality of that movement’s response to the an increasing number of squatters began to organise support from other groups, finding new squats, the squatting movement but there was still no problems began to exceed the capacity of more Top centre, bottom left: Tolmers Square, London, 1979. attacks on it. The only answer that squatters could in a variety of ways to cope with the threat. liaising with the press and perhaps building general recognition of single people’s right to ‘together’ squatters to cope with them. often find was to attempt to persuade the media barricades. housing. The agreement to rehousing was present- It was not only disorganised squats which fell to and a group of them took over Trentishoe to present a more balanced picture. Letters were The style of organisation and political strategy ed as a one-off deal and statements emphasised the bailiffs in the aftermath of the 1975 campaign Mansions a block of GLC flats next to Cambridge written to newspapers but rarely published; press The local level varied enormously from group to group depending that it did not apply to other squatters. Indeed, against squatting. Prince of Wales Crescent, in Circus in central London. conferences were called but largely ignored; the The most common form of organisation was the on the nature of the opposition, the aspirations victory in Elgin Avenue proved to be exceptional, Camden, described in detail earlier (p 38), became The Cornwall Terrace and Hornsey Rise squat- Sunday People had its offices picketed one evening local squatting group at street or block level. Squat- and skills of the squatters and the emergence or as very few other squatters won rehousing. On 7 very chaotic and when the bailiffs turned up in ters and the thousands of individual squatters but its anti-squatter tirades continued unabashed. ting groups sprang up all over London (there were otherwise of leadership. The success of local organ- November 1975, 300 police evicted 70 squatters March 1976 the number of squatters had fallen evicted during 1975-76 failed to get rehousing Journalists who wrote articles favourable to 14 in Tower Hamlets alone in 19751) and in many isation varied too, but the potential was shown from Cornwall Terrace and two months later 150 drastically – from 300 one year before to under 100. because of the absence of effective organised action. squatters had them returned by editors. other towns too. They were usually created to dramatically in 1975 by the victory of the Elgin were used at the eviction in Hornsey Rise, once the A campaign to persuade Camden Council to allow In contrast, Prince of Wales Crescent squatters In the face of wide-ranging opposition from the resolve practical problems like opening up houses Avenue squatters. After a long and protracted home of 350 squatters. In both places brave, but the community to remain had failed. Instead the were relatively well organised. Their failure stem- establishment and the mass media, the squatting and repairs and they rarely became very active un- battle, they managed to persuade the GLC to re- belated, attempts were made to mobilise shifting squatters demanded rehousing for everyone still med from a variety of other factors, of which the movement, in common with other radical social til eviction loomed. At this point, street meetings house all the families in permanent accommodation, and unstable squatter populations. Such efforts living in the Crescent. In fact, the families were climate of local opinion created largely by the life- movements, had no complete answer. It remained would start being held weekly or even daily. People and all the single people in short-life property. came to little, largely because the squats had rehoused by the Council and the more established style of the squatters was the most significant. This isolated and divided, with neither the support nor would be deployed on a variety of tasks; printing The most significant factor in the Elgin Avenue attracted large numbers of people with no interest projects were offered rented short-life buildings affected the extent to which squatters were able the cohesive political perspective which would leaflets and news-sheets, negotiating with owners victory was that the squatters had organised in organisation or even in squatting as a political elsewhere. But for the single people who failed to to mobilise outside support and also undermined have enabled it to mount a more effective response and housing authorities, handling the legal defence, over a period of years. They had built links with movement. When eviction loomed, the residents get rehousing there was no alternative to squatting their confidence, thereby reducing their willing-

64 65 Squatters’ demonstrate. (See page 234 for where and when.)

66 67 LSU Time Out Adam Harvey

A variety of tactics used by squatters. Far left: People chain themselves to Camden Town hall’s balcony, 1977. lished lists of empty houses and farms in the Squatters Advisory Service (FSAS) to defend the on the other hand, was set up for precisely that. Left top: Colchester Housing Department offices are country and another group even put out lists of interests of unlicensed squatters. ALS was a Shortly after the formation of ALS, the split occupied, 1973. unused canal boats in Lancashire. Squatters in more open organisation which invited the within the ranks of the squatting movement came Left bottom: Sir John Betjeman is invited to a Islington produced the first issue of the Squatters participation of both licensed and unlicensed to a head over the issue of handing back council publicity party by squatters intent on saving Handbook in early 1973 and many other squatters from all over London. It had no owned licensed houses when the occupants were seventeenth century houses in Spitalfields, 1977. publications to spread information and experience restrictions upon what kinds of groups could not being offered rehousing. Groups were faced Top: Lewisham squatters hold a press conference, appeared around this time. Street theatre groups, send representatives, unlike the FSAS with the choice of refusing and thus jeopardising 1972. such as Demolition Decorators and Rough Theatre, management committee which only included their arrangements with local councils, or of Above: Squatters negotiate with councillors in wrote plays about squatting and injected a sense delegates from groups with licensing agreements evicting their own members. The most notable Wandsworth, 1978. of humour into squatting demos and benefits. (mainly because this was the only way in which example of this occurred when Student Community Right top: Camden squatters discuss problems with FSAS was able to obtain funding from Shelter). Housing (SCH) was asked to return houses given local MP Frank Dobson, 1979. Right bottom: An exhibition in central Brixton The major difference between the two bodies to it by the GLC in Elgin Avenue, West London. FSAS versus ALS was essentially political, particularly in their res- This led to a bitter row between SCH and Elgin Union Place Collective Associated Newspapers Ltd WatesNick explains the squatters’ case to the Colchester Express public, 1977. The first London-wide organisation of unlicensed pective attitudes towards direct action and un- Avenue squatters (see pp 131-2 for details) and ness to struggle. The Crescent squatters did try to ings). In other cases a lot of noise and publicity break up groups that proved strong. When squatters to appear, after the demise of the London licensed squatting. FSAS was often accused of during the dispute, FSAS made the astonishing secure support from local organisations in the same was more effective (see Chapts 10, 11 12), and successful, the most that could usually be Squatters Campaign in 1969, was All London having abandoned direct action and being just claim that some squatting groups were ‘being way that the Elgin Avenue squatters had but it indeed it is likely that quiet negotiations were expected was permanent tenancies for families Squatters (ALS). Set up in 1973 in response to another part of the state housing machinery. Its manipulated by property speculators to force was a case of too little too late. The difficulty of only made possible as a result of the ‘noise’ being and short-life houses on licence for single people an unfavourable ruling in the courts (the McPhail response, stated in an information sheet, was that councils to agree to demolition or development, attracting outside support was often accentuated made by the squatting movement as a whole. – frequently not in the same area. Yet this was case, p 160), it reflected the failure of the Family it ‘was not set up to promote direct action’. ALS, or to provide public relations for speculators’! by the parochial attitudes of squatter activists who Sometimes a great deal of work had to be done: better than simply being kicked out from squat were reluctant to get involved in council politics lobbying, writing letters, preparing alternative to squat which invariably happened in areas and their lack of concern for the (often legitimate) plans, and above all, building up local support, where there was no organisation. complaints by other local residents about the tasks made doubly difficult by the temporary and behaviour of the squatters. Too often squatting unstable nature of most squats and the was raised as the major issue with the rights and consequent absence of telephones and contact Wider horizons needs of other people being forgotten or ignored. addresses. Many activists soon learned that local In addition to the large number of local groups In their five years of residence in the Crescent, organisation had to include social and practical there were several attempts to organise squatters the squatters only made serious approaches to aspects as well as political ones. People would on a wider level. Where a number of groups other local groups when they needed support only start to campaign collectively once they felt existed in one town or borough, federations were against eviction; needless to say there was no they had some common unity. In the face of sometimes established to coordinate the activities sudden rush of altruistic support for their cause. eviction threats, many areas where there was of street groups, mount joint campaigns and There were no infallible blueprints for local or- squatting came alive, with a familiar pattern of enable experience to be shared. Occasionally local ganisation. While the Elgin Avenue squatters ach- benefit concerts, jumble sales and other events. grouips too took important initiatives. For instance ieved some of their goals by confrontation including Attempts by squatting groups to achieve recog- in 1974, squatters in West London started the Ruff the building of barricades, other groups used the nition as communities usually failed. So too did Tuff Creem Puff Estate Agency which published same tactics and failed. Occasionally successes were most attempts to get rehousing in the same locality. regular bulletins of squattable empty property all achieved by behind the scenes negotiations with In fact, that was a concession which councils were over the country (its activities are described in de- councillors (see Chapter 13 on Seymour Build- very reluctant to make as they were anxious to tail in Chapter 18). Squatters in the East End pub-

68 ony Sleep T

The Squatters Handbook is one of the most useful Organising on a wider level squatters’ publications on how to squat, and is updated Left: Squatters conventions at regular intervals. Above: All London Squatters and the Squatters Action

Right: The Advisory Service for Squatters SHHRL Mark Rusher/ IFL 1977 Council.

The growing militancy of unlicensed squatters, waste of the effort that had gone into the occupa- continued to support a squatting organisation during 1975 of an organisation to replace ALS immediate tasks were to respond to media attacks, been completely absent from their efforts to find and of those licensed squatters who were refusing tion. ‘Stay put – weekend revolutionaries’, they withdrew its funding. This loss of income put ASS which had virtually ceased to function by the mobilise against evictions, organise against the a use for the block and the eviction was carried to move out when required, was seen as a threat chanted, and urged those inside to move homeless in a precarious financial position. As there was no time the summer media attack was launched. Criminal Trespass Law and build links with out with a High Court possession order just two to the ‘reasonable’ approach forcefully advocated people into the 36 flats attached to Centre Point. money to pay wages, the service became entirely The differences were primarily between those trade unions and tenants organisations. months after the flats were squatted. by FSAS: They argued that this was not the time for dependent upon voluntary unpaid effort but ASS who favoured a loose arrangement and whose One of SAC’S most effective achievements pro- SAC, like ALS, was intended to bring together ‘Whilst we recognise that breaking or threaten- ‘token’ protest squats. managed to survive. Money for stationery, the political views tended to be libertarian or ved to be organising large scale occupations which squatters from all over London and, in theory ing to break agreements may sometimes be ALS planned a militant answer to what it saw telephone and other essential items (including, anarchist, and those who favoured a more individual squatters would have found difficult to anyway, outside the capital. Yet meetings were justified, we believe that the success of the as the ‘Centre Point letdown’. In March a group ironically, rent for its office) was raised through centralist arrangement and whose politics undertake. For example, in 1977 it organised its frequently attended by fewer than a dozen movement has rested as much upon our of activists took over 57 Dover Street, a new donations and benefit concerts. The service was tended to be Trotskyist. A Squatters Convention, own contribution to the Queen’s Jubilee celebrat- people, who were sometimes delegates in name collective credibility through keeping block of luxury flats in Mayfair. The flats were still functioning as an advice centre in the attended by 250 people, at the end of May 1975, ions in the form of a long series of ‘Jubilee Squats’. only, with the result that the strength of both agreements as upon our determination to be occupied by homeless families who were evicted Autumn of 1980 as this book went to press. was dominated by this split and failed to produce The first, and most daring, took place on Jubilee organisations lay in the handful of active an active part of the Housing Movement.’ after six weeks. ASS was also different from FSAS in that it any concrete mandate for future organisation. Day (6 June) at No 18 Carlton House Terrace, on individuals who kept them going, rather than in This approach assumed that, except in rare in- ceased to attempt to function as a federation of the Mall, a house the Crown Commissioners had the local groups which were supposedly stances, owners of empty property could be per- local groups and became a collective controlled by kept empty for two years. As it was on the Queen’s represented. Most squatters never had any sense suaded by rational argument to make use of it. ASS is born the people who worked for it. The workers were SAC procession route, the police declared the squat to of identification with either ALS or SAC. In opposition to this philosophy, the militants Within FSAS the schism was almost complete by opposed to the way FSAS had attempted to be- But the press campaign of the summer made the be a ‘security risk’ and sent the Special Patrol Neither of these organisations, nor ASS, really in ALS believed that licence agreements were this stage. A core of ‘moderates’ became opposed come a central body which could speak authorit- creation of an organisation essential. In August, Group to evict the occupants. Backed up with managed to mobilise squatters into an effective not producing enough houses and that the only to unlicensed squatting as it attracted bad public- atively for all squatters and which imposed its will a London-wide meeting called through ASS, and Alsatian dogs, they broke in through the roof and political force. Nonetheless, they did play an way to get more was to step up direct action. ity. FSAS began to disintegrate as a representative upon recalcitrant local groups. The ASS collective attended by 100 squatters, accepted a proposal warned the squatters to leave ‘or else’. They did so, invaluable role: ALS and SAC through the The divisions within the squatting movement assembly, even of licensed squatting groups, and felt that FSAS had ceased to be a loose association from Piers Corbyn – one of the main activists at but the same night achieved partial revenge by initiation of particular campaigns, the opening of were again heightened during the Centre Point bitterly split into two factions. By July 1975 the of free and equal groups but had become a Elgin Avenue – to set up the Squatters Action squatting Camden House, a police-owned block mass squats, the organising of actions involving occupation in January 1974. Although it was nature of the organisation had completely changed centrally directed monolithic body devoted to Council (SAC), ‘a body of elected members dele- in central Camden that had been empty for four large numbers of people, and the production of organised by people active in FSAS, many squat- and it renamed itself the Advisory Service for Squat- leading’ the broad mass of squatters, a form of gated from each squatting group in which obser- years despite the efforts of Short-Life Community newssheets, and ASS (and, to a lesser extent, ters from ALS joined the demonstration outside ters (ASS), aiming to work closely with unlicensed organisation incompatible with the structure of vers are welcome to participate’. Its purpose was Housing (formerly Student Community Housing) SAC) through the provision of advice and the and were disappointed when the occupiers decid- squatting groups and individual squatters. Shelter, the squatting movement. to ‘organise and campaign to defend squatting and to bring it into use. The police displayed a sense production of the Squatters Handbook (taken on ed to leave after only two days as it seemed a threatened with a loss of charitable income if it Political disagreements hindered the formation to develop the fight for decent housing for all’. Its of urgency over evicting the squatters which had by ASS in 1977) and other informative material. •

70 71 72 73 Credits on p234 Squatters’ posters. (See page 234 for who did them.)

74 75 by Tony Allen

My land – an ancient squatters fable A man is out walking on a hillside. Suddenly the owner appears. ‘Get off my land’, he yells. ‘What do you mean, your land?’, demands the intruder. ‘Who says it’s your land?’ Hand me me torch and me crowbar ‘I do, and I’ve got deeds to prove it.’ Pass me a map of the town ‘Well, where did you get it from?’ ‘From my father.’ Why should we be homeless ‘And where did he get it from?’ When there’s plenty to go round ‘From his father. He was the seventeenth Squatter-singer Carol Grimes at a benefit Mike Goldwater Earl. The estate originally belonged to the first Earl.’ Doing the Lambeth Squat (tune: – ‘Lilli Marlene’) ‘And how did he get it?’ by Bernard Hanson ‘He fought for it in the War of the Roses.’ Little terrace houses where I used to roam Any time of any day Rooms rather small but at least it was a home. Mike Goldwater 1979 Mike Goldwater ‘Right – then I’ll fight you for it.’ When you go down Lambeth way A dear little garden eight by eight Squatter-comedian Tony Allen Demolition Decorators at the Ferry Lane occupation You’ll find us all A little fence, a little gate (Spoken) Doing the Lambeth squat. My little private home, my little private home When the rent is getting high Just a week or two ago poor old Uncle Bill, COUNCILLOR’S SONG He went and kicked the bucket and left me in his will. And you can’t afford to buy When the war was over – all the bombin’ done Why don’t you try The other day I pops round to see me Cousin Clare, We don’t want no Dirty Squatters The law doth punish man or woman We were still together – we still had lots of fun. She says yer Uncle’s left you his flat in Colville Square. They’re all out to help themselves That steals the goose from off the common Doing the Lambeth Squat But then all our neighbours disappeared They do their own repairs But lets the greater felon loose Everything’s bright and breezy They said the slums must all be cleared I couldn’t believe me ears They know ther own affairs That steals the common from the goose (tune: – ‘It’s a Long Way to Tipperary’) Do what you damn well pleasee They pulled down every stone of my little private home. he weren’t even in arrears, They make the welfare State look foolish Its a long wait for a council house, Have everything your own way and me been on the housing list for fifteen years. We like helpless homeless families Its a long wait we know, Each day, all day. Now we live in tower blocks – everything’s so clean They can have bed and breakfast – if they pay Its a long wait for my council house, Any time of any day Formica tops and a washing-up machine. So I goes straight round But if we don’t stop the Squatters Through the wind and rain and snow. When you go down Lambeth way But why did they make them all so tall but I hears an ominous sound, The Dirty Filthy Squatters Oh I was built in 1893 ‘Come back tomorrow!’ You’ll find us all Oh what a long long way to fall and there stands the landlord they’ll SOLVE THE HOUSING PROBLEM OF And my owners took care of me. We’ve heard it all before, Doing the Lambeth Squat My feet were on the ground in my little private home. with an ‘ammer in his hand. TODAY They kept me warm, sound as a bell So the next time you see a house that’s empty, We’d be redundant – I was their home, they treated me well Just walk in through that door! Fix a Yale-lock, mend the lights Took a little bus ride just the other day (Chorus sung to the tune of ‘Any Old Iron’) If we don’t stop the Squatters – yes Got taken over by the GLC Get to know your squatter’s rights All what we passed by was much to my dismay Corrugated iron, corrugated iron brand new corrugated iron, The Dirty Filthy Squatters – why Different tenants came to live in me And join us all Tower blocks a-crumbling in the air Yer ‘ouse looks neat, talk about a treat, They’ll SOLVE THE HOUSING PROBLEMS OF But sending workmen round was very rare Doing the Lambeth Squat. In bad repair and no-one there Corrugated iron from the chimney to the street. TODAY Sinking fast into disrepair Sunny Brixton welcomes you But some terrace houses done up new No water, no gas and the mains all slashed, Lock ‘em away . . . And the Lambeth Council too Extensions for an indoor loo – Can’t even have a fire on, and the only thing you’ve got The GLC they’ve treated me real mean Can’t stop us all I wish I’d stayed and fought for my little private home . . . In yer window box is corrugated iron. (Squatters Song – anon.) Called me a slum, wrote me out of their scheme, Doing the Lambeth Squat They moved my tenants to another place, (Spoken) Took out my windows and bricked up my face As for the planner’s new schemes I was homeless, pissed off, had nowhere to stay A performance of ‘Squat now while stocks last’ in Sent in the heavies to smash up my loo, They have such lovely daydreams Half of fucking London tinned up and grey They only need to wake up Prince of Wales Crescent (p38) Ripped out my piping and power points too It was then that I noticed every flat in the block Till I was nothing but an empty frame Shake up, break up, Had a squatters legal warning and a newly fitted lock. A pawn in their redevelopment game Revolution just for fun Goodbye bed and breakfast, farewell rent Villa Road my home sweet home Why not force a window and take up residence. When I was thinking that my life was thru We’ll have a ball I’d jemmied a door, and was just climbing through Along came a woman, her family too Doing the Lambeth Squat When a copper ups and does me for Malicious damage to that . . .

Mike Goldwater Took down the bricks, put a lock on my door They couldn’t stand being homeless no more (Spoken) Put back the windows and another loo Maybe its because I’m a squatter, Now the moral of the story is clear for all to see Replaced my wiring and power points too That I love London town, Anyone half sussed can work it out for free; Put up some curtains Maybe its because we’re squatters When you’re gaining entry, opening up a squat, Helped some friends move in over the street We’re going to stop them knocking it down! If you have to break in, don’t go getting caught, ‘Cos landlords, law courts, councils and the ‘filth’ Ain’t no good to no-one, excepting them with wealth, And they’ve got their name on the deed Everybody’s got a right to a home And that’s all they really need And there’s houses just a-going to rot But to protect their racketeer Karma If the Council won’t house you, do it alone They’ve got this extra character armour Don’t let houses rot, SQUAT! “I understand he’s from the GLC Planning Department.” Its that . . .

77 Squatters brighten up the environment. (See page 234 for location and credits.)

78 79 have beenanessentialpartofmanycampaigns Barricades wereseldomeffectiveontheirownbut W hen allothertacticsfail–resistingthebailiffs. Siege rations

Brixton 1973 – Bob Bray/ Time Out Sketty, Swansea 1975 – Western Mail Cardiff Bailiff’s defendthemselves.Bailiff’s

Camden 1976 – Julian Stapleton/ Time Out Notting Hill 1976 – The Times Battersea 1977 – Andrew Wiard/ Report 80

Battersea 1977 – Andrew Wiard/ Report et Howtogetinwhenyourfrontdoorisbarricaded. Left:

Elephant & Castle 1972 – Martin Slavin Swindon 1974 – Western Daily Press Bristol Battersea 1977–MikeGoldwater

Westminster 1974 – Sport & General Of thefightfor possessionof Terminus Road T Determined theFALSE RIGHTSOFPROPERTYtoprove Th He wasalldoubtsanddirtat Terminus Road. andflourtheythrowed But hisheartwasn’tinit, A youngcouncilworkman toteardownFort Flynn thebailiffssentin Surprised byresistance, Th W jamandwaterthesiegeplanswerelaid And withflour, But withhelpfromtheirfriendsandstrongbarricades, Th P To To Early onemorningthebailiffsmarched in The Balladof Terminus Road lcmnalrudte,theiirgrimfacesshowed olicemen allroundthem, hen sneakedroundtheback for thenextepisode ith banners andmegaphonesthebailiffstogoad e bailiffsdrewback todiscusstheirnextmove e squatters werereadyat Terminus Road. eir heartlessintentionsat Terminus Road. smash upthehomeofFamily Flynn

Brixton 1973 – Bob Bray/ Time Out W And iftheytrytogetinside, they’reout, And whilethey’reout, we’rein, But whilewe’rein, To Th T Oh! The LabourGLC, ‘GrandOld Dukeof York’) (tune: hey have10,000slums, e’ll kick thebastardsout! ey knock thefloors andwindowsout keep outallthebums

Brighton 1974 – Syndication International T Th T And assquatsupporters closedinallaround he waschained tothedoorof Terminus Road! T It wasDaveonthedoorwhonextborebrunt Retreating oncemoretheyreturnedtothefront, F Th T thebarricade’s strong: Muck poureddownuponhim, Closing hismindoffat Terminus Road. eyesglazedlikeatoad He hammeredoncoldly, T Now avillainousbailifftriestoteardowntheplace or he’d havetosmashthem Terminus Road. wo womencameclosetohimandtellhe’s wrong hey wereforced toretreatalong Terminus Road. he bailiffsnolongercouldstandtotheirground Dave’s coatopenedandshowed he bailiffdrewin, acruelsmirk onhisface hickset anddark, e attemptatevictionhadbeenoverthrowed ey getinhiswayandironwillcorrode

Battersea 1978 – William Wise Herne Hill 1973 – Peter Harrap/ Reprt West London 1974 – Press Association

Glastonbury 1973 – Bristol United Press

Battersea 1977 – Mike Wigg Battersea 1977 – Mike Wigg

Camden 1974 – Hampstead & Highgate Express police officers were present ‘to prevent trouble.’ Chapter Squatters had proved so adept at repairing even A whole new ball game 7 the most badly gutted houses that this time the Council had resolved to make its gutting effective. Again and again the demolition ball swung and Winning concessions and learning to live with the new law smashed into the roofs and upper floors of the ‘Remember – trying to sto squatting is like stamping ona greasy golfball.’ empty houses in St Agnes Place. Lambeth (All Lambeth Squatters 1974.) Council had spent £13,600 to hire the demolition contractors to do work which its own unionised employees refused to do. The squatters, with the help of Lambeth Community Law Centre, hurriedly and successfully applied for an By 1976 the squatting movement was under Brixton. Streets like St Agnes Place and Villa Road because UCATT, the building workers union, had injunction to halt the demolition – but not before sustained attack. Even large evictions had ceased were given new life by their squatter occupants. instructed its members to black work involving 16 houses had been wrecked, 10 irretrievably. to be newsworthy and there were countless unpub- Squatters first moved in to St Agnes Place in late the gutting of good homes.) The press had been The outcry which this affair caused brought an licised evictions of individual squats. In addition, 1974, some of its houses having been empty for alerted to the event and lambasted the Council. end to the Council’s most rabidly anti-squatting most squatters left voluntarily without resistance. 14 years. By April 1976, 65 people were squatting The Evening Standard headlined its story policies. On 25 January the Labour Group voted For instance, in the London Borough of Haringey there. Villa Road provided homes for another 200 ‘Council “vandals” are defied by squatters’3, and to think again about the future of St Agnes Place at this time, the average life of a squat was three people and the total number of squatters in the Sunday Times later ran an editorial under a and later it agreed to allow the squatters to remain to four months1 – an average common to most Lambeth, including licensees and squatters in similar headline.4 until the park could be laid out. Many councillors areas outside inner London. In many rural areas. GLC and private property, had topped 5,000. Councils were being urged to cut spending, and were angered by the deceit that had surrounded where support networks were less well In April 1976, Lambeth Council announced a yet here was a council deliberately wrecking sending in demolition contractors as the decision developed, squatting was virtually wiped out. five-point plan of attack: perfectly good homes for no reason other than a had been kept secret from all but a handful of On the other hand, squatters were fighting back • Immediate eviction for single squatters. vendetta against squatters. Council-bashing in the high-ranking officers and councillors. Even the and the movement had certainly not been destroy- • Power supply cut-offs to squatted premises. press, particularly of Labour councils, became a police were said to have been misled when asked ed. Local campaigns, particularly in central • More houses to be ‘sealed up’ or ‘made suitable alternative to squatter-bashing, at least to attend. They were told to come to assist in an London, had achieved significant victories and uninhabitable’ to deter squatters. for a while. There was strong opposition within eviction and the officer in charge of the operation long and patient campaigning had persuaded • Council-funded groups to have their grants the Labour Group of the Labour-controlled was later quoted as saying that he hoped never some councils to soften their hard-line approach. cut if they tolerated squatting. Council for the anti-squatting measures policy. again to be involved in anything similar. Camden Council, for instance, was prepared to • The use of private investigators to help deal Norwood councillor Ted Knight (later to become The fight for St Agnes Place was a remarkable leave squatters in short-life property ‘providing with squatters.2 the Leader of the new left-dominated Labour one. At times official attitudes were completely at they are not a nuisance to their neighbours and In addition, the crackdown on squatters involved administration in 1978) was quoted as saying: odds with the needs of local people. For example, are not preventing the Council [from] housing the demolition of houses long before sites were ‘The Council’s policies are bankrupt. They talk Councillor Carey, leader of the Conservative Group, people off the waiting list’. Camden still took actually required. In particular, Villa Road and to the waiting list and say it is because of had seconded the proposal to demolish St Agnes ‘immediate legal action to get rid of squatters in St Agnes Place were due to be pulled down for squatters. They talk to the homeless and say Place at a Planning Committee meeting with the anything but its short-life properties’. It still two open spaces. Although the Council readily it is because of the waiting list. And yet we memorable suggestion that there were already too gutted empty properties to prevent squatting admitted that it would not have enough money still have vast quantities of empty property.’5 many people living in Lambeth and ‘to make sure and it rarely offered rehousing to people it evicted. to complete either scheme for five years, it Indeed, the administrative resources needed to that the extra population doesn’t stay, we should But one important step forward had been made. insisted it wanted to demolish the houses to get implement the policy were not available and, demolish houses that encourage them to do so.’6 As a press statement proudly proclaimed on 19 rid of the squatters as quickly as possible. although some unlucky squatters suffered, In the aftermath of the St Agnes Place affair, March 1975: ‘Camden takes the view that short- By December 1976 almost 100 people were squatting continued largely unabated in Lambeth. the entire ‘get tough on squatting’ steamroller life houses are better in use than left empty.’ squatting in St Agnes Place and, anxious to ensure Any reduction in their number was due to the ground to a halt, not only in Lambeth, but else- this number did not increase, the Council gutted a Council carrying out its redevelopment where. The continuing presence of squatters in number of houses immediately the tenants moved programme rather than to its punitive policy. St Agnes Place and in Villa Road after a similar The Lambeth fightback out. On 10 December, it expected to do the same The policy finally foundered when the Council confrontation (Chapter 12), constituted a victory Another Labour-controlled Borough – Lambeth – to No 85 without too much difficulty. The tenant, underestimated the strength of the opposition to for all squatters. The outcome of these struggles, was less ‘enlightened’, and it was here that the 78-year-old Ruby Thompson who had lived there it and overplayed its hand at St Agnes Place. moreover, comprised a victory for the homeless in major squatting struggles were now fought. The for 30 years was leaving,but as she went out squat- On 19 January 1977, the occupants of St Agnes Lambeth, because it prevented the loss of housing number of squatted Council properties in the bor- ters entered the house from the rear and occupied Place were awakened by the sound of a huge that the original plans entailed. The role of ough had risen from 333 at the end of 1974, to the two top floors, while workers wrecked her crane rigged up with a demolition ball moving 524 by April 1976. They were scattered but many ground floor flat. (See p 188 for a detailed descrip- into position outside. The street was closed off by The ultimate in wrecking. Hired contractors move in to were concentrated in Victorian terraces around tion of this incident). (The workers were non-union police coaches parked across the road and 200 St Agnes Place under police escort, January 1977.

82 Union Place Collective Architects’ Journal 19.1.1977 Journal Architects’

squatting in forcing policy changes out of Lambeth Council had been absolutely crucial. As Lambeth’s Assistant Director of Housing remarked: ‘If it wasn’t for squatter pressure we’d have had all these [houses] down months ago and nobody would have noticed.’7 The successes of squatters in Lambeth were unexpected at a time when the Government’s major response to squatting, Part Two of the Criminal Law Bill, was making its way through Parliament. It was widely believed that the Bill would make squatting illegal and property owners, and sometimes even the police, began to act as if the provisions in the Bill were already law by evicting people illegally.8 The impending Bill also had a demoralising effect on squatters as few people who did not have legal training could

Union Place Collective understand its implications and its limitations.

Ten homes are lost but the street is saved.

84 Topix Sally Soames/ 85 The London Squatters Union is set up in 1977 to help The London Squatters Union people knew about the new law or understood the new law). However, squatting had survived the organisation in the light of the new anti-squatting laws. It was against this background that some squatters breadth of its scope. The importance of spreading legal onslaught and had not been made into a attempted in 1977, yet again, to form a more co- information about the draconian proposals of the criminal offence. ordinated organisation to counter the opposition Law Commission was quickly recognised by many Only eight days after the Act came into force, they were now facing. A squatters’ conference people both within and outside the squatting Alan Beddoe was charged, and later convicted of, arranged mainly by ASS and attended by 150 movement, and CACTL grew very quickly. Whereas resisting a bailiff contrary to Section 10 of the Act people, was held in May 1977 to discuss the way none of the London-wide squatting organisations at an eviction in Battersea, South London. But in forward. Its main purpose was to try to set up a – ALS, SAC and LSU — were ever able to build its final form, the new Act turned out to be less of more representative body than the Squatters Action any extensive links with organisations outside a threat to the squatting movement than might Council which, for all its achievements, had failed the housing field, CACTL was remarkably have been expected from a Parliament which re- to bring together more than a small number of successful in obtaining support from the labour garded squatting as a law and order problem rather squatters and which could offer little to isolated movement and students (see pictures on pp 156-7). than as a symptom of housing shortage. Neverthe- and individual squats away from the main areas CACTL’s success lay in the fact that the propos- less, about 25 people were arrested under its pro- of squatting activity. ed Criminal Trespass Law posed a serious threat to visions in the first two years of its operation, almost SQUATTING CHARTER Two conflicting methods of organization were workers and students occupying their places of exclusively for ‘obstructing or resisting a bailiff.’ The Squatting Charter is the basis of membership of the London suggested in discussions leading up to the work. Indeed CACTL argued that the real purpose While the new law was certainly a set-back and Squatters Union. It states the principles its members fight for in conference. One, advocated principally by the of the legislation was not to wipe out squatting but did make squatting more difficult, it did not make activity among squatters, tenants and trade unions. majority of the ASS collective, was an informally to stop occupations of factories. The fact that it illegal. Perhaps its most significant initial 1 We stand for decent housing for 4 No evictions of squatters or tenants. 7 We are opposed to vandalism or constituted federation of local groups. The other, politicians rooting for the new law denied that it effect was to curb the number of new squats. all as a right. We occupy empty We are against evictions by landlords gutting of houses whether by backed by many individuals involved with SAC, would affect workers only served to emphasise Unsure of the precise legal position and, perhaps houses not other people’s homes. or councils acting independently or councils, landlords or individuals. was a more structured and centralised ‘union’ people’s fears. By the end of 1975, CACTL was op- under the misapprehension that it was now We oppose all homelessness through the courts which make people We are also opposed to the stripping whether caused by councils or homeless or force them into housing of fittings and appliances from with membership cards and formalised aims and erating out of rent free offices in West London and illegal to squat (a belief, ironically, reinforced by private landlords. The councils’ without their agreement. Any offers of habitable houses. objectives. The London Squatters Union (LSU) had two full-time workers who were paid a small the propaganda of CACTL), many potential waiting lists are an excuse NOT to rehousing must take into account the 8 We fight for the right of squatters house people; they are used to needs and wishes of the occupiers to a supply for gas, electricity, water which was closer to the latter form of organis- wage. CACTL began to receive invitations to send squatters were put off. Indeed, in the summer of divide up the homeless and badly such as the type, location and state of and all other services without ation eventually emerged in July 1977 from the speakers to trades councils, trade union branches 1978, ASS felt it necessary to mount a campaign housed and justify homelessness repair of the house and their desire to discrimination on the same basis as while thousands of houses lie live together as a group or community. other occupiers. We are strongly long series of follow-up meetings that were held and student unions. It soon became clear that in with the slogan ‘Squatting is still legal’. empty. 5 We stand for real community opposed to the use of cut-offs as a in the months after the conference. Membership addition to its primary role of building opposition CACTL continued operating with two full time 2 We are opposed to any control of development plans. All way of making houses uninhabitable. was open to all squatters, ex-squatters and to the Trespass Law proposals, CACTL was playing workers until the summer of 1979, having widened discrimination over the right to plans should be submitted to 9 We are totally opposed to any housing on the grounds of family, meetings or conferences of tenant, criminal trespass law and will licensees for a cost of 25p and lOp per month, a vital role in forging links between the squatting its brief by opposing other legislation affecting the status, race, sex, age, origin or trade union, squatting and community support and organise action against and the Squatters Charter, a statement of the movement which had been largely discredited in rights of workers to take direct action: strikes, being an ex-squatter. We are not organisations so that human social any attempts to use it – on Union’s aims combined with a code of behaviour the media, and the wider political movement. A picketing, the closed shop and so on. In this opposed to a person choosing to needs are put before the pressures of squatters, workers, tenants, students live with other similarly motivated the property market and financiers. We or anyone. for squatters, was adopted as the Union’s policy. measure of CACTL’s support can be seen by the latter period, to some extent CACTL lost touch people, and would support houses are opposed to removing people from 10 We support all tenants, fact that in 1976 it had received support from 36 with the squatting movement which was largely or groups such as black people, development areas without such plans community and other groups in gays and women. and contracts being signed and struggles against evictions and trades councils, 85 trade union branches, 51 in disarray. CACTL’s eventual demise came not published. homelessness, and for the provision student unions and many other organisations. through lack of support, or even of funds, but as 3 We are against squatting houses of more and better housing. Opposing the Criminal Trespass Law where new occupiers are 6 Where disputes arise over the use A dark cloud had hung over the squatting move- In its primary aim, CACTL was partly success- a product of its success. The TUC, anxious that genuinely in the process of moving of any accommodation we support the in, or the houses are definitely setting up of local enquiries by ment since 1974 when the Law Commission pub- ful. The initial plan to outlaw trespass entirely an independent non-party organisation had built about to have improvement work tenants, squatters and community lished its proposal to make all forms of trespass, was greatly watered down when the Law Commis- up so much support within the labour movement, carried out, but houses left empty groups to resolve the matter and for an unreasonable time SHOULD ensure everybody concerned is and consequently squatting, illegal. All the events sion’s final proposals were published in 1976. began to oppose its progress and in mid-1979 be occupied. housed. described above since that date were affected by These were to become Part Two of the Criminal CACTL decided to cease to run an office. the prospect of the new law. The squatting move- Law Act 1977 passed in the summer of that year, ment’s response had been, perhaps uncharacterist- and brought into effect on 1 December 1977. Five ically, swift. At an All London Squatters meeting new offences relating to squatting and trespass Some ‘solutions’ in 1974 it was decided to set up a campaign to were created. Specific forms of squatting which Ever since squatting re-emerged in 1969, property fight the proposals and the Campaign Against a related to a minority of squatters (eg squatting on owners had called for tougher legal sanctions, and Criminal Trespass Law (CACTL) was born. embassy property, squatting in houses that the many pinned their hopes on the new Criminal Law CACTL’s beginnings were humble. A leaflet owner is planning to live in, etc.) were made crim- Act. Yet it became clear well before the law was was produced and circulated to a variety of organisa- inal offences. It also became legal to evict squatters passed that it would not end squatting. Despite tions and regular meetings gradually started to be when they were not in the squat (eg they were at concerted opposition, squatting continued through held. CACTL’s first task was to spread information work or shopping) and it was made an offence to 1977 to 1979, not on the same scale as during the about the proposals which had been poorly publi- resist bailiffs once the owners had obtained a pos- previous years but sufficient to be seen as a threat cised. Apart from a few active squatters, not many session order (see p 161 for a detailed outline of the by property owners. The experience of almost a

86 87 decade meant that squatting activists were frequen- the previous May directly confronted the issue of different about squatters who moved in after tly capable of mounting campaigns which led to de- squatting. In October, in a sensational about- that date? feat for councils or, at least, meant that owners had turn, it suddenly offered to legitimise the In one sense, by moving squatters into poor con- to use increasing force to achieve their aims. Massive occupancy of every squatter in GLC premises. dition flats which really needed to be modernised, police presence at evictions became commonplace The number of GLC squatters had reached an the GLC were institutionalising bad housing. Thus and frequently this cast the owner in a poor light. all-time high. The GLC estimated there were 1,438 many squatters were rightly suspicious of the GLC’s A stalemate had been reached and as licensed squat- of its properties occupied by squatters but it turned motives as Squatters News No 7 commented: ting had proved to be insufficient to cope, there was as out to be over 1,850; the difference between the ‘Although the GLC is accepting responsibility for a need to look for other ‘solutions’. Some councils two figures being some 400 squats that the GLC more people, it is also officially increasing the 9

Chris Davies/ Report Chris Davies/ began to explore ways of making their housing sys- did not find in its survey. The Conservative leader- pool of people living in the poor conditions tems more flexible and providing more accommoda- ship realised it would be impossible to evict the dictated by the housing cuts.’ Housing conditions tion particularly for single people who were making 7,000 people living in these squats and decided acceptable to squatters were not necessarily up an increasing proportion of squatters. In a instead to offer tenancies in GLC properties to adequate if rent had to be paid for unfit housing. similar vein, central government encouraged the every squatter living in its dwellings on 25 October, Squatters in 1,300 properties responded to the growth of the co-operative housing movement. provided they registered within a month. After GLC offer, comprising 1,700 households which con- that, it proposed to use ‘all measures which the tained 5,000 people or about 70 per cent of those law allows’ against future squatters or those who eligible. However, the extent of squatting in GLC Hard-to-let did not register. This was seen as ‘a positive step dwellings remained considerable after the amnesty. One of the more ironic responses to squatting was to end the practice of squatting in Council There were 550 squats whose residents did not initiated by the GLC. When it evicted the Hornsey accommodation and to facilitate a restoration of register or who had moved in after the amnesty. Rise squatters in early 1976, it told them there law and order’. It was not then a policy rooted in Some squatters were given tenancies or licences were no empty properties available to give them any change of attitude towards squatters, but a to properties they were occupying, but the majority on licence. The occupants of the 1,172 known means of ‘dealing on a realistic basis with those eventually received offers of rehousing in other unofficially occupied GLC dwellings were told the already in unauthorised occupation’ It would GLC homes. According to figures released by the

ony Sleep same thing. Yet a new lettings scheme had just provide the ‘first step’ in ‘an attack on the problem GLC for the first 300 such offers, 90 per cent were T been started for which there appeared to be no lack of squatting’.10 (Author’s emphasis throughout). accepted. Most of the refusals were in the GLC’s of available empty properties. This was the ‘difficult West London District where squatters were offered to-let’ scheme, whereby dwellings which applicants rehousing as far away as Slough and Borehamwood. on the waiting list had consistently turned down Since the GLC made only one rehousing offer per are leased to single people and childless couples household, unpopular ones like those presented the on a first-come, first-served or ballot basis. When recipients with difficult choices. In general, though, Under pressure the scheme was inaugurated in December 1975 it seemed that the GLC tried to be reasonable. For from squatting, the by the release of 101 homes in Southwark, over example, it offered 150 Bengali families squatting Greater London 600 people turned out to queue for them, many in Pelham Buildings in the East End rehousing Council devises waiting all night. The next month, a further 120 in the same area which many of them were new methods of dwellings in Tower Hamlets were put on offer afraid to leave because of racist intimidation and using its ‘hard-to- and the scheme mushroomed. Suddenly there violence in other parts of East London. The GLC advert in Time Out advert in let’ flats and its seemed to be no shortage of empty, unwanted also allowed several squatter communities to derelict houses. Above: people accommodation. The arbitrary allocation system The Conservatives remained committed to their remain in their homes as housing co-operatives. queue all night for too was not what might have been expected from election pledge to end squatting in GLC property Needless to say squatting did not cease in GLC Chris Davies/ Time Out Chris Davies/ a flat. Below: GLC a Council which had attacked squatting so and the decision to regularise the position of people property following the amnesty and the Conserva- leader Horace consistently, precisely because squatters did not already squatting was taken for pragmatic reasons. tives carried out their promised crackdown. An anti- Cutler gleefully operate any priorities based on housing need. There was no recognition of the fact that squatters squatting squad was established consisting of ‘one announces the take over houses because of housing need. By man and four heavies’, according to Housing Policy lucky winners of a making concessions to squatters already in its Chairperson George Tremlett. On discovering squat- chance to ‘home- Amnesty property, the GLC was hoping to stop all future ters in a property, a visit was made and if the squat- stead’ a derelict While they alleviated the plight of people who squatting. It adopted imaginative and flexible ters did not agree to leave immediately, possession property to an audience of luck- might otherwise have been forced to squat and al- policies at this stage merely to facilitate implement- orders were sought from the courts. Between less homeless though they undoubtedly were a response to squat- ing totally rigid and reactionary policies at a later March 1978 and July 1979, 787 possession orders people clearly less ting, the difficult-to-let schemes were not aimed date. Its attitude was contradictory; if people squat- were obtained, there were 557 evictions and 389 amused by the specifically at squatters. It was not until 1977 that ting in GLC dwellings on 25 October 1977 deserved ‘voluntary’ vacations. At a press conference in July scheme. the Conservative administration at the GLC elected legitimate tenancies, then what was likely to be so 1979 Tremlett declared proudly, but perhaps not

Chris Davies/ Report Chris Davies/ Time Out Chris Davies/ 89 David Hoffman altogether accurately, ‘squatting is contained’. Yet despite the imperfections of the amnesty and the subsequent crackdown, the squatting movement had forced a remarkable concession out of a pre- Wates Nick viously implacable opponent. One important factor behind these concessions was the change in attitude of certain influential housing officers. Their exper- ience, day by day, court by court, had convinced them that there were too many organised squatters in GLC property for it to be possible to evict them all. A conciliatory approach was also made easier because a DOE-commissioned survey of squatters, finally published in the previous summer (after a long delay and numerous leaks), provided incontrovertible evidence that ‘The majority of people have squatted because of shortage of Co-ops Different fates for squatting communities. accommodation and not because they are opposed A more positive product of the growing interest in Above: Squatters in several streets in East London successfully make the transition to a housing co-op with to law and order or they wish to live rent-free.’11 self-help solutions in housing was the co-operative movement and many squatters formed co-ops in permanent tenure and government funding. In addition the media was presenting a more Above right and far right: A wake is held on the night positive picture of squatting. During the year, a the hope of securing permanent accommodation as before eviction of squatters in Tolmers Square. Everyone TV documentary ‘Goodbye Longfellow Road’, had communities. Co-operative organisational forms is rehoused by Camden Council after a bitter campaign shown squatters in a favourable light and a were not new to squatters, having been used by but the community is broken up, 1979. number of newspapers carried less hostile both licensed and unlicensed groups since 1969. Far right: Villa Road squatters commemorate the loss of articles (most notably the Evening Standard Indeed the extensive experience of short-life hous- one side of the street but battle on to stay permanently under the editorship of Simon Jenkins). Even the ing groups in the field of tenant self-management in the remaining houses (p 149). Wates Nick Daily Telegraph carried a pro-squatting feature.12 had provided some of the evidence that encouraged This sudden apparent conversion of the media wider government interest in increased ‘dweller During 1975, the idea was picked up by a not all of them have been successful, a considerable licensees in Winchester Road and Winchester Mews was partly a product of prevailing economic control’ and participation. For instance. Mike number of squatter communities. Unsuccessful number have taken over management of their in Labour-controlled Camden met with little circumstances. Public expenditure was still being Kinghan (author of the DOE sponsored survey efforts were made to form a co-operative at homes. Indeed of 161 housing co-ops and success. By 1977, over 70 people were squatting cut and there was a search for cheap solutions to on squatting), used the example of family squatting Cornwall Terrace and elsewhere but at Seymour interested groups listed in the Co-operative there, many of whom had put considerable energy social problems. Squatting is one of the various associations ‘to demonstrate that the devolution of Buildings in Westminster which was squatted in Housing Agency’s 1978 Directory, 11 had been into renovating the derelict buildings (pl78). The movements which embrace a belief in, or concern housing management need not necessarily result 1975 the first successful transition from squat to formed by squatters and 13 had a substantial community spawned several craft workshops, with, the principles of self-help. While for most in the disasters forecast by the pessimists.’14 So co-op was made (see Chapter 13 for details). input from squatters or ex-squatters. youth organisations and a wholefood cafe the attraction of self-help is philosophical or when the 1974 Housing Act made Housing Associa- The success of the Seymour Co-op, which took Self-help in housing was getting increased employing school leavers from the local youth political – people solving problems collectively by tion Grants accessible to housing co-ops, interest two years of hard work, gave encouragement to institutional support but the success of co-ops club. A market sprang up on a vacant site and mutual aid – the attraction for both local and among squatters and short-life groups in formal licensed groups, many of which were already did not mean that the principle of self-managed was used by people from all over the borough. central government lies in its cheapness.’13 co-operative structures began to grow rapidly. looking into the possibility of forming co-ops as a communities was accepted by councils. Each co- Festivals were regularly organised. Yet Camden The wide-ranging possibilities of self-help in The notion of squatters forming housing co- means of transferring the self-management they op had to be fought for and those that succeeded remained intent on its redevelopment plans, housing, which squatters helped to demonstrate, operatives was pioneered by the Committee for the had tried out in short-life property to a permanent did so mainly because at a time of cut-backs, they describing the site in its 1977 planning report, A were being examined with growing enthusiasm Faceless Homeless which squatted Sumner House setting. Lewisham Family Squatting Association, presented cheap alternatives to councils’ plans. Plan for Camden, as ‘largely vacant, temporary’. during 1977. Consequently, many of the properties in Tower Hamlets in August 1974. The 50 families Islington Community Housing (an offshoot of For instance an attempt to establish a co-op by a As with other squatting communities no effort released by rehousing squatters during the amnesty who moved into the flats quickly formed the Sum- SCH) and other short-life groups had already community of squatters in Bristol Gardens, West wasmade to understand its positive qualities, and were used for the GLC’s new ‘homesteading’ ner House Co-op. They never succeeded in their formed housing co-ops by the end of 1977, and London failed when the GLC found it could make in 1979 the remaining squatters were evicted. scheme. People bought derelict houses on a original aim of obtaining permission to take over there were at least eight co-ops established from more money by selling the houses. The houses in Winchester Road were converted normal mortgage basis but had the first three and rehabilitate Sumner House as they were short-life housing groups by mid-1978.15 Ironically, there was sometimes more chance of back into family units, but after demolishing the years interest waived and were supposed to evicted in 1976 but a group of people connected Squatters, too, showed interest in the events at success in Tory areas than Labour ones; the Tory Mews, plans for building new housing fell through. spend the money saved on restoring the property. with that squat finally formed a bona fide housing Seymour Buildings. The GLC amnesty produced a councils were happy with anything which relieved The site remained derelict and the Council The high price of even derelict houses in London co-op, the Poplar West Housing Co-operative. series of proposals from squatter communities for them of their housing responsibilities, whereas started negotiations with hotel developers. prevented many people from taking part in the Poplar West has since been wound up by the the establishment of co-ops, and at the beginning Labour councils tended to stick dogmatically to The notion of the squatting community was scheme, but the fact that 15,000 people Housing Corporation for alleged irregularities in of 1978 the first of these was agreed in principle at their plans on the grounds that it was in the best carried to its ultimate conclusion in 1977 when 120 responded when it was first advertised showed the handling of money, but its role as a pioneer Bishops Way, Hackney. Numerous other schemes interests of people on their waiting lists. For squatters in Freston Road, West London, occupy- the strong demand for some form of self-build. in the field of co-ops for squatters was a vital one. have emerged among ex-GLC squatters and, while example, a thriving community of squatters and ing GLC property carried out an imaginative stunt. Wates Nick

90 91 They made a unilateral declaration of independence from Great Britain and declared a ‘Free Indepen- dent Republic of Frestonia’. Full membership of 11 the United Nations and the EEC was applied for, and a telegram sent to the Queen. All the squatters in Freston Road had been offered alternative accommodation under the GLC amnesty but the offers were scattered and meant International Times Vol 4 No 4 leaving a locality in which many of them worked and had developed close ties. They wanted to be Frestonia in West London where rehoused in the neighbourhood together and close squatters declare independence. by.The GLC only recognised families as a unit for Below left: Frestonia’s first birthday. rehousing, so all inhabitants adopted the surname Below: One of three communal Bramley,and Frestonia’s motto was ‘We are all one gardens created out of wasteland. family’. A full cabinet of ministers was appointed Below right: Christmas party, 1979. and all those not in the cabinet were made am- bassadors. A letter from the Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, David Rappaport-Bramley to the Secretary General of the United Nations declared: ‘A Referendum of each inhabitant of Frestonia was held on Sunday, 30 October, 1977, and the overwhelming majority was in favour of self-determination for the people of the area, and independence from the previous rulers, Great Britain. The area was recently acquired by the Greater London Council, an organ of the British Government, and by its own confession, the ony Sleep ony Sleep T T area was allowed to deteriorate over the years into a derelict site, with tenants moved out of their homes, the well-established community destroyed, and empty sites of demolished buildings fenced off with corrugated iron and used for dumping rubbish, with half- demolished houses next to people’s homes. Our case is that the GLC and the British Government, through a long history of neglect andmismanagementofFrestonia,haveforfeited the right to determine the future of the area. If delay in processing our application occurs, an invasion into Frestonia and eviction by the Greater London Council and other organs of the British Government may occur, in which case there will exist a crisis with international ramifications, and the necessity may arise for Frestonia to require the UN to send a token peacekeeping force. These are developments which we must at all costs avoid.’ The United Nations did not reply. But the media loved it, eagerly taking photographs of the four year old Minister of State in his pushchair and ony Sleep ony Sleep ony Sleep

T T T for weeks the street was full of TV crews from all

92 93 over the world. ‘Authorities should aim to develop a construc- were often meaningless at the local level. In At first the GLC insisted it would continue its tive and close working relationship with the Portsmouth for instance, the local squatting plans for demolishing the houses and developing housing association movement and responsible group was involved in a long fight against the LSU badge the site for industry. Some of the squatters voluntary organisations in a position to use Council gutting and demolition of houses in the accepted their amnesty offers but some returned short-life property to alleviate the housing Cumberland Road area prior to a public inquiry to Frestonia when they found their new homes to needs of special groups in their area. Local into its future. Attempts to obtain houses for Evening Standard be too isolated and distant. A housing co-op was authorities should consider the possibility of short-life use met with little success and in an formed, local opinion was mobilised against the licensing responsible groups who apply to internal memo of 29 November 1977 the City A paramilitary style eviction ends the Huntley Street plans, and the support of several local occupy empty property which cannot be brought Engineer made the Council’s policy clear: squat, 1979. organisations was obtained. Bowing to this into use in any other way, and who otherwise ‘Properties acquired in this area are acquired for Middle left: Two police officers known as Nigel and pressure and eager to save money, two years might feel driven to unlawful squatting.’16 clearance purposes and will not be re-used.They Mary cleverly volunteered to do early morning watch later the GLC agreed to hand over the site to the The last sentence shows that squatting provided are then rendered unattractive to potential duty at the time of the eviction. Notting Hill Housing Trust which planned to build the impetus for this move. squatters by breaking up the insides, rendered Middle right: Neither newspaper reporter could count. new houses and craft workshops. At the time of The formation of agencies specialising in the use unattractive to small-time thieves by removing It emerged at the trial that there were 650 police at the

London Express eviction. writing it appears that the squatters will be able of short-life property (such as Shelter’s Housing valuables such as lead, copper etc which again to stay in the new scheme but that their plan for Emergency Office, the Federation of Short-Life involves a certain amount of breaking out and preserving most of the houses and retaining the Housing Groups, the Self-Help Housing Resource steps are also taken to combat rodents etc by communal gardens have been ignored. Library and innumerable local organisations) sealing sewer connections which again Co-ops were not always a success and many and the introduction of the ‘mini-HAG’ (Housing necessitates a certain amount of breaking out’ ulie Barnett squatters who became involved in them were criti- Association Grant) whereby finance was When this policy failed to deter squatters, the J cal of the bureaucratic controls and restrictions im- available through the Housing Corporation for council resorted to demolition instead. posed on them by the Housing Corporation through repairs to short-life dwellings, also facilitated the In 1978 the largest police presence ever seen at which funds for co-ops are chanelled. Despite being increased use of empty property. an eviction smashed down barricades at Huntley the most democratic form of public housing, the In Lewisham, for example, where the first Street, one of Britain’s best organised squats. The dependency on public funds of most co-ops limits licenses were given to a squatting group in 1969, eviction was unnecessary,as it was already known the amount of control that individual members the Council had continued its efforts to use the that the squatters had, the day before, won an have over their housing.These bureaucratic barri- positive contribution of squatters. Lewisham Fam- agreement for rehousing all the squatters. ers and the delays they inevitably created often ily Self-Help Housing Association, as the original Five adjoining blocks of flats in Huntley Street left many ex-squatters disillusioned about co-ops. Family Squatting Association had been renamed, were squatted in February 1977 in an initiative by still provided homes for 79 families in June 1977. the Squatters Action Council. One block was The Council had a policy towards unlicensed squat- allocated to women and children from a battered Other concessions ters which, in theory, was the best that might be wives hostel, and a ground floor flat was used for Other mildly concessionary policies on homeless- expected. According to a paper by the Assistant meetings and an office first for the SquattersAction ness were also implemented. The Housing (Home- Borough Housing Officer, when unlicensed squat- Council and later for the London Squatters Union. less Persons) Act came into force on 1 December ting did occur, ‘No action is taken . . . until the The 54 flats which had been empty for four years 1977, the same day as the Criminal Law Act. This properties are required for redevelopment or there eventually housed 160 people including 30 placed an obligation on councils to provide housing is evidence of serious nuisance or annoyance to children. Three days after the occupation, the for certain groups of homeless people deemed at adjoining residents.’17 The paper went on to describe Area Health Authority, the owner, announced risk – basically people with children, pensioners, how the Council had also offered difficult-to-let plans to convert the flats for nurses and doctors. the handicapped, the sick and pregnant women. properties to single people, couples and sharers, But it also intended to abandon a lease on a The Act has not lived up to the high expectations including an entire estate of flats dissected by a nearby nurses home and turn down purpose-built of its supporters mainly because of loopholes (like major road and several tower blocks from which flats provided by Camden Council. The squatters the Calderdale Clause, p 63) and because many families had been vacated.Single person new-build and the local community campaigned bitterly groups of people, including the single and childless schemes were planned too. The paper readily ack- against the plans which would have reduced couples are not helped by it. Nevertheless, the nowledged that squatting had played a vital role in housing and turned a playground into a car park. fact that it came into force simultaneously with bringing the Council’s attention to the need to pro- After the Authority obtained a possession order the new law on squatting showed that the state’s vide housing to people other than nuclear families. at the second attempt in July 1978 the flats approach towards the homeless was ambivalent. were barricaded and round the clock watches A few months earlier, councils had been urged maintained. But no barricades and no amount of by central government to improve their use of Yet squatting continues support for the occupiers could have prevented empty property. A circular, sent out in July 1977 But such flexible approaches had not become the the eviction when it came. At dawn on 16 August, to councils, stated: norm and central government recommendations 650 police armed with riot shields and grappling

94 95 hooks and backed up by four bulldozers descended and short-life housing, while potential squatters like a blue plague. Led by steel helmeted bailiffs, were worried by rumours that squatting was now

advised by Special Branch experts on political illegal. In addition these concessions removed a ony Sleep ‘subversives’ and spearheaded by the notorious layerofthemostexperiencedandseasonedactivists T Special Patrol Group (SPG), the police forced an fromsquatting.Thesuccessesoforganised squatter entry within minutes. Fourteen people were communities, or their eviction and dispersal, led arrested for ‘resisting the sheriff contrary to to a situation in which isolated squats remained Section 10 of the Criminal Law Act 1977. cornmon while concentrations of squatters became Police preparations for this paramilitary rarer. The natural unit of organisation, the street operation were extensive. Helicopters took aerial or block, was disappearing, partly as a result of photographs, the phone was tapped and the success of squatters as part of a larger social surveillance cameras were mounted in flats movement in persuading local authorities to carry opposite. Most significantly, three weeks before out less wholesale redevelopment and more small- the eviction, two police officers, posing as a scale rehabilitation. Isolated squatters could not homeless couple – Nigel Wildman and Mary hope to reproduce the organisation developed by McClosky – moved in as squatters. Their true those who had lived near each other. identity was revealed later at the trial of the Many ex-squatter activists become involved in ‘Huntley Street 14’. The eviction, estimated to other fields of housing or political activity, such as have cost over £50,000, was widely condemned. thegrowinghousingco-operativemovementoranti- At the court case a year after the eviction, the racist, anti-fascist struggles. People who cut their magistrate eventually decided there was teeth in squatting activity carried their political insufficient evidence to convict 12 of the defendants experiences into other housing struggles. A but two, Piers Corbyn and Jim Paton, were found Housing ActionConvention,inSheffieldinSeptem- guilty. Corbyn received an exemplary 28 days ber 1978, attracted over 300 people, the majority imprisonment, the first immediate prison sentence of whom had been involved in squatting. From this under the new7 anti-squatting law, but it was emerged the seeds for a new campaigning network, reduced on appeal to 200 hours community service. Housing Action, which concentrates on issues of Paton was given a suspended sentence of 28 days wider relevance than squatting or empty property. imprisoment, confirmed on appeal. The eviction Housing Action had its roots deeply embedded Mike Wigg was organised by London’s Under Sheriff, Michael in the squatting movement, and the squatters and Harris, who played a prominent role in the eviction (more commonly) ex-squatters who were closely of several large squats and seemed to take involved in its formation remained among its key particular delight in evicting groups of squatters. activists.There was an attempt by Housing Action In 1980 he had to resign his post as Under to link the experience and tactics of the squatting Sheriff following reports in Private Eye alleging movement (as the most militant and sustained his involvement with the Mafia and pornography.18 housing movement of the seventies) with the more While Harris had hoped for harsher sentences traditional tenants organisations and labour move- the operation fulfilled its purpose as a training ment bodies. This worked best in one-off ventures exercise for large scale police actions (not necessar- or pieces of direct action. In March 1979, for ily against squatters) and as a piece of intimidation. example, Housing Action and the London Tenants Nonetheless the campaign following the eviction Organisation’s GLC group linked up with local received widespread support. The Trades Union trades unionists to stage a spectacular protest occu- Congress that autumn condemned the use of the pation of a GLC show-house at the Ideal Home SPG against squatters and Labour Party Exhibition. The ‘Ideal Squat’ was evicted within National Executive Committee speakers at their 30 minutes, but not before the 100 or so people annual conference also criticised the eviction. involved had brought the Exhibition to a standstill The concessions in council housing policies that with one of the liveliest pieces of protest theatre had been gained in 1977-8 and the intimidatory ever enacted over a housing issue.The protest fail- Housing Action organises a sensational occupation of effect of both the Criminal Law Act and police ed to halt the GLC’s policies of selling off council the Greater London Council’s show house at the Daily actions led to a marked decline in squatting in houses and running down its housing programme, Mail’s Ideal Home Exhibition at Olympia, 1979. After 1978. Many homeless single people were absorbed but it did indicate the possibilities for unity half an hour of stopping the show, the police end the ony Sleep into new council schemes to use difficult-to-let between squatters, tenants and trades unionists. fun and cart off some of the demonstrators. T

96 97 Housing Action’s attempts to take this protest A similarly wide range of support had been of resources, the Council consistently lied to the action a stage further by occupying an entire block obtained by the Stop the Blitz Campaign when it electorate,presentedfalsefigurestoofficialsurveys of GLC flats on the Ferry Lane Estate inTottenham organised the occupation and repair of over 50 about empty property and harassed and blackmail- also drew in a wide range of supporters. The flats empty houses in three streets in Redbridge at the ed residents. So eager was it in pursuing its goals had been empty for two years while the GLC end of 1978. It was the same area which had been that on one occasion council workmen by mistake prepared plans for their sale to private buyers and the focus of the famous pitched battles between gutted a privately-owned house and boarded it they stood among some 500 empty GLC dwellings bailiffs and squatters in 1969. At that time the up, preventing the owner from getting in.19 on the same estate. The local tenants association, Councilwasguttinganddemolishingperfectlygood The Stop the Blitz occupation was intended the Labour MP and the Liberal parliamentary houses in a deliberate attempt to force the public more as a protest against thi demolition or gutting candidate for the area pledged their support. One inquiry inspector to agree to their demolition to prior to a public enquiry than as a squat. Nonethe- tenants association in Dulwich sent a telegram make way for a grandiose central area redevelop- less, it involved many veteran squatting activists addressed to ‘The Rightful Occupiers of Ferry ment scheme. Nothing changed much. Despite and was described as a ‘10th birthday celebration’ Lane Estate’. Even the security guards employed losing the public inquiry in 1970, the Council drew of the contemporary squatting movement. Laurie Sparham/ IFL to defend the properties against squatting up another plan which was due to go to a public Neither the Ferry Lane squat or the Stop the expressed sympathy (an attitude which was inquiry in 1979. In the meantime it continued to Housing Action mounts an occupation of Greater probably important in persuading the police not gut and demolish, presumably hoping to do better London Council flats in Tottenham left empty for two to intervene when the occupation first occurred). second time around. To cover up its wanton waste years awaiting sale, 1979.

Campaigners against ‘prior demolition’ courageously attempt to stop the bulldozers in Portsmouth 1978 (left) and stage a well-organised protest squat of ortsmouth Evening News

P several streets in Redbridge, 1979 (above and right). WatesNick Wates Nick

Blitz campaign were very successful.In Redbridge, were also important in publicising the fact that been designed by the famous architect John the Council’s increased understanding of the law on squatting had not been made illegal,and during the Nash. The Area Health Authority responsible for squatting and the removal of loopholes which had latter half of 1979 the decline in the number of the eviction of Huntley Street had a nursing benefitted squatters in the past led to eviction in peoplesquattingcametoanend.Everyagencydeal- home over-looking Highbury Fields (and empty three weeks. At Ferry Lane the GLC dithered ing with squatters or would-be squatters reported for five years) squatted by a group who remained longer, perhaps unsure of the strength of the a renewed activity or heightened interest.Islington in occupation for a number of months without opposition. Ultimately a combination of electricity Council, in London, reported that the number of mains gas, water or electric supplies. Even St cut-offs, the Conservative general election victory squats in its property doubled during 1979 to Paul’s Cathedral had its Chancellery squatted. and the fact that none of the activists involved in almost 200 units, though it failed to see how, in Massive cuts in public spending (p 225) and the organising the occupation actually lived in the scrapping its housing scheme for single sharers, end of any government commitment to provide flats, led to defeat (and the arrest of 15 it was partly the author of its own misfortunes. homes for all resulted in the renewed growth in the supporters when police broke up peaceful pickets The Self Help Housing Resource Library report- number of people squatting. Single people, trapped called in protest against the eviction). The degree ed an increase in squatting outside London,quoting at the bottom of the housing pile, made up a large of planning and organisation behind such actions, cases of sizeable new campaigns in Cambridge, proportion of the new squatters, though people and the number of people involved in them (over Bristol, Stoke-on-Trent and Birmingham during with children were still being forced to squat des- 100 in each case) demonstrated a commitment to the summer of 1979.In London,a number of squats pite the Homeless Persons Act. Groups which had direct action which augured well for the future. made the news, including the occupation of a large been on the verge of collapse were given a fresh

Ray The Redbridge and Ferry Lane occupations DOE-owned property in Bloomsbury which had impetus by the upsurge. The Advisory Service for

98 99 1979-80; Squatting continues . . . Credits on p 234

Squatters, for example, survived the withdrawal of groups among its members) only met twice during support and develop the links that have begun to most of its long-serving collective (who, after up to 1979. Others like the Self Help Housing Resource be made with other organisations. four years of unpaid advice work,were simply worn Library, ASS and LSU stumbled on with the Squatting will inevitably continue on an individ- out or wanted to spend their time on other things) efforts of a smaller number of active supporters. uallevel.Isolatedsquatterswithoutlinkswithany and continued to function. The London Squatters Without an influx of energy and activists into wider movement will continue to take over proper- Union,which had been virtually inactive for a num- such groups, their future seems uncertain – and ty in order to solve their immediate housing needs. ber of months, revived itself at the beginning of without the minimal organisational and advisory Projections of the housing situation leave no doubt 1980, using the Housing Action office three nights capacities of such groups, the future of squatting that the crisis will worsen substantially in the a week for advisory and organisational work. The would become even more uncertain. eighties and that homelessness will increase great- LSU later moved to offices near Trafalgar Square. The overall political climate has changed drasti- ly.The number of people needing to squat will rise. Other organisations did fold, however. Most local cally since the seventies, and it is doubtful whether Whether squatting will be merely the last resort of squatting groups, for instance, were moribund by the concessions won by the squatting movement desperate individuals, or whether it might also be the end of 1979, and the Federation of Short-Life in the past will be readily repeated. Squatters will anorganisedmeansforpeopletosecurebetter hous- Housing Groups (which at one time could claim need to be better organised in future in order to ing, depends upon how well squatters can organise almost 30 different short-life and squatting win less. They will need to draw upon much wider as part of wider housing and political movements.• Some history Squatting in Britain before 1968

8The early squatters Six centuries of squatting 9The post war squatters What happened when there were no homes for the World War Two heroes

102 103 something specifically granted by a generous ged to gain title ranging from six months to 30 Chapter landlord, but were the residue of rights that years. In fact, in English law squatters obtain ‘a The early squatters 8 were once more extensive; rights that in all good title’ (ie ownership) when they have by Colin Ward probability antedate the idea of private property retained peaceful possession for twelve years in land, and are therefore of vast antiquity.’2 against the owner.3 The Forcible Entry Act 1381 was enacted to Many squatter houses of the 16th to 18th Six centuries of squatting establish order in land disputes. It forbade centuries can be recognised on sight or by forcible entry on any land for any purpose – or so studying large-scale Ordnance Survey maps. In it appeared. It states: some counties they are built close by the Second century Roman amphitheatre at Aries, France, ‘And also the King defendeth that none from roadside and parallel to it; in others they are cleverly remodelled for living in during the middle ages. henceforth make any entry into any lands and irregularly scattered around the village green or The ‘squatters’ were evicted in 1830, their dwellings tenements but in case where entry is given by randomly distributed on it. One historian states: razed and the remaining fabric reconstituted as a law and in such case, not with strong hand 6.9.1963 Daily Telegraph ‘Manor court rolls all over England and Wales 19 ruin. nor with multitude of people, but only in contain numerous references to these squatters lawful peaceable and easy manner. And if any on the wastes in the 17th and 18th centuries. man from henceforth do to the contrary, and Frequently they were people who had been thereof be duly convict, he shall be punished squeezed out of the lowland villages where no by imprisonment.’ more land was available. Hence in a county In other words, even a squatter who was on land like Northamptonshire we find that the so- when there was a forcible entry committed could called ‘forest villages’ in the 17th century prosecute for forcible entry, affording squatters were on an average half as populous again as protection from violent eviction. Technical the non-forest villages, because they had amendments to the Forcible Entry Acts were attracted so many of the rural poor who found made by the Acts of 1391, 1429, 1588 and 1623. the various common rights in the forests The rights of access to, and use of, common sufficient to give them a precarious living.’2 land were absolutely vital to the self-sufficient An Act was passed in the reign of Elizabeth 1 peasant economy of the 14th century, even ‘against the erecting and maintaining of though the extent of such land had already been cottages’, with the aim of ‘avoiding of the great reduced by enclosures. The series of dreadful inconveniences which are found to grow by the epidemics known as the Black Death reversed creating ... of great numbers and multitudes of the trend. Mud enclosed arable land reverted to cottages.’ The Act was really directed against the rough pasture and waste, and many holdings poor though according to one account it: whose inhabitants had died or fled were squatted ‘allowed cottages for the impotent poor to be by landless survivors. By the latter half of the built on the village waste, with the consent of 16th century the population of England and the lord of the manor and the parish officers. Wales had reached the same size as before the Other cottages might be licensed by the justices Black Death, and there was once more enormous in Quarter Sessions, and much of the business

New York Public Library York New pressure, both from lords of the manor and from of the Sessions in the 17th century was taken poor commoners, to enclose the common land. up by the pressing question of cottages, with Squatting is the oldest mode of tenure in the too often put into execution).1 was once the common property of the people. ‘The A folklore (or common law) of squatting grew up. ordering their demolition or sanctioning their world, and we are all descended from squatters. Over a century before Spence, Gerrard landlord owns the peasants but the peasants own Both in Britain and in many parts of Europe, it erection, always as a measure connected with This is as true of the Queen with her 176,000 Winstanley declared that ‘the poorest man hath the land’ is a Russian saying from the days when was widely accepted that if a person succeeded poor relief and the parish poor.’4 acres as it is of the 54 per cent of householders as true a title and just right to the land as the landowners measured their wealth in ‘souls’. In in erecting a dwelling on common or waste land In 1662, after the restoration of the monarchy, in Britain who are owner-occupiers. They are all richest man. Winstanley also held the view, England most people mistakenly assume that the between sunset and sunrise and lighting a fire in the Act of Settlement was passed to restrict the the ultimate recipients of stolen land, for to widespread amongst radicals of his day, that the pathetic remnants of the common land are in fact it, they could not lawfully be dispossessed. There movement of those who were not freeholders or regard our planet as a commodity offends every Norman Conquest had deprived the people of common property. This belief can be seen as a are innumerable variants on this formula and on who could not afford a rent of £10 a year. It de- conceivable principle of natural rights. their land and that with the defeat of Charles I, survival of ancient popular wisdom. For in legal the definition of the amount of land that might be clared that ‘by some defect of the law, poor people Two centuries ago the philosopher Thomas as ultimate heir of William I, the people had won fact, as the historians of the commons assert, ‘All enclosed. ‘As much as he could inclose in the night are not restrained from going from one parish into Spence argued that the ultimate logic of the back the land by right of conquest. He thus common land is private property. It belongs to within the throw of an axe from the dwelling’ was another and,therefore do endeavour to settle them- private possession of land is that the landlord ‘can argued that the people who worked on the land someone, whether an individual or a corporation the belief in Radnor in Wales. There are also a Top: Seventeenth century squatter’s house on the village selvesinthoseparisheswherethereisthebeststock, oblige every living creature to remove off his pro- had a legal title to it as well as a natural right. and has done so from time immemorial.’ However, variety of mistaken beliefs as to the period of time green at Airton, Yorkshire. the largest commons or wastes to build cottages, perty’ (which to the great distress of humanity is Most cultures have the tradition that the land they go on to conclude: ‘Common rights were not for which property should be occupied unchallen- Bottom: Roadside squatter’s cottage in Essex, c1780.20 and the most woods for them to burn and destroy’.

104 105 Winstanley and the Diggers were sowing the ground with parsnips, carrots and Theirs was a dramatic version of battles that churchwardens of the Oxfordshire village of Between these two pieces of legislation directed beans, with the intention of restoring ‘the ancient were fought all over Britain. Perhaps the feeling Headington Quarry, about the Steel and Parsons against ‘cottagers and paupers’ ie squatters, there community of enjoying the fruits of the earth’. that the Crown in particular had usurped the land, families there: ‘Some 40 or 50 years ago two occurred the most famous of what we would now The Council of State sent the letter on the same was responsible for the widespread nature of squat- small huts were erected upon this land, and they call ‘ideologically-inspired squats’ – when Gerrard day to Lord Fairfax, Lord General of the Armed ting on land which in various guises belonged to were inhabited by some poor people, and from Winstanley and others calling themselves the Forces of the Commonwealth, urging him to send the royal family. The Rev. S. Baring-Gould claimed time to time the buildings have increased into ‘Diggers’ took over waste ‘common’ land at Walton- some forces ‘to Cobham in Surrey and thereabouts, that the building in about 1835 of Jolly Lane Cot, two cottages and the occupants have enclosed a on-Thames in Surrey in 1649 and started to with orders to disperse the people so met, and to near Nexworthy on Dartmoor, was the last occas- piece of the ground as gardens, but for none of cultivate it communally. They hoped that poor prevent the like for the future, that a malignant ion when the custom of building a house between this do they pay any rent.’11 people everywhere would follow their example and and disaffected party may not under colour of such sundown and sunrise was put into practice. A small that property owners would voluntarily surrender ridiculous people have any opportunity to rendez- rental was put upon the place by the Duchy of their estates and join in communal production. vous themselves in order to do a greater mischief.’6 Cornwall. But in 1932 another writer declared that Property: theft or freedom? The Digger movement was the culmination of a The Diggers were harried and eventually trans- ‘only a few years ago several small enclosures with There is a gulf between the approach to squatting century of unauthorised encroachments on forests ferred themselves to Cobham Heath, a mile or two cottages were stated to have been built on Dart- of Gerrard Winstanley and that of Mrs Kit Nash and wastes by squatters and commoners, pushed away, where after further persecution, and the moor between sunset and sunrise.’7 A Victorian who had poachers’ pockets sewn into her skirts. on by land shortage and pressure of population. burning of their huts and furniture, their settlement historian of Windsor Castle says that at one time It is the gulf between socialism and individualism: Setting the background, historian Christopher was abandoned, exactly a year after the original paupers had squatted in many of the towers.8 In a gulf spanned by the French anarchist Pierre- Hill wrote: squat. By the beginning of 1650, other Digger the early 19th century an apple woman called Ann Joseph Proudhon in two famous utterances. In ‘The Midlands rising of 1607, in which we first colonies were beginning to appear, at Wellingbor- Hicks annexed a portion of Hyde Park at the east 1840 he gave the world the phrase ‘Property is THE DIGGER’S SONG come across the names Levellers and Diggers, You noble Diggers all, stand up now, stand up now, ough in Northamptonshire, Cox Hall in Kent, Iver end of the Serpentine. Her shanty was known as Theft’ (and these words were painted in letters was caused by enclosure. Risings in Western You noble Diggers all, stand up now, in Buckinghamshire, Barnet in Hertfordshire, En- the White Cottage, and was steadily improved. three feet high on the walls of No 144 Piccadilly The waste land to maintain, seeing Cavaliers by name England in the late 1620s and early 1630s Your digging does disdain, and persons all defame, field in Middlesex, Dunstable in Bedfordshire, Bos- ‘From a stall with an awning, a lock-up shop (p 22) in September 1969). But he also asserted turned in large part on royal enclosure and Stand up now, stand up now. worth in Leicestershire, and at unknown places was evolved. Then a small back enclosure that ‘Property is Freedom’, thinking of people’s 5 rights of squatters in the forests. Just as the The lawyers they conjoin, stand up now, stand up now, in Gloucestershire and Nottinghamshire. But by appeared including four walls with windows right to control the house they live in and the breakdown of the authority of the state church The lawyers they conjoin, stand up now, the end of that year the movement had collapsed. and a door.The height of the building was next land and tools they need to work and live.12 in the 1640s allowed underground sects to To arrest you they advise, such fury they devise, increased, and under the excuse of repairing ‘No man’, said Winstanley, ‘shall have any more The devil in them lies and hath blinded both their eyes, surface, so the breakdown of secular authority Stand up now, stand up now. the roof a chimney was provided. The next land than he can labour himself, or have others released a series of riots against enclosure all Squatting by stealth step was to get a hurdle erected to prevent the to labour with him in love, working together and 5 The clergy they come in, stand up now, stand up now, over the country.’ The clergy they come in, stand up now, Squatting continued, as it has always done, on the curious from peeping in at the window. The eating bread together.’ This is precisely the In the pamphlet The New Law of Righteousness The clergy they come in, and say it is a sin level of the individual family. Most of the privatisa- fence by degrees was moved outwards, until a difference between the appropriation of land by That we should now begin, our freedom for to win, written in January 1649, Winstanley set out his Stand up now, stand up now tion of common land was accomplished not by the fair amount of space was enclosed. At this squatters and that by enclosers. criticism of the private appropriation of land: Stand up now, Diggers all. landless peasantry but by landlords with the aid stage the authorities interfered and secured There were a few examples of ‘ideological’ ‘And this is the beginning of particular interest, of Enclosure Acts and by wealthy people whose possession of the domain of Ann Hicks who squats at the turn of this century. At Whiteway The tithes they yet will have, stand up now, stand up now, 9 buying and selling the Earth, from one particu- The tithes they yet will have, stand up now, encroachments were unchallenged. Between 1760 was granted a small allowance.’ in Gloucestershire, a Tolstoy an anarchist colony lar hand to another, saying “This is mine,” up- The tithes they yet will have, and lawyers their fees crave, and 1860 the enclosure of common lands by Another squatter who gradually increased her was set up in 1898 and the title deeds to 40 And this they say is brave, to make the poor their slave holding this particular propriety by a law of Stand up now, Diggers all. landlords was at its height. In Radnor between holding was Mrs Kit Nash, who at the turn of acres of land were ceremonially burnt to government of his own making, and thereby 1810 and 1882, there were 34 Acts of Parliament this century had a cottage between Hamer Green symbolise the fact that it was held in common. restraining other fellow-creatures from seeking for enclosing some 50,000 acres of common land. and Burnham Green in Hertfordshire. Eight years later, ‘land-grabbers’ occupied nourishment from their Mother Earth. So that Propaganda produced by the Diggers in the seventeenth ‘A very small portion of this large area was ‘Year by year she extended the boundaries of empty sites in several towns including Manchester 5 though a man was bred up in a Land, yet he century, (the language has been modernised). reserved for the commoners; most of it was her plot by trimming the bramble hedges always Seventeeth and eighteenth century squatters. Leeds, Plaistow and Bradford. The basic idea of must not work it for himself where he would, added to the existing estates of landowners, and from the inside, allowing them to spread and Top: Extract from a petition by a family who had been the movement according to one writer ‘was to but for him who had bought part of the Land, pamphlets and public manifestos, Winstanley the first action of many landowners was to evict flourish on the outside. There was a complaint, forced by the Lord of the Manor of Stoke and Stoughton grab land (or in some cases borrow it) that was or had come to it by inheritance of his returns to the same theme, declaring for example the squatters. In this they usually succeeded, but she dealt with that by brandishing a to demolish their squatted mud cottage. not being used and to cultivate it whereby the deceased parents, and called it his own Land. in his New Year’s Gift for the Parliament and Army: but in one famous case a solicitor of Presteign pitchfork. She had only a squatter’s title to Following the petition, the Lord granted them an hungry could grow their own foods and obtain a 22 So that he who had no Land was to work for ‘Therefore I say, the Common Land is my own (Mr Cecil Parsons) fought the squatters’ case the land, but after her death this was legally alternative site. 1806. living from their own methods.’13 It was a response small wages for those who called the Land Land, equal with my Fellow Commoners; and our up to the Court of Common Pleas, in 1835, and registered in her name by the local authority, Middle: Petition by roadside squatters appealing to the to massive unemployment, poverty and hunger and Duchess of Bridgewater for her protection after a notice theirs. Thereby some are lifted up in the chair true propriety by the Law of Creation. It is every won. When the news of this decision reached and it was sold, so that they could recover the the organisers saw the ‘back-to-the-land’ approach 10 to quit had been served by the local surveyor. of tyranny, and others trod under the footstool one’s, but not one single one’s.’ the backwoods of Radnor, church bells were money which she owed them.’ After 1831.23 as a way of breaking workers’ dependence on the of misery, as if the Earth were made for a few, The Diggers’ invasion of ‘common’ land next to rung, dinners given in celebration, and ‘the By comparison with the landless labourer, the Bottom: Certficate from the Rector of Wheathamstead in capitalist system. In the event, none of these and not for all men.’5 Campe Close at St George’s Hill began on Sunday cottagers’ champion’, as Parsons was called, squatter had seized a degree of freedom which, as support of a squatter on Harpenden common who actions lasted very long. The Manchester occupation This is the cry of the landless peasant every- 1 April 1649 and the Council of State was immed- received a handsome presentation. The effigies my examples indicate, was tenaciously extended feared that the Steward of the Manor would demolish was quickly broken up with police support: ‘The

2 ohn Topham 23 where, in his day and ours, and throughout his iately informed by a local landowner that people of certain landowners were publicly burnt.’ J over time. One writer cites the complaint of the his cottage. 1726. turf buildings were knocked down, the crops

106 107 uprooted and the cooking utensils thrown down their rents, while the tenants became the de facto hospital. The whole place was surrounded by the highway.’ In Leeds owners. This might only be revealed by 20th heavy park railings with locked gates. At the ‘a gang of about 20 roughs led by a well- century redevelopment by which time the end of the war the refugees returned home, the known local character raided the camp late at occupiers would have acquired what is universally camp was deserted and locked up. Meanwhile night. The camp was completely destroyed, known as ‘squatters’ rights’. Such instances only the housing shortage had become acute, and most of the campers were beaten up and all become news when the title is disputed. one night the gates of the camp were broken Bradford City Library their possessions heaped on the camp fire. It Registration of title to land was introduced in down and a number of working class families seemed pretty obvious that the landowners England and Wales by the Land Registry Act 1862, established themselves in the huts. The number had paid the gang to carry out the raid.’13 ‘to give certainty to the title to real estates and to soon increased, and before the authorities The Bradford occupation was more fortunate facilitate the proof thereof. The registration system awoke sufficiently to take action, a large settle- but finally petered out after three months due to at present covers areas of England and Wales ment was already in being. The government, lack of support from the authorities, shortage of containing about two-thirds of the population realising that some considerable measure of money and the approach of winter. and will eventually cover the whole country. force would be necessary to eject the new Perhaps a closer attention to local history, court Even then, it will still remain possible to acquire dwellers, gave in and accepted the situation.’17 records and the Land Registry will reveal forgotten ownership through squatters’ rights by squatting This same district of villages huddled around sagas of the deliberate and public occupation of in the same place for 12 successive years (p 105). coal mines has a tradition of another kind of empty property or of vacant sites in the cities. The In the past, there was no equivalent of the squatting. Before the nationalisation of the coal 19th century provides many examples of battles squatters’ movements of today, precisely because industry in 1947, the miners and their families fought both in the courts and through direct action there were never such glaring examples of both lived in houses belonging to the colliery owners. A to resist the enclosure of urban common land, and public authorities and private investors choosing to miner who was sacked was simultaneously evicted those struggles are responsible for the survival of leave habitable properties empty over long periods, from the company’s housing. Such families were any urban commons today. But in these disputes rather than rent them to people in need. In the obliged to move into the ‘crees’, cabins or huts they the individual encroacher was just as much the period which ended with the First World War, had built in the allotment gardens which they enemy as the lord-of-the-manor encloser. when 90 per cent of housing was privately rented rented for 2s 6d a year from the local council. In Evidence of the extent of urban squatting is and there were no rent acts, ordinary houses in the thirties, 32 families were living like this on Bradford City Library hard to find, partly because illicit occupiers of a places where there was any demand were seldom the allotments in Horden, County Durham, while building would be unlikely to advertise their empty for long. When a speculator miscalculated others were reduced to living in caves along the presence. For the overcrowded urban poor of the as in Pimlico in London, where the builder Cubitt beach between Easington Colliery and Blackball. 18th and 19th century city, the difference in anticipated another Belgravia of opulent one- In one instance, a family was evicted three times quality between the poorest of lodgings for which family houses, but rapidly adapted to a humbler in two days because the man was sacked from one rent was paid and those which were occupied market to get some kind of return on his pit, taken on at another belonging to the same without payment was almost academic. The investment, it was unusual for landlords to forego company but sacked when this was discovered, Medical Officers of the London Parishes rent income altogether. The tendency towards the and sacked from a third in similar circumstances. complained to the Poor Law Commissioners in replacement of a multiplicity of landlords of His unfortunate family shunted its belongings on 1838 of ‘the habit at lodging in previously ordinary rented housing by one monopoly landlord a handcart from one village to another, ending in deserted houses, cellars etc’, and many of the – the local authority – is a side-effect both of the allotment gardens. Boys who lost their jobs occupants of hovels, sheds and cattle-stalls lived changes in the economics of housing and of at the mines would be obliged to leave their below the level of a three-pence-a-week rent.14 official policy. I have illustrated elsewhere16 the parental colliery-owned home, and move into a In the growing British cities of the 19th resulting loss of freedom of choice and ease of hut on the allotments, returning at weekends for century, it is easy to imagine that there were movement which was once taken for granted a bath. One family at Horden Colliery, resigned houses whose owners – through death, emigration, even by very poor families. The state has failed to to living on the allotments, bought with their imprisonment or abandonment – failed to collect provide for the consequences of its intervention. savings a hut from a mail-order firm and The 1945/46 squatters’ movement (Chapter 9) contrived a kitchen and other amenities.18 was preceded, not only by several wartime The pre-history of squatting can only be found Postcards produced by the Girlington ‘Klondike’ in seizures by homeless families of empty in the margins of the history of housing. But the Bradford, 1906. Derelict land owned by the Midland Railway was taken by ‘land grabbers’ who planted requisitioned property, but also by an event just fragments of folklore and anecdote that we vegetables and built small stone huts. The squat was after the First World War. During that war the accumulate, whether of the occupation of land by strictly organised with recognised leaders, communal government had built a large colony for Belgian the landless in rural society, or that of houses by meals and a ban on liquor. Impassioned orators, refugees, Elizabethville, at Birtley in County the homeless in urban society, have as a common including a local councillor, spoke at open air meetings Durham. George Woodcock records that factor the assertion of the very ancient belief attended by up to 1,000 people. Winstanley and William ‘there were about 650 concrete huts with drain- that once we are on this earth we have a natural

Bradford City Library Morris were much quoted. age, water, electricity, roads, a school and a right to a share of it.•

108 109 Phase 2 – taking over service camps with the slow progress of the ambitious housing them, chalked their names on doors of Chapter As demobilisation gathered pace at the beginning programme. At the same time, army camps and particular huts (the common way of booking in) The post war squatters 9 of 1946, overcrowding grew, prosecutions for depots were emptying. and then left to fetch their possessions. by Andrew Friend vagrancy became more frequent and waiting lists The second phase of squatting began in the late After these events were reported in the press, got longer. There was growing disillusionment spring of 1946 and involved the mass takeover of several camps around Sheffield were taken over. service camps. The first recorded instance was of During the following month, 20 local authorities What happened when there were no homes for the World War Two heroes a family moving into the officers’ mess of an reported squatting in their areas – and by the unoccupied anti-aircraft camp outside Scunthorpe, beginning of August, the movement had spread on 8 May.3 By the next evening, news of their throughout the country. action had travelled round the town and they had Once again the role of the press in reporting been joined by other families who took over Nissen both the seizures and the authorities’ confused huts on the site. This pattern was repeated at reactions to them, had a major influence on the short-term interests of property, as it had through experience of unemployment and anti-fascist other camps in the area as families broke into rapid spread of squatting. On 6 August, a Britain entered the Second World War with an requisitioning during the war, in order to achieve struggles before the war – were travelling to Northern Command spokesman was reported as acute housing crisis. During the war the decent housing for all. Throughout the war years, other towns to address public meetings. saying ‘The army cannot prevent squatters from construction industry was cut by two-thirds and government leaders had been making extravagant The role of press reporting in helping squatting moving into disused military installations and it the remaining work force was almost exclusively appeals to national unity and obtaining the to spread was well understood by Churchill. In a engaged on state contracts. As a result, six years loyalty of the working class by making promises. Cabinet memorandum which advised law officers of house building was lost, an amount equivalent As the General Election campaign of 1945 got and the police to consider ‘all means to putting to nearly ten per cent of the housing stock. In unde way, the homeless and those living in an end to these pranks’, he asked the Minister of addition, bombing destroyed 110,000 houses and overcrowded conditions had high expectations of Information to ‘induce’ the newspapers to curtail nearly 850,000 more were evacuated because of being helped to obtain improved housing. their coverage. Although avowing they were structural damage. Demobilisation meant that apolitical, the Vigilantes raised a radical demand: new households were forming at an that empty property in the private sector should be unprecedented rate, nearly a million marriages Phase 1 – the Vigilantes requisitioned for immediate use by the homeless. having taken place during the war. In May 1945, the male members of seven families As one of its last acts, Churchill’s government The last two years of the war saw worsening were arrested after occupying an empty mansion both in response to public support for the housing conditions accompanied by a growing at Blantyre in Scotland. They were fined after Vigilantes and as a piece of electoral opportunism wave of hope and determination that there would being convicted of trespass – unlike in England – introduced powers for local authorities to be no return to the poverty and unemployment of and Wales, a criminal offence in Scotland since requisition for civilian purposes. This move, plus the thirties. In the coalition Cabinet, the Labour the Highland clearances. A few weeks later in increased police action and the advent of a Labour leadership began to have increasing influence on Brighton, a group called the Vigilantes began government, led to the decline of squatting in social policy and the planning of post-war re- breaking into empty houses and installing both private property until the following year. building. By late 1944, a section of the themselves and other homeless households. The The requisitioning measure gave local Conservative Party had swung behind the banner group’s activities received considerable local authorities the power to take over empty houses of social reform. Their spokesman Quintin Hogg support in an area where landlords often left but did not impose a duty on them to do so. The summed up their position in a memorable property empty in order to profit from high extent to which this power was used varied widely. sentence: ‘Either we give the people social reform holiday rents during the short summer season. Extensive requisitioning took place in some Labour- or they will give us social revolution.’1 For the Civil action for possession, which could only be controlled towns and cities where there were Labour Party, state welfare provision and the started by the absent owners, was slow. By the long waiting lists. Bristol’s policy of requisitioning expansion of public housing were long-held goals. first week in July, the Vigilantes (or ‘the Secret every house advertised for sale attracted the For the ruling class, the major section of which Committee of Ex-Servicemen’) were claiming a wrath of the London Evening Standard which identified with the Tory Party, there would be membership of 1,000 and squatting was beginning saw it (correctly) as a threat to the private clear economic advantages in having a healthy to spread along the coast to other resorts and to sector. In other areas where lawyers and estate and well-housed work force after the war. cities like Birmingham, Liverpool and London. agents were on the council, the powers appear to The result was a measure of consensus This movement was the result of local initiatives have been used little, if at all. Reynolds News between the two parties which were both, by the rather than an organised extension of activity by noted ‘there is a deep suspicion that while end of 1944, making competing promises on the Brighton group. However, the press, by report- requisitioning notices are being put up to allay housing policy. The public inference was that the ing each incident in some detail, helped to establish public criticism, a go-slow policy is being followed organisational power of the state would not only communication and from this a measure of in order to prevent good homes being taken over. harness the private building industry to the needs organisation was fostered. By mid-July, leading Owners of homes in the £4000-£5000 range fear of the public sector, but would also override the members of the Brighton group – anarchists with their use by the homeless will reduce their value.’ 2 Families occupying empty army huts at Stratford, East London in 1946. By the autumn of that year, 45,000 people were squatting in 1,000 ex-service camps. 110 cannot turn them out’.4 Over 30 camps, in widely would connect the services and provide a result, services were refused on the grounds disused schools, a race track and greyhound different areas, were taken over in the next two amenities in the interests of health and safety. that if they were connected the squatters would stadium, and on 29 August, two big hotels in the days. The following day the War Office issued a In other cases squatters met with both refusal stay and a slum would develop. centre of Glasgow. Police intervention backed by statement saying that the squatters were trespass- of services and threats of being struck off the Six months after the Fielding family moved Scotland’s criminal law quickly brought the latter ers but that no immediate action would be taken. waiting list for permanent housing. Refusal of into the officers mess at Scunthorpe, Parliament occupations to an end but the Ministry of Health As the extent of the administrative confusion be- registration for milk rations became a means of was told that 45,000 people were thought to be statement had done little to stem the tide. The came clear the pace of the occupations accelerated. harassment. In such areas the camps linked squatting at 1,000 sites throughout the United Cabinet met and decided to start ‘methodical A report from the News Chronicle gives a good together to form Squatters Protection Societies as Kingdom. The camp squats represented direct squatting’ or – to use the terminology of the idea of what life was like in the Nissen hut colonies: well as organising internally. Where confrontations action and self-organisation of the homeless on a sixties – to offer licences in short-life property. ‘It was a case of first come first served when it with local authorities took place, the strong massive scale. As such they presented problems The Ministry of Health announced that in nearly began. But only a few days passed before the degree of support for squatters became obvious: of management and public order to the state. all cases people would be allowed to stay where chaos began to sort itself out. A camp committee ‘A flag flew over the Manor Lane gunsite in Army units did not see the protection of unwanted they were but management responsibility would was elected and began to establish its authority Sheffield last night. The squatters had won a camps as part of their duty – in fact it seems that pass to local authorities who would collect rent and the camp began to crystallise into a day long battle with city officials against remov- departing commanders often co-operated with and rates. Legal action would be taken only in community of 500 men and women determined al to the workhouse from their Nissen huts. the first squatters to arrive, especially when they extreme cases and rehousing would be offered to to make the best of their new homes. Sub- Earlier, hundreds of people had lined the were demobbed soldiers. Regional commanders those displaced. committees were established for health, social roads leading to the camp to watch the arrival referred the problem to the War Office and from It was far from a total victory for the homeless activities, construction work and camp of police, aldermen and officials. With them there it reached Cabinet level. On 13 August the or a total loss for the state as the next two years eystone ox Photos

amenities. A communal kitchen is operating came two double-decker buses, an ambulance, K F Cabinet considered a report from the Parliamen- were to show. But the important factor was that and there is a clinic where the services of a police radio cars and two lorries carrying tary Under Secretary at the War Office: the direct action had been seen to change policy and local health visitor are available. Plans are now demolition men. dilemma was that concessions would lead to to get housing for thousands of families in need. being considered for a co-op shop. Eight shillings Men, women and children were cheered as further squatting whilst wholesale evictions would The stage was thus set for a far more direct a week is regularly collected for the camp fund. they faced the eviction party at the gates. They not be tolerated by public opinion. Guarding empty challenge to the authority of the Labour Women play a big part on all the organising listened while Alderman F Thraves, Socialist camps also presented problems: public opinion Government and ‘the rule of law’. committees and a nursery has been organised. leader of the City Council, tried to persuade was unlikely to tolerate refugee guards protecting There is an almost palpable feeling of freedom, them to leave in their own interests. This was them prior to the arrival of their compatriots but of having emerged into a wider life than had the signal for a general outburst. “We’re not the only other troops available were new recruits ever been thought possible. Help is freely going to the workhouse. Our men did not fight in training. The prospect of raw troops confronting given to those unable to do their own repairs. to go to the workhouse. How would you like to demobbed veterans was unacceptable to the Builders, carpenters and decorators help their take your wife to Firvale?” women shouted. Cabinet. Unable to decide on a course of action, the neighbours without any thought of payment. Deadlock was reached when the foreman of meeting agreed to set up an inter-departmental Mrs Sones is camp secretary. I asked her if the demolition gang told the officials his men committee to look at possible police action, the she thought they would stick it out. “Just go refused to pull down the huts while the people future of the camps in general and the possibilities round and tell them they have got to go, and were in them. At this point the official party of persuading the press to cut down on its coverage. see what they say” was her reply.’5 retreated.’6 Four days later the Ministry of Health which The degree to which families had to fight to In Bristol, where a ‘squat city’ of 800 people was responsible for housing issued a statement stay where they were depended largely on the had formed, the local Council was split by the accusing squatters of sabotaging the fair and attitude of the local authorities. In some places issue. While some councillors publicly supported orderly progress of rehousing and announcing there was tacit collusion reflecting antagonism the squatters and called for conversion work to be that the camps had to be cleared before winter. between local and central government. For instance done on the camp, the Council’s leaders held that In fact no decision had been reached on a dead- in Berkshire, a rumour went round a village that squatting was ‘akin to mob law’ and set dangerous line but it was clearly an attempt to stem the tide a local camp had been allocated by the War Office precedents through by-passing the waiting list. As of occupations. The government’s intention came to Polish soldiers of General Anders’ Army. The across in its appeal to public opinion: ‘It is doubtful whole village, with a population of 3,000 and a whether the people will support a local authority waiting list of nearly 1,000, mobilised en masse Service camp squatters in 1946. Top left: A barricade of in not only acquiescing to queue-jumping but in to take the camp over. The next day Amersham army lorries fails to stop an ex-sailor and his wife from going further and providing the queue-jumpers Council issued a statement saying that it had moving into a camp near Amersham. Top right: Two with improvements in adapting the camps to squatters constructing a radio set for their Nissen hut been requesting the camp to be turned over to it home at Bushy Park, Hampton. Bottom: Collective family use.’ It was also announced that jobs as for housing for the previous six months and had organisation of repairs, cooking and child care was a camp caretakers would be advertised at labour received no reply from the War Office. While the feature of life in many squatted camps as shown in this exchanges in order to prevent squatting. Council did not wish to take sides in the dispute former US Air Force dance hall used as a nursery for Squatting in camps continued during the follow- ox Photos ox Photos between the War Office and the squatters, it 100 children. Far right: Langley Way, Watford. F ing days and spread to other types of building: F

112 113 Squatters take over luxury flats in London, 1946. Left: Moving in – Ealing, West London. Below: Belongings being handed over a locked gate at Fountain Court, Pimlico. Right: Queueing for Sunday lunch cooked on an open wood fire behind Duchess of Bedford House. Far right: Harry Pollitt, General Secretary of the Communist Party, addresses an open air squatters’ meeting near Duchess of Bedford House (12 September). Illustrated London News eystone Illustrated London News K Illustrated London News

Phase 3 – into the West End been in the control of the Ministry of Works, committees were set up to look after the Through the pages of the Daily Worker, and in ious resources were being spent on repairing it On Monday 9 September 1946 The Times ran who are due to carry out renovation work on arrangements for heating and cooking. letters delivered by delegations to Downing Street for its return to the luxury end of the private this story under the headline: ‘1500 Squatters the building before returning it to the owners Nominal rents will be collected from all the and the Ministry of Health, a series of demands rented sector. Occupy Luxury Flats. Audacious Operation in for leasing . . . families. This morning a deputation will be were raised: requisitioning of the occupied Fountain Court was not such a good target, West End’. Several of the families were those of serving sent to Kensington Town Hall to ask for the buildings, connection of services and security of either in terms of the living conditions for the ‘Squatting spread to West London yesterday soldiers who spent an afternoon of their leave flats to be requisitioned and for all amenities, tenure for squatters. On questions of wider policy, squatters, or in terms of planned future use: alone Groups of people carrying bedding converged moving in. The squatters were mainly young gas, water and electricity to be supplied.’ the ending of de-requisitioning, central govern- among the big blocks occupied, it was already des- on High Street Kensington at 2 o’clock in the married couples carrying the bare essentials Over the next two days 60 families forced their ment compulsion where councils failed to take over tined for the public sector andWestminster Council afternoon. In a well organised operation they for the night. Police arrived and made way into Fountain Court, Pimlico and smaller empty houses and stricter control on licences for had already approved a scheme of works. This seized Duchess of Bedford House – a seven- themselves helpful to people and an inspector groups occupied the 630-room Ivanhoe Hotel in repairs (i e that working class houses should be allowed anti-squatter reports to infer that all the storey block of flats in Campden Hill. Within arranged for a WVS van to supply hot drinks. Bloomsbury and Abbey Lodge, a block of flats repaired first) were demanded.As a way of raising block occupations were the work of queue-jumpers ten minutes 1,000 people, about 400 families, Mr Denis Godwin, Secretary of the Commu- near Regent’s Park. The occupations were these demands, action around Duchess of Bedford and made it easier to obscure the organisers’ real were through the doors and being directed to nist Party’s London District, said; “We have evidently well planned and Communist Party (CP) House was entirely appropriate as Kensington intent – to prevent the resuscitation of the individual flats. Other Kensington premises been waiting a long time for places such as members, many of whom had been active in pre- Council had refused the block when offered it by private sector at the expense of the homeless. seized were in Upper Phillimore Gardens and these to be taken over for housing the home- war tenants’ struggles in the East End, played a the Ministry of Works on the grounds that the During the two weeks following the September in Holland Park Road. less. We hope the action taken today by 1,500 prominent organising role. From the outset, the flats were not suitable (i e too good for) homeless occupations, the government was thinking of way The block of flats, which command a rent of Londoners will call attention to the existence London occupations had a more directly political families.Furthermore,the block was in a bourgeois of preventing a new wave of squatting, in the about £15 each, are the property of the of places such as these.” face as CP councillors gave public pledges ‘to help area where many houses had stood empty since knowledge that overtly oppressive action could not Prudential Assurance Company but have lately Before the squatters went to bed, block this movement spread until local councils act.’ the upper class exodus during the Blitz and prec- be taken against the squatters unless public opi-

114 115 nion had first been turned. Government strategy Labour Government: those members of the upper At a Cabinet meeting on the day of the Duchess case of sitting it out. Confrontations between were bailed to reappear. The next day, the High premises no longer have any excuse for not emerged as a combination of propaganda – classes who felt that the presence of a Labour of Bedford seizure, it was felt that criminal prose- supporters and both foot and mounted police Court granted the Attorney General an interim recognising the illegality of their actions and primarily aimed at splitting the squatters and the Government in Westminster was equivalent to cutions against squatters could fail because juries failed to break the cordons. Some arrests were injunction against the continuance of the should quit the premises at once. It will be the CP – and deft use of the legal system and the police. enemy occupation were not particularly hostile to might be unwilling to convict because of sympathy made. No large blocks were occupied in the latter trespass by certain named people at Duchess of duty of the police to prevent further A Cabinet memorandum of 12 September records: squatters while they confined their activities to with the squatters cause. The government gave half of the week, although the original Bedford House. Downing Street promptly issued occupations. ‘Ministers considered that further steps should state property.With the seizure of privately-owned instructions to the police to guard all empty buil- occupations did have a triggering effect and a press release intended to distort the meaning The Government will not press proceedings be taken to bring it home to the public that the central London blocks all this changed: editorials dings in the centre of London and all police leave isolated privately-owned houses were squatted of the judgement, offering an effective mixture of for damages against those who have left volun- squatters were overriding the claims of many called for stern action in defence of the legitimate was cancelled. Further instructions were sent to independently throughout the London suburbs. carrot and stick to the squatting families: tarily.HMG will recommend to local authorities people who had been waiting a long time for rights of property owners and rallied to the local authorities (both in London and other major On the political level, squatters delegations met ‘Her Majesty’s Government think it right to that those who now leave voluntarily should houses and that the effect of their activities government. ‘The homeless who are being duped cities) to refuse services and Sir Hartley Shaw- with consistent brush-offs. By Saturday 14 call the attention of all those in unauthorised not lose such claims to priority rehousing as would be to delay the completion of rehousing’. bytheCommunists’becamestockcharacters in the cross, theAttorneyGeneral,wasinstructed to start September, the Director of Public Prosecutions occupation of houses and flats and certain they may already have had.’ In turning public opinion, the Labour Govern- reports. The Daily Mail and the Daily Express ex- possession proceedings to recover government had obtained Cabinet permission to obtain the other buildings required for public purposes to The day after this press release, the families at ment now found willing allies in the Tory press. It celled at trying to stir up feeling against squatters, property and to contact the owners in other cases. arrest of the five CP members prominent in the the fact that the High Court today made Duchess of Bedford House announced they would is interesting to compare the reporting of the camp by giving front page coverage to unsubstantiated The Special Branch (which had to admit to squatters organisation – they included the orders at the instance of the Ministry of leave the following Friday – they also asked for squats with that of the block occupations. During reports of householders afraid to go out shopping having no advance knowledge of the occupations) London District Secretary, three local councillors Works against various trespassers in the the London County Council to make a rest centre the summer, factual reporting on the news pages for fear their houses would be squatted and of a was instructed to investigate the squatters and the secretary of the residents committee at premises known as Duchess of Bedford House available for those who had nowhere else to go. was usually combined with human interest rush to buy padlocks throughout suburbia – very organisation and ascertain its future plans. Duchess of Bedford House. They were charged forbidding the continuance of the trespass. Before Duchess of Bedford House was evacuated, material (e g squat births and marriages) on the reminiscent of the same lies perpetrated in the Police cordons were set up at the Abbey Lodge with conspiring and incitement to trespass. That The High Court has accordingly made it the other buildings had already been voluntarily features pages. Editorials often congratulated the present-day squatting movement. Alone among and Ivanhoe occupations. While food and bedding afternoon 12,000 people rallied in Leicester clear beyond all doubt that the action of those vacated. When the squatters left Duchess of squatters on the happy side-effect of their initiat- all the papers, the Daily Worker gave serious was thrown in, people could not come and go as Square in support of the squatters. occupying the premises without legal authority Bedford House, The Times applauded the ‘return ive in exposing the maladministration of the coverage to the housing issues involved. they wished, and for the squatters it became a Two days later, the five appeared in court and is illegal. Those who have squatted in such to common sense’. The families, who had reduced ox Photos F Daily Mail 13.9.1946 eystone K 12,000 people demonstrate in support of the squatters Under siege at Abbey Lodge. Far left: Squatters appeal for support from behind a (left) but the government is unmoved and a few days police cordon. Left: Police question a woman who threw a parcel of food to her later the squatters have to leave (above) after the eystone ox Photos ox Photos K F F husband inside. Above: Passers-by hear the squatters’ appeal. Attorney General is granted an injunction.

116 117 I asked them how they had liked squatting. ‘It’s been marvellous! No landlady to say “Be quiet! . .” When I first heard the kids making a row at Bedford House I wanted to say “Sh-h-h!” We used to have to walk across our room in carpet slippers. And the bath! We boiled up water and put it straight in it! Squatting there was an experience I shall never forget. Everybody was so kind, you only had to say what you wanted and they’d get ising the Leicester Square demonstration and ity of the government. it for you. There was no time to get disheartened, with the concerts and everthing, and we felt we were doing right, although some people might the waiting lists by housing themselves in empty sending delegations to Atlee, Bevan and the town The story of a family of six from Liverpool not think so. You see, one half of the world doesn’t know how the other half lives. As to the way the squatters stuck together, I was surprised at it property, went to a rest centre and were slowly halls. This meant that once the authorities’ hard illustrates the double bind many of the camp myself. People say the working classes get disheartened quickly, and even I was surprised at the way they all stood together.’ rehoused by the London County Council. Duchess line in defence of property had emerged, the squatters found themselves in. They had moved Woman squatter, quoted in pilot papers, November 1946, of Bedford House was eventually returned to its squatters found themselves increasingly engaged from a slum house which they had shared with ‘Who are the Squatters’ by Diana Murray Hill. owners for luxury renting after the Ministry of Works had spent £5,000 on repairing it. in conflict on the authorities terms, whether in two other families, into a service camp. Six the courtroom or behind cordons. When the court months later they moved back into their original orders were granted, there was no attempt to house after two of their children had died of The cause of failure organise resistance to the evictions. The pneumonia – overcrowding being preferable to It is difficult to judge at this distance the degree conspiracy charges had instilled the desired Nissen hut conditions in winter. to which the Communist Party controlled the effect of intimidation despite the scale of the A large number of camps had services organisation of the London occupations. It is Leicester Square demonstration that had been connected and although in some areas camp clear that having placed itself in a position of organised at such short notice. associations kept up effective pressure for leadership, it failed to mobilise popular or trade In retrospect, it is clear that only the rehousing, many of the camps taken over in union support and that this must be seen as a widening of support through industrial action 1946, remained in use as the ‘runt-end’ of the major factor in the sudden collapse of the could have brought an end to de-requisitioning, public housing system until the end of the ‘fifties. occupations. the declared aim of the Communist Party, by Others were used by the social services to house During the summer of 1946, trade unionists in sustaining the London occupations and exposing homeless families and were only gradually several northern towns had blacked work involving the contradictions of Labour’s housing policy. The phased out as ‘reception centres’ were introduced. the wrecking of buildings as a deterrent to chances of success for this demand can be judged In many ways the camps became the forerunners squatting. Direct labour force workers in North by a Cabinet minute of 12 September. Aneurin of today’s bed-and-breakfast establishments. London had organised work parties to divert Bevan, after indicating the slow progress of the The squatting movement of 1945/46 was a building materials to two squatted camps. Miners rehousing programme and the seriousness of the sudden affair by comparison with the present one in Yorkshire had imposed an overtime ban when housing shortage, requested that some London and appears more overtly ‘politicised’. In many mine officials had tried to evict a family squatting hotels about to be de-requisitioned should be ways squatting was nearer the mainstream of in a colliery house. During the week of 9-16 used for the homeless: working-class life but the unity of squatters was September, officials of the building trades unions ‘The Chancellor of the Exchequer and the fragile and quickly dissipated under the impact were inundated with resolutions supporting President of the Board of Trade said they of adverse publicity. As a movement it drew more squatters, and demanding requisitioning and an would have very great difficulty in agreeing as on a tradition of self-help and on the high levels end to the black market in repairs. De Havilland there was a serious shortage of hotel of expectation fostered by the war, than on a mass workers in West London announced they would accommodation in London. socialist current consciously rejecting the strike if force was used to evict squatters. On the For the purposes of the export drive the reformism of the Labour Party. It is important to day the High Court injunction was granted, the most important thing was that buyers should remember that it occurred at the beginning of London Trades Council, theoretically representing be able to come freely to London. Plans had the post-war era when the promise of the Labour 600,000 workers, backed the squatters. also been laid to attract to this country in Party to provide decent housing for all through These events show that there was not merely 1947 about 150,000 tourists who would spend intervention in a mixed economy had yet to be sympathy for squatters among organised workers a substantial amount of foreign exchange. exposed as a lie. The suddenness of the movement – the two groups overlapped far more than they These plans could not be carried into effect can be accounted for by the fact that it was born do now – but that there also existed the potential without adequate hotel accommodation.’ of extraordinary pressures – particularly those for workplace action in support of occupations of So foreign exchange was deemed more resulting from enormous population movements residential property.Yet at no time did the CP call important that permanent housing and de- in a short time – rather than from the steady for industrial action to get services connected or requisitioning continued. working of the system’s contradictions that led to to further the demand for wider requisitioning. The winter of 1946/7 was a bitter one for the the re-emergence of squatting in the ‘sixties. This is surprising considering that in 1945 the camp squatters and ‘hut-dwellers’ as they came Ironically,had the occupations of the luxury blocks Communist Party, with a membership of 45,000, to be known. They found themselves increasingly not failed, the ‘sixties squatting might never was at the height of its influence in the trade isolated at the bottom of the housing pile – despite have happened. For on 12 September 1946, The union movement. Tactics were confined to organ- the recognition they had won during the summer. Times revealed that the Cabinet had instructed As the winter approached the Minister of Health, the Home Office to draft a law making squatting Bevan, blamed the camp squatters for the a criminal offence. In the event, because of the Squatters from luxury flats in central London arrive in diversion of building materials, and linked this quick collapse of the occupations, no Bill ever the blitzed East End where they are directed to their to the slow progress of the housing programme; a came into Parliament, sparing later squatters eystone

K new ‘home’ – a reception centre. convenient fiction given the mounting unpopular- from the yoke of the criminal law.•

118 119 Success on the streets Four successful squatting campaigns

10 Better than the telly any day Outwitting a private landlord in London’s East End – Myrdle and Parfett Streets 11 We won, you should fight them too Grinding down the Greater London Council in West London – Elgin Avenue 12 Victory Villa Challenging the planners in South London 13 Is there life after squatting? Winning a permanent home by forming a co-op in central London – Seymour Buildings

120 121 quarrels over cultural and political differences, Myrdle Street selves about the world in general, we knew we Chapter and who then competed for a dwindling number There was then the question of where to squat. would fight together to defend our home. There Better than the telly any day 10 of over-priced flats and houses owned by private We chose a short street of three-storey terracing wasn’t any argument on that point. If Epracent landlords. (four if you count the basement) called Myrdle had offered us a rent book, we would have paid up by Ann Pettitt My own housing story was typical; a history of Street, just to the east of the City of London. ‘We’ provided the amount was reasonable. We really Outwitting a private landlord in London’s East End – Myrdle and Parfett Streets constant threat of eviction from a bewildering consisted of myself, at that time employed as a wanted a stable home and we were used to paying variety of flats and houses, all furnished as fur- teacher and four others, all unemployed and all rent. We were less clear about whether we would nished tenants had virtually no rights at that time. of whom had been involved in the Redbridge have accepted rehousing in a different sort of All were done up in the same taste with large squat or in libertarian politics. accommodation. We rather liked living in old brown furniture that cost nothing because nobody houses. Architecturally they suited our lifestyle else wanted it. Landlords charged absurdly high which was to have several people in a household, Come all you good people, My involvement with squatting began in 1969 rents and when taken to rent tribunals, exercised each with their own room but sharing a kitchen And hear what we sing, when, as a single person clattering about on the their legal right to throw out the tenants after six, and living room. Houses that might have been For a home to live in, roulette wheel of London’s housing market, I and in some cases three, months. Tenants began awkward for nuclear families were ideal for us. Is a wonderful thing. landedinasharedhouserentedfromtheGreater to get tired of looking for a flat, forking out four Shortly after we moved in, another Epracent With friends all around, London Council (GLC), round the corner from weeks rent in advance, going to the rent tribunal house in nearby Parfett Street was squatted by Who all feel the same, the Arbour Square squat in the East End. which halved their rent and getting a notice to four young people – a trainee teacher, an So don’t go and join in, The Arbour Square squat was started by a quit. All over London, people who could not be accountant, and an actor and director working in The Profiteers Game. group called the Campaign to Clear Hostels and called ‘families’ and who therefore had not the a fringe ‘community’ theatre (the Half Moon) Slums – an off-shoot of the Redbridge campaign remotest chance of getting housed by local which had just been established in an old (pp 18-21). Flats in Arbour House, which had authorities, were queuing up outside flat agencies, synagogue nearby. Had these last two not been vacant for 18 months after being emptied by getting up early for the first edition of the Evening squatted, they would have had to travel long From hostel to hostel, Tower Hamlets Council ‘for rehabilitation’, did Standard, borrowing the universal ‘key money’, distances to work because there would have been We’ve wandered around, not squat. Most of the people involved in this living hemmed in by junk furniture and petty little chance of finding housing in the East End We’ve slept in the gutter, tiny, informal group – including myself – did not regulations and not knowing whether the landlord which has very little private rented housing. We’ve slept on the ground, consider their own housing needs to be very might take it into his head to evict. And if one was After three months, Epracent started county We’re all sick and tired, important. We continued the tradition begun in not an engaged couple waiting to move into a court proceedings against us to regain possession. Of what this all means, Redbridge that people who actually squatted newly-bought house, or two single men looking We threw in as many legal ploys as our advisers So squatting must conquer, were working-class families, with the initiative like the good guys in British ‘B’ movies of the – solicitors from the Child Poverty Action Group These property fiends. coming from young radical non-squatters whose fifties with references going back ten years, then and from a Hackney firm – could find, and we motive was to expose the inadequacies of the there was little chance of getting a flat. There played for time knowing that the more publicity housing system through the use of direct action. were a lot of rather desperate people. we generated, the more support we’d get. After almost two years of court cases, So why did the simple and obvious solution Hoffman David The best weapon we had was our telephone. We don’t mind at all, harassment, barricading and much internal not occur to us sooner, us being well-educated, The housing was privately owned, much of it This was the secret of our success with the press. If we kick out the police, dissension, the squat ended with the bright and all? Somehow we accepted the by Epracent, a small textile business. In the Not only could we phone them up at all hours of They don’t seem to want us, establishment of the Tower Hamlets Family reasoning which implied that if one wasn’t in a fifties Epracent had bought a lot of properties in the day and night, keeping up a steady barrage To live here in peace, Squatting Association which operated along ‘family’, then one didn’t need a permanent home Myrdle Street and adjacent Parfett Street for a until it began to sound like a good story simply And as for the bailiffs, similar lines to family squatting associations in of one’s own. My own train of thought went few hundred pounds each, and was allowing because of the sheer familiarity of the name (the We’ll treat them the same, other boroughs (p 26). As its name implies, this something like this: ‘Me? But I’ve got a degree! them to run down by failing to carry out repairs same principle that sells washing powder), but They all play their part, organisation enshrined the principle of family- How can I justify needing to squat? I don’t look and leaving houses empty as tenants died. Tower they could phone us. By the time we eventually In the profiteers game. based respectability – single people were not deserving enough. It’ll make squatting look silly Hamlets Council had designated the area for lost the case in court the name Myrdle Street considered ‘eligible’ for squatting. It soon if people like me do it, with no cockney accents clearance but had, as yet, no plans for rang a bell with most news editors. acquired a waiting-list of its own and eventually and no children.’ Then it occurred to me, and to purchasing the properties. The house we picked Politically, we decided to put pressure on the petered out. many others like me, that if people like us did had been empty for two years and others had Council. Although it was not directly involved, it Come every East Ender, The real impetus of squatting turned in another not squat, private landlords could carry on doing been empty for up to four. could do a lot more about housing than Epracent Come round and join in, direction. In 1970, housing provision still reflected what they liked – and anyway, didn’t we, after We squatted No 20 Myrdle Street one night of who were pretty small fry landlords. As our We know demolition, the belief that young people ought to live with all, need housing as much as anyone else? Then nervous fiddling with windows and jemmies in eviction approached we marched to the Town Hall Is a horrible thing, their parents until marriage and then put their there was another argument in favour of squatting, March 1972. We bunged in our furniture, to ask the Council to take over the properties and We must save the spirit, names down for a council flat or buy a house with a more forcible than all those rationalisations: we reconnected the electricity, decorated the place use them for housing and we distributed leaflets And fight for our lives, mortgage. But since the late fifties there had been had nothing to lose, since even if we played the and it became a cheerful – well, not always, but appealing to local people for support. We looked For our streets and the river, an increasing number of young people who had game right and housed ourselves ‘legally’, we cosy – home. about as ‘local’ as a herd of wildebeeste, but To all stay alive. left their parents’ home, often because of bitter still got thrown out anyway. However much we quarrelled amongst our- reactions from many people were sympathetic.

122 123 Grey raincoats and fish-net tights see people waving and cheering out of their Most of our active support came from people like windows. ourselves – young members of London’s In those early days, courts gave one a date on libertarian left. The Trotskyite groups did not which one might reasonably expect to be evicted support squatting at this stage, chiefly, I think, (a practice which ended with the Myrdle Street because not enough people were involved to call eviction). This was why the Myrdle Street it a ‘mass movement’. That sweeping phrase, ‘the campaign was so well covered by the press. We broad masses of the homeless and badly-housed’, were on the phone non-stop and were rewarded had yet to be concocted. We had the consistent with the presence of many reporters and three support (by this I mean turning up when camera teams. One BBC2 team was inside the numbers were required for marches or evictions) barricaded house with us and this film won the of people in the local Communist Party and the ‘News Film of the Year’ award! (I can’t think why, local claimants union. because much of their film consisted of stilted The grey-raincoated CP stalwarts presented a ‘meetings’ staged in our kitchen and shots of us piquant contrast to our supporters in Gay Lib who waving at the crowd below.) Our barricades, would turn up no matter how foul the weather in although lovingly fashioned, were pretty symbolic full evening dress, fish-net tights, silver lurex since most of our belongings had already been Martin Slavin feather boas and all. The chairman of the Stepney shifted to our new squat round the corner in Trades Council would eye the leggy ‘ladies’ Parfett Street, another house belonging to (tune: ‘Wraggle-Taggle Gypsies’) bleakly from the shelter of the flats opposite, no Epracent. The tactic of simply re-squatting the Three hundred squatters stood, doubt wondering what strange political twist had same house after eviction did not occur to us then. All I want is a home somewhere, On the town hall steps, brought him into such a partnership. The eyes of So why did we bother to resist? Quite simply Far away from the cold night air, Their voices rang all around the town, the local population opened wider and wider and for the sake of the event. Given the orientation of Without a landlord there, The town clerk hid, then frequently narrowed to unappreciative slits. the British press, events are the only means by Oh, wouldn’t it be luverly! Behind his desk, It mattered that we made sense to them, so we which to get a message across. This makes us Oh, so luverly, As every house came crashing down. printed leaflets and got up a petition. We were sound like cheap thrill-seekers. But someone has Squatting in a house, opposite a block of grim thirties tenements that nto call the landlords’ bluff. Evictions are acts of Just where we will, looked like the set for a Jack the Ripper film violence, and every one points out the fact that We won’t budge if the bailiff creeps, with narrow unlit arches between the tiny flats we still live in a society where that basic human Over the window sill. and the constant drip of water from something need for a home is not guaranteed. Furthermore, Someones hammers bashing on my door, leaky somewhere. evictions cost landlords money and every one Don’t know what they’re doing it for, Many of the flats were still occupied by the that is awkward to enact, because it is resisted, They can’t get in any more, ageing CP members who had made Stepney ‘red’ encourages others to resist and discourages Oh, wouldn’t it be luverly! in the ‘thirties through organising rent strikes, landlords from evicting. This is why we ‘chose’ to fighting the fascists. These people supported us be evicted rather than to leave quietly. from the start and really seemed to enjoy seeing By the time the bailiffs arrived we had about a bit of defiance. But taking our petition round – 200 people sitting down outside the house. The arguing on someone else’s doorstep why one police, who had set up cordons across the ends of shouldn’t be thrown out of one’s home – wasn’t the street, trampled on people as they tried to Martin Slavin Martin Slavin easy. Although we always stressed our willingness clear a path for the man who carried a somewhat to pay rent, there were plenty of people who symbolic-looking hammer. What nobody in the believed that we squatted simply to avoid what street knew was that behind the discreet-looking they saw as ‘man’s inevitable lot’, namely the curtains, the window was solidly boarded up. The paying of rent, and that we shouldn’t get away man smashed the glass with a mighty blow of his with such cheek. The best comment came from a hammer, whereupon it rebounded splendidly, and Parfett Street tenant who said we were‘better than he gave up. The police retired, everyone cheered, the telly any day’. But people in the immediate our supporters went to the pub, and we neighbourhood had been having battles with their wondered what to do next. Martin Slavin landlords for years over repairs and were glad to We settled into an odd life behind the barri- Hoffman David Squatters and supporters march to the town hall demanding see someone else standing up to them. When we cades, comforting ourselves with massive meals Bailiffs try to evict squatters from a house in Myrdle Street that an eviction by a property company be stopped, but a first opened up empty houses in Parfett Street, it and climbing in and out by a ladder to the first- but 200 people sitting in the street and barricades concealed

David Hoffman David council spokesman (left) says the council will not intervene. was terrific to look out of the back window and floor window. Those of us who worked would behind the windows defeat them.

124 125 leave by this unorthodox fashion in the morning off carrying a suitcase, anxious to avoid contact the house as little as possible in order to return not knowing whether the ‘real’ eviction would with the police. Two of the families had been after an eviction and carry on living in it. No have happened by the time we got back. The sharing accommodation with their parents who barricades at all was a bit much for those for most uncomfortable thing was going to bed at were tenants in the street. One of these later whom squatting and barricades went together David Hoffman David night not knowing whether one would be woken denied they were squatters and ‘sold’ their squat like cheese and onion. So we compromised and at dawn by the sound of a sledge-hammer to an Asian family, an East End practice that had ‘light’ barricades, designed to give us enough smashing down the front door. became quite widespread. time to get our knickers on in the event of a About a fortnight after the foiled eviction When we moved into Parfett Street we felt dawn eviction. (Evictions always happen at attempt, I was woken early one morning by a we’d had enough of moving. Our old house was dawn, which for the left-wing activist, who shuffling noise from the back yard. I looked out squatted after a couple of months so we might as always stays up nattering until at least 2 am, is The Times Hoffman David Hoffman David Hoffman David of the window and saw a line of large men. The well have moved back straightaway ourselves. the groggiest time of the twenty-four hours.) first one was raising a sledge-hammer to our back We made a private resolution that this time we Another household put up ‘heavy’ barricades. door and the last one was emerging from the back wouldn’t be shifted and that if we were evicted The police at this time were conducting dawn door of our next door neighbours. (It was a pity we’d go straight back. Court proceedings were raids all over London on houses with political about our next door neighbours: one of them was soon started against five households. connections, ostensibly in connection with a self-confessed fascist and they all hated us, We moved to Parfett Street in February 1973 Ireland, but more probably just for general info- delighting in any pretext to call the police.) We and by October, Epracent once again had a gathering. They decided to raid the house that were all up in the dawn grey, pulling on clothes warrant to evict. Over the summer we picketed had (unbeknown to them) been heavily like we were backstage with the bell ringing. I their offices and held a street theatre event. This barricaded. Naturally we all thought it was the went to the front window and there were another latter festive occasion came to an abrupt halt expected eviction being carried out in a rather dozen or so biggies getting to work on the front when, just as pretend ‘ogre capitalist’ confronted amateur fashion by three men kicking at the door. I went to the telephone, sat on the floor and pretend ‘oppressed tenant’, a head shot out of an door. The Special Branch men must have been started on our press and call-out lists. Someone upstairs window. Its owner (a real oppressed surprised to find windows flying open all along pulled out the telephone and blue legs said tenant) delivered the following diatribe for the the street as people shouted ‘Leave them alone ‘Come on, out’. You can’t argue very much when benefit of the assembled press: ‘Why don’t you all you bastards! All they want is somewhere to surrounded by big men with sledge-hammers shut up! I work nights, I’m trying to get some live.’ Their shouts of ‘Open up! This is the police’ and policemen, so out we went. We took up bleedin’ sleep. Why haven’t you all got jobs? were met with derision: ‘Don’t come that with us. residence in Parfett Street round the corner. What are you all doing down here anyway, load We know you’re bailiffs.’ It took them three- of bloody layabouts dressing up and dancing quarters of an hour to get inside and they must about with nothing better to do?’ have been disappointed not to find the London Parfett Street An uncomfortable silence followed and HQ of the Irish bombing campaign. Epracent put a lock on the door of our old house everybody shuffled off down the other end of the This event shook us but we still refused to make in Myrdle Street and left it empty. The company street to watch our oppressed tenant finally any preparations for eviction, such as packing owned seven other empty houses in Parfett Street, outwit our capitalist ogre; a performance far up stereos, bits of china, plants and so on. Our only two of which were squatted. By now we were outmatched in gusto by the arguments which our attitude was more one of stolid obstinacy than of well-known and were being rung up not only by neighbour’s outburst had unleashed up and down fiery militancy. We refused to concede any friends and acquaintances eager to get out of the the street. possibility that we might have to leave our homes. restrictions of life in ‘private rentaville’, but also Parfett and Myrdle Streets are what is by the Social Services Department of the Council described in estate-agentese as ‘intimate’. To sit asking if we could help their really desperately by a window on the street is a full-time Homes for dogs? homeless families to squat. One Sunday with the occupation for some residents. There is no doubt When the eviction did come, about a fortnight after help of the future occupants, we opened up all that the squatters provided enormous the police raid, it was in style. Five pantechnicons five remaining empty houses connecting up the entertainment value particularly at the height of hired by Epracent (‘Look at that – they even get electricity as we went. the summer when our numbers were swelled by their removals for free’ one neighbour remarked We were now a very mixed group, including exotic visitors from the continent. sourly) arrived at dawn, complete with a police several families, a pair of couples who would tell As eviction time approached (unlike the first cordon at both ends of the street. Within a few hair-raising tales about their partner’s violent ten- time we didn’t know exactly when it would hap- minutes every house was entered by police and dencies and a household of men who remained up pen) we carried on living strictly as usual in our hired workmen who brought in packing cases to the morning of the eviction when they scurried houses. A tension developed between those who and plastic bags into which they began throwing thought that barricades and a stockpile of heavy all our property. The operation lasted until The squatters’ street theatre provokes a variety of things on the roof was the best response to an midday by which time friends, neighbours and eter Harrap/ Report

P responses from the long-standing residents. eviction threat, and those who wanted to damage a few reporters had gathered. This time the

126 127 indispensable phone, with the vital lists, was in a a broom and a plate of dog-food which were duly other words it was putting pressure on Epracent squat across the road not threatened with eviction. provided. Then, after what seemed like a terribly to get us out first. When everything was packed up and we were long time, with everyone very tense, a shout We immediately asked for a meeting with all standing around in the road with the press came: ‘We’re coming out!’ Instant, complete Council leaders and officers and, presumably on David Hoffman David taking photos of the family with two little girls silence fell and the crowd took a step backwards our track record, were given one. We put forward (who were probably in the worst position but as though a grizzly bear were about to make its a case that squatters were a positive and vital looked remarkably cheerful about it), Epracent’s appearance in the doorway. The man appeared force within the community, often initiating agent put flimsy locks on the doors. The reason holding a rather pleased-looking young Alsatian projects such as playgroups for children or for the flimsy locks then came round the corner. on a lead and to cheering and popping flash- literacy classes for immigrants: we argued that A van full of Alsatian dogs was driven up and a bulbs, he led it out to a car and locked it in. single people had to be housed somewhere and flinty-faced character led one dog into each We moved across the road to the second house, that we would not go without a battle as we had house. The press, who had been losing interest while neighbours swept out the first as the dog put a lot of work into making the houses our and were on the point of drifting away, leapt had shat in the house, and carried in mattresses homes. Whether it was the persuasion or the forward to snap the doggies and got on the phone for the occupants to sleep on. The second dog was threats we do not know, but this line met with to their papers. An emotion united the crowd in quickly taken out of the next house and put in success and the Council decided to let us stay the street like jam reaching its setting point. another car. Then a few police arrived putting a with a licence for £2 per week. Even those hostile to squatters were scandalised stop to any more lock-smashing. The evicted At the time of our big battles we were at the prospect of Alsatians as neighbours. Jeers, squatters and some supporters spent the night in considered paragons of organisation and songs (‘How much is that doggie in the window?’) the two liberated houses to guard against a raid. efficiency. Of course we weren’t but we did get a and painted slogans (‘People used to live in this Early the next morning, the security firm few things right. I’ve already mentioned the house, now it’s gone to the dogs’) were instantly which had hired out the Alsatians came to importance of a phone. There’s also the point that thrown up. We had been downcast by the remove the dogs from the remaining houses we did improve our squats, carrying out structural eviction but now elation spread. which were then reoccupied by squatters. A high- alterations, installing bathrooms, mending roofs We phoned every squatting group we knew. up official in the local police station later told a and so on. People have said ‘Why bother to do all We didn’t plan anything but just asked people to squatter that the police on parade had cheered that when you’re going to get thrown out David Hoffman David come down and told them what had happened. that morning when told that the squatters were anyway?’ But that’s the point: why accept that We phoned all the papers which had yawned and back in occupation. one’s going to be thrown out? Someone should be said ‘What, again?’ when we’d told them we had Our audacity certainly made us popular living in that house; it might as well be you. been evicted. The new development was a great locally and it made a jaunty news story too. As Lefties are too fond of putting themselves into story, with plenty of ‘visuals’ provided by dogs the Guardian put it, ‘Squatters 5, Alsatian dogs categories apart from the people whose needs hanging their heads out of upstairs windows 0’. This time it seemed Epracent was beaten. The they theorise about. In Parfett Street some of us barking ferociously. By the evening the street company could have taken us to court again but were working-class families with children whilst eter Harrap/ Report P was full of people. Then, as it grew dark, a presumably we’d have had to be jailed for others were highly educated middle-class young squatter from Lewisham who had worked for contempt. And we’d gone so far that we would single people (and one of us was a grandmother Securicor said he was confident that he could have gone to jail for our homes. But we didn’t and an ex-Hackney councillor) but we all had a take the dogs out safely. An impromptu street have to. We continued to live in Parfett Street firm basis of common ground: our desire and meeting was held from the steps of one of the and are still there now, seven years later. need for a home. ‘The personal is political’ is a houses and everyone was in favour of smashing truism that slips lightly off the lips of new the locks and taking the dogs out. lefties. Squatting shows the truth of this very The crowd gathered around the first house Aftermath well and this is why the term ‘squatting for while the lock was smashed off and our intrepid Our policy was always to put pressure on Tower political reasons’ is nonsensical. You squat dog-handler entered. People went to both ends of Hamlets to compulsorily purchase the houses – because you need to and that is political.• the short street to form a cordon in case the with us in them, of course. It was potentially a police turned up, as everyone expected them to most lucrative site, right next to the expanding at any minute. A shout from inside the house for City and we knew that the only hope of prevent- ing office development was for it to become publicly-owned. This was also the only way we’d Red is the Colour, On eviction day in Parfett Street, the police seal off the be able to stay in the houses for any length of Housing is the game, road. The squatters are ejected and their belongings time. In 1975, two years after the dogs episode, We’ll stick together, bundled into furniture vans. They decide to sleep on the the Council finally passed a resolution to compul- Cos’ living is our game, pavement but later that night recoccupy the houses sorily purchase our properties but ‘with vacant So squat right on thru wind and rain, where they are to remain for many years. possession of the properties illegally occupied’. In Cos’ ‘Stepney Squatters’ is our name.

David Hoffman David 129 The end and the beginning movement to the consternation of reactionary control squatting, had the opposite effect in many Chapter ‘We won, you should fight them too. It’s not what politicians in local and central government. The areas. It seemed logical to many single homeless We won, you should fight them too 11 they say but what we do that counts’. This is the papers were full of doleful reflection for weeks. people that if empty houses were available for statement which was painted on corrugated iron Despite physical hardship, despite our self- ‘giving’ (licensing), they were also available for by Piers Corbyn in Elgin Avenue to mark the victory of squatters doubts and those of our supporters, despite a taking if not given. Increasing pressure from over the Greater London Council (GLC) on 15 barrage of anti-squatting hysteria, we had won, squatting meant that the licensing system which Grinding down the Greater ‘It was a great achievement. The most October 1975. On that sunny day, 200 people and our victory was reported in Australia, Spain, involved handing back houses without rehousing London Council in West important thing was the Street meetings squatting in Elgin Avenue gathered behind the USA and the Soviet Union. guarantees was bound to break. Elgin Avenue London – Elgin Avenue where we voted as one body. We decided barricades made of corrugated iron, wood, barbed The struggle began with small steps. It would was the crunch-point for that system. where we were going. I was excited and wire, old doors and anything else people could not have been won if we had not won those first scared for a fortnight before the day. I lay hands on. More squatters, tenants and trade steps. The squat known as ‘Elgin Avenue’ was scared to go to court, but after it I was more determined. Even if we lost, it unionists came from other parts of London to occurred in a number of tumbledown Victorian Breaking the reformists’ grip would have been worth it – we would have support them. The street was full of TV cameras houses numbered 9-51 Elgin Avenue, Maida Hill, As a member of the International Marxist Group won our self-respect. I’ve never fought for and journalists. Squatters climbed along roofs, London W9. The GLC compulsorily purchased (IMG) I discussed the situation of Elgin Avenue anything til now. I now think more people some armed with bottles and stones. The Sheriff, these and other houses in the area during the with comrades locally and it was agreed to ‘take should fight. If I see any injustice again police and GLC officials were impatiently late sixties and early seventies, and left them up’ the issue. Three of us produced a duplicated I’ll fight it.’ (Mr Callaghan, a 40-year-old waiting for the squatters’ inspection team to empty because its plans were ‘delayed’. leaflet which called a meeting for people in the seaman from the North who came to return from looking at houses offered by the The first squat in the street took place in March street and contained three historic slogans: ‘No London with his wife and three-year-old GLC for rehousing. 1972 when two houses were taken over by ex- evictions! Housing for all’ and ‘GLC, show us the daughter to look for work. He got a An hour after the original deadline given by mental patients from Horton Hospital and ‘hip- Plans.’ A few days later 25 people met in the job as an assistant schoolkeeper but had nowhere to live.) the Sheriff, a representative of the team returned pies’. These people were violently evicted without garden behind 19 Elgin Avenue and discussed our and, after a quick meeting of our negotiating a court order by police and GLC agents. But the predicament. Most people did not believe we could team, I made a speech over the loud speaker: GLC was embarrassed by the evictions and shortly defeat SCH; some thought we should ‘squat on’ ‘Fellow squatters from this street and around afterwards agreed to hand over empty houses to elsewhere without a fight; some wanted nation- London, members of the Paddington Federation Student Community Housing (SCH), a Camden- alisation of all land; and some said we should of Tenants and Residents Associations, members based short-life housing organisation affiliated to demand ‘Free Housing For All’. But we did decide ofWestminsterTrades Council,Paddington Labour the Family Squatting Advisory Service (FSAS) (p on one thing; to struggle against the proposed Party and the Young Liberals, we can now say the 29). In a curious bureaucratic compromise, the eviction by SCH and the GLC. We agreed to have day is ours. Our joint delegation has inspected GLC only handed over half the empty houses in regular weekly meetings and to produce a weekly the offers to single people in Camberwell and a the street and the rest were squatted that summer. news-sheet to keep everyone involved. The sample flat for the families. We are happy to My brother and I squatted with some friends in decisions of that day were the seeds of victory.We report that all these are satisfactory. We will No 19. We checked with SCH that the house had produced a news-sheet called Elgin Avenue therefore take down the barricades and the GLC notbeenallocatedtothemandthenaskedtheGLC Struggles? Yes! or EASY. At this time only a is providing us with transport to our new homes.’ for permission to stay. The house was suddenly handful of people were interested in the struggle. All around people cheered, cameras whirred handed to SCH, making us SCH members. I did Our first success was at a meeting at Elgin and journalists scribbled. It was a moment of not become interested in what was happening to Avenue of SCH members on 3 July 1973. We great emotion. The pent-up anger from years of the street until May 1973 when SCH announced proposed a resolution which read: homelessness and being mercilessly moved on its intention to give back all its houses in the ‘SCH supports the right of SCH tenants and from squat to squat screamed out as we shouted street to the GLC which wanted them for squatters in Elgin Avenue to fight against evic- ‘EVICTIONS – OUT; HOUSING FOR ALL – IN!’ redevelopment but was not prepared to provide tion and for housing for all, and supports their at the tops of our voices smashing down the rehousing for the people in them. decision to stay in Elgin Avenue until the plans barricades with great fervour. At this time both squatting and licensing ar- have been thoroughly discussed and accepted The Elgin Avenue victory was a massive step rangements were increasing. Licensing, although as reasonable and everyone – squatters and eter Harrap/ Report

P forward for the whole squatting and housing largely an attempt by councils to limit and SCH tenants – is guaranteed rehousing’

130 131 bers from other parts of London. We put forward We took the matter to a meeting of the recently backing from the labour movement. As the basis we should defend more squats by escalating organised to make money and spread propaganda acomplete line on the whole way forward for both formed All London Squatters (ALS – p 69). We for reformist policies shrunk, so ours expanded. campaigns such as occupying more property to local tenants. the licensed and unlicensed squatting movement proposed a resolution which was agreed without belonging to owners threatening to evict squatters. At the end of November, the street meeting because we realised that if we did not do so our opposition: ‘ALS do not accept that any organisa- The main debate was between ‘anarchist/ took an important step forward in organisation struggle would become isolated and defeated. We tion which professes to be part of the ‘broad Living our ideas libertarian’ currents and ‘revolutionary/marxist’ by deciding to ask everyone to pay lOp per week argued that licensed and unlicensed squatters movement of the homeless and the badly housed’ We did not rest on the laurels we had won so rapid- currents. John Pollard and Sid Rawle, long- ‘voluntary contribution’ to a street fund to must unite in action and that all ‘official’ squatting can support, promote, or carry out the eviction of ly in the three months since the first Elgin Avenue standing Camden squatters, put forward the call finance leaflets, tools, paint, EASY and so on. We organisations should actively support unlawful any people – be they squatters or tenants – who street meeting.The SCH left caucus and Maida Hill for ‘Free Housing for All’. Our line was ‘No opened up two empty shops and turned them squatting to get houses from the authorities. We are fighting for a roof over their heads.’ Squatters stepped up activity to get support from Evictions – Housing for All’ and we said that the into Maida Hill Squatters community centre. We said the ‘waiting list’ was a political device to It also warned that unless FSAS withdrew its beyond the squatting and housing movement. We question of rent was largely a question of income. organised a community ‘self-defence force’ to deal divide and weaken the real housing movement; the threat: ‘FSAS will be expelled from the All took resolutions to conferences and organised Our view was that putting forward ‘Free Housing with anti-social people in the community (like homeless are not responsible for homelessness London Squatters organisation and the activities solidarity support for squatting and housing for All’ only confused the labour movement. One thieves) and to protect ourselves from illegal and no-one should have to wait for a home. of its affiliated organisations which support struggles everywhere. We argued that SCH and group of ‘libertarians’ continually interrupted at eviction and police harassment. These activities Instead, empty houses should be used. FSAS policy will be opposed in every locality.’ Of other licensed squatting groups should actively the beginning of the meeting because of their were part of a coherent political whole. People On 24 July, the biggest-ever SCH meeting was course this last section of the resolution was take over empty houses and fight to keep them. opposition to anything ‘too structured’. This did not have to accept any ‘whole’ to join in the Although people from SCH head office opposed the held. Our resolution was passed by 50 votes to 16 partly humorous because FSAS was not The first test came on 24 September at 69 current, in various shapes and forms, has acted many parts, but the fact that some people had resolution (suggesting instead that we should be with 60 abstentions. Our success surprised and interested in participating in ALS anyway. Warrington Crescent, a 25-room hotel-like on other occasions over the years to the such an understanding was very important in evicted by SCH if necessary), it was passed by 17 boosted people in Elgin Avenue, most of whom On 11 August, FSAS held a conference for its building in a quiet, expensive part of Maida Vale. detriment of the movement. However, despite unifying and motivating what we did. votes to 9. But this was by no means the end of had not believed we could ‘beat’ SCH. Yet the affiliated groups and we attended as part of the A ‘brigade’ of 14 squatters from Elgin Avenue these differences on general matters, it was the matter.The principal SCH office workers were necessity to get a firmer base of support was SCH contingent. We hammered away our and some SCH workers took it over, hoping to accepted that joint activity could be organised in livid at the decision and saw (rightly) the struggle clear. message that evictions were unacceptable and use it for student and other accommodation. But defence of squats and in mounting campaigns. as a test for their own survival. They told us that that FSAS was consolidating the weaknesses, not the police were tipped off by neighbours and our struggle would ‘upset the polite arrangements the strengths of the squatting movement. broke in at midnight, only half-an-hour after we SCH had with the GLC’ and that our actions were Exploding horizons Despite the vehement opposition of some of the had started the operation. Most of us spent the Back on the home front ‘against the interest of more deserving people on Our regular ‘street unity meetings’ had been FSAS leadership the meeting voted night in cells and an SCH worker and myself The intense activity and involvement of Maida Hill the waiting list’. Two weeks later they succeeded expanding to involve people from nearby streets overwhelmingly for ‘the suspension of the were planted with drugs. Squatters outside the area inspired more local in reversing the decision at another meeting and on 7 August we adopted the title ‘Maida Hill important FSAS decision on SCH and Elgin In the morning the Chief Inspector gave me a actions. At the end of October we embarked on a which was not billed to discuss such a reversal Squatters and Tenants Association’, the aim Avenue’. We used FSAS’s claims to democracy to lecture: ‘Squatting is one thing, you have to live campaign against the Church Commissioners, and at which there were no Elgin activists. being to draw in all local squatters, SCH force the issue into the open. The motion asked somewhere. But squatting in Maida Vale is God’s housing managers on Earth, which had We were annoyed by this manoeuvre – the members and tenants. Although initially no member groups to discuss the question and give another. Stick to your own patch’. We turned this hundreds of empty houses. They were also raising first of many. Our struggle had to expand its different from what had gone before, the creation the votes of their meetings to the FSAS office. attack, and indeed every other attack in the next rents and evicting squats. Our campaign helped horizons. We formed a link with left-wing SCH of an organisation was a great help in cementing We sent letters to all FSAS groups requesting two years, back onto the authorities: Maida Hill gain support for squatting from local tenants workers and with the people who had just squat- the struggle which soon moved to a higher plane. meetings to discuss the issue. We organised a left Squatters picketed the police station protesting organisations in the newly-formed Paddington ted 220 Camden High Street, a shop near the At the beginning of August, SCH’s head office caucus in SCH – consisting of a few IMG against harassment. The drug case against me Federation of Tenants and Residents Associations SCH office (p 34). We organised a picket of SCH’s received a letter from the Family Squatting members and many sympathisers – to develop was dropped when the police realised I had got (PFTRA) of which Maida Hill Squatters and head office and drew in squatters and SCH mem- Advisory Service which the two organisations had the campaign. We argued vigorously at meetings off a previous drug frame-up and that they Tenants Association was a founder member. cooked up together. It threatened to disaffiliate of licensed squatting groups all over London. The would come unstuck. However the SCH worker Many tenant activists did not accept squatting SCH if it refused to keep its agreement with the majority supported us, forcing the FSAS had previous convictions and six months later he in council property (eg Elgin Avenue) because GLC to clear Elgin Avenue for redevelopment. In leadership to backtrack. The FSAS management was sent to prison. The failure of 69 Warrington they believed it was somehow jumping the ‘waiting EASY No 11 we spelt out our response: committee meeting in September agreed that Crescent did not stop us and in the next few list’ but they did think that squatting in private ‘FSAS expelling SCH does not matter to anyone ‘breaking, or threatening to break agreements months a number of houses were taken over, property was useful. Our campaign against the Fighting the LEB who wants to fight for a roof, because FSAS may sometimes be justified’ but then voted for particularly in Camden. Church Commissioners and other private By November 1973, even though the GLC does not support actual struggles, they rely on ‘conditional disaffiliation’ of SCH from FSAS, In November we initiated a conference through landlords enabled us to get support from tenants politicians were dithering, GLC bureaucrats, the Law. The reason why FSAS adopts this whatever that meant. which we hoped to draw together licensed and un- for squatting which was then used to support our worried by our success, decided to use back-door bizarre role is because they are desperate to In these months we were witnessing the licensed squatters. The conference, which had struggle in council housing. methods of harassment through an alliance with show how ‘nice’ they are and deserving of breaking of the reformists’ hold on the licensed been planned in the left caucus, was supported by These hectic external campaigns did not mean the London Electricity Board (LEB). One day,LEB finance from charity bodies. The dominant squatting movement. We said that the ‘official’ ALS and organised by activists at 220 Camden that day-to-day life of the Maida Hill community workmen dug holes in the street outside squats group in SCH office and FSAS are prepared to groups had a choice: either they must rely on the High Street. It was attended by 150 people includ- was ignored. On the contrary, activity increased. in Walterton Road, which adjoins Elgin Avenue, enny Fleet/ Time Out enny Fleet/

J use the organisations and their members, state and become co-opted into the framework of ing representatives of licensed groups as well as Street meetings organised clean-ups to remove intending to cut off supplies but an instant picket The battle within the squatting movement. Elgin which they are supposed to serve, as political council policies to provide a slum roof for the many new and long-standing ‘mainstream’ squat- rubbish from gardens. On 5 November Maida Hill stopped them dead in their tracks. In the days Avenue squatters picket Student Community Housing, footballs to further their own narrow “I’m all waiting list, or they must rely on a united move- ters. We suggested that there should be more Squatters held a fantastic bonfire and fireworks that followed the holes were successively dug up a licensed squatters’ organisation. right, Jack” interests.’ ment of unlicensed and licensed squatters with vigorous efforts to squat better property and that which drew 200 local people. Jumble sales wer by LEB workmen and filled in by squatters.

132 133 Maida Hill Squatters, through Paddington Law later, the court ruled that the LEB won its case forced to give in. The downtrodden people in the on some of the doors, they used sledgehammers squats nearby (Westminster Council property of the rainbow of people in Elgin Avenue’s shifting Centre, issued a summons to stop the cut-offs. The ‘by the narrowest possible margin’ on the ground building were willing, if erratic, fighters but were and a battering ram to try to get in. Rubbish was course!) and everyone was moved at Council population.There were druggies,junkies,students, LEB was acting on GLC instructions; in legal jar- that squatters were not ‘lawful’ occupiers. unsure of the need for barricades. Events on 14 thrown from the windows and the police expense! ‘together people’, ‘nutters’, battered working-class gon the GLC was ‘restraining them from entering However the GLC and LEB had already agreed June helped to make up their minds. The front sergeant in charge was hit by a dustbin load of The struggle made a tremendous impact on families with children and older childless couples. the premises for the purpose of connecting elec- to connect Walterton Road. The campaign had page of the Daily Mirror reported how squatters sewage water. local tenants. For the next few weeks we could But despite the diversity we had a common cause. tricity’ (p 162).Not wanting to escalate the struggle won in the streets and lost in the courts! at Terminus Road in Brighton had successfully It took an hour for the 70 occupants to be squat on the nearby Queens Park estate more or We made three points: at this time, the GLC climbed down temporarily held off bailiffs (p 81). Canal Flats had been evicted. They sat on their belongings heaped in less at will, with the active assistance of local • The struggle of Elgin Avenue was part of and allowed the squatters to have electricity.How- tipped off about their eviction date – Monday 17 the morning drizzle on the pavement. People on children. We made a point of putting families the fight against the general rot and run-down of ever, after a month of confusion about plans for Permanent expansion June. Over the weekend squatters poured their way to work gazed in amazement and buses referred to us by Social Services into those houses. Paddington. the street (simultaneously ‘imminent’ and ‘a long Our concept of organisation in Maida Hill by the cement in water cock holes to stop them being slowed down to look at the grim sight of kids on • Plans for the street must be seen and way off) the GLC and LEB announced a renewed spring of 1974 could be best described as ‘perma- turned off, barricades were built and a look-out the pavement. The squatters moved up the road approved by the community and, whatever the intention to cut off supplies. They wanted to test nent expansion’.To ‘stand still’ would be to shrink, system outside the flats organised. and took over the Social Services waiting room. Round two outcome, there must be no evictions and all the matter in court, and a case was scheduled. because many squatters naturally moved on if Two busloads of bailiffs and police arrived at The families were offered ‘bed and breakfast’. The GLC had set SCH various deadlines by which occupants should be rehoused. Meanwhile, other councils, particularly they found better homes and the most active in 8 am on Monday morning. After a token knock They refused it and demanded ‘breakfast for all’ Elgin Avenue had to be cleared, but all these • The GLC, instead of rushing against us Islington, were attacking squats through the campaigns and struggles were often the more instead! The social workers agreed to finance a dates – July ’73, February ’74, May ’74 – passed should start work on nearby vacant building sites. LEB. ALS set up an Electricity Action Committee recent arrivals. Squatters from Elgin Avenue were Squatters evicted from the Canal Flats sit dejectedly on van to take people to new squats. In keeping with without incident. In May the GLC hurriedly Our style of negotiation was never cap-in- of squatters from Maida Hill and Islington to actively involved in other militant squatting cam- the street but are cheered later in the day when they Maida Hill’s guarantee to find a home for every- called a meeting at County Hall for SCH and hand, but ‘offensive’. To keep the initiative we obtain ‘Electricity-for-all’. The occupation of three paigns including the defence of No 220 Camden take over other houses. one who struggled, a group went off to open new Maida Hill representatives to ‘see the plans’ for squatted empty ‘high rent’ GLC property. Labour alternative LEB showrooms was planned. On 11 High Street and Dover Street (p 34 and p 70). Elgin Avenue. They showed us a very nice balsa had supposedly abolished this category and the January 1974, 100 squatters met in Kensington Homeless people flooded to us referred from wood model. We said it looked fine but we would leadership was embarassed. Next, we took over a Gardens and misled the police and LEB into housing advice centres, council social workers, not go unless we got rehousing for all. A month block of disused firemen’s flats in Carmelite believing they were going to attack the the police (yes!) probation officers and from many later GLC officials came to Elgin Avenue seeking Street off Fleet Street which the GLC had sold to showrooms responsible for Walterton Road, in other unlikely sources. They were generally the names of occupants for ‘possible rehousing or speculators. Queensway. The crowd was led off to a non- youngish workers and poor families, not the legal [ie eviction] purposes’. This was followed by A lively picket backed up the negotiations at existent bus and in Notting Hill Gate ran into ‘hippy types’ who had dominated the scene two public statements of hostility. The GLC County Hall on 17 July while the Daily Telegraph the LEB showrooms there instead. years before. In March 1974, Maida Hill Squatters announced a ‘humane but firm’ policy towards carried a ‘no concessions’ call to the GLC. Our Police were locked out and LEB officials were started an offensive against Westminster City squatters in general and took steps against them delegation consisted of representatives of Maida asked to bring in top brass to negotiate. The police Council. ‘Canal Flats’ on the Harrow Road were in other parts of London (p 48). ALS hit back and Hill, SCH and PFTRA. The Vice Chairperson of stood 200 yards away from the door as the high squatted to take the expanding flow of homeless set up a GLC Action Group comprising of the Housing Committee agreed to offer rehousing: officials entered and crowds of people inside and people. The Council intended to demolish these ‘mainstream’ and licensed GLC squatters. rented accommodation for families and short-life outside the building chanted and waved. Some flats to make way for the most unwanted ‘park The Action Group started off with pickets of housing for single people. His offer appeared to headway was being made with the negotiations space’ imaginable – a six-yard strip bounded by a the GLC on 2 July – the full Council meeting – be in good faith but we were uneasy since we when Special Patrol Group police smashed their smelly canal and a busy road. and three days later when Stepney Squatters knew he was on the right of the Labour Party. way in upstairs. The occupiers were dispersed There was much local opposition to the plans met Gladys Dimson. She agreed to meet Maida We inspected the offers for single people. A few of with 31 arrests. Twenty-six of them were charged so the squat got support. The Canal Flats struggle Hill Squatters on 17 July so we organised a them were satisfactory but as a whole they were and most were eventually fined though one man – Maida Hill’s ‘front line’ at the time – was an series of activities building up to that meeting. totally unacceptable: some were bricked up, had from Islington got a six months prison sentence. important dress rehearsal for gaining the support We painted and improved the houses in Elgin all their services cut off and had holes in the roof The occupation and arrests made front page that we would need in the future. I stood as ‘the Avenue and printed leaflets for the public. A ‘day and a few had even been demolished! We rejected news in most daily papers, and were reported on Squatters and Tenants’ candidate for Westminster of explanation and activity’ and an ‘open day’ the offer. The GLC suggested a few more token BBC World Service News. The police had over- Council in the Harrow Road ward in the Council impressed a lot of local people who read our houses and then announced we were ‘unreason- reacted. The GLC was embarrassed and asked to Elections in early May. We made Canal Flats, display on the wall at the corner of Elgin Avenue able’. In August, eviction summonses were issued meet us. Gladys Dimson, chairperson of the GLC Elgin Avenue and the whole question of housing (which became a permanent feature of our for a court appearance on September 10. Housing Development Committee, apologised for an issue, arguing that squatting was the struggle) and visited our houses. Still hoping to get the ‘hearts and minds’ of ‘grave mistakes’ and said the GLC would allow frontline of the struggle for decent housing. I got On 11 July over 100 squatters and tenants more local tenants, and anxious to appear the LEB to reconnect. But the authorities still over 150 votes beating several other minority attended a public meeting to defend Elgin Avenue. politically reasonable, the GLC gave an exhibition insisted that the court case should go ahead. The candidates. The Vice Chairperson of the GLC Housing of the plans as we had demanded. We welcomed Electricity Action Group held a number of public The crunch came for Canal Flats in June. We Committee and a high official (Fred ‘I did it off my this and held our own counter-exhibition and meetings around London and in February had pickets of the Council and at the court where own bat’ Hogbin, a nickname earned for his role video show simultaneously in the same building! organised a picket of LEB offices first at Ergon the possession orders were being heard. Leaflets, in the LEB cut-off struggle) came. Supporting About 100 squatters joined the court picket. House in Westminster then at the LEB head posters and petition forms were produced. We speakers at the meeting included people from Eviction orders were granted after a three-day office in the City. even got the backing of Westminster’s Labour PFTRA, Student Community Housing and West- hearing but we won a stay of execution pending

At Marylebone Magistrates Court a few days councillors but the Tory leadership was not quite Time Out Graham Lee/ minster Trades Council. The meeting reflected consideration of an appeal.The six weeks between

134 135 Squatters at Elgin Avenue (left) fol- ‘withdrawn’. She squatted the house whereupon work for the community and benefit directly.Any- the illustrious rock (embryonic punk) band the lowing their successful appeal against the GLC re-instated the offer! body who did community work such as mending 101ers. Along with others, I was arrested for a possession order in the High Court On 20 January 1975 the GLC launched a roofs, building barricades or distributing leaflets illegal broadcasting. earn the congratulations (right) of massive political offensive at a press conference. could claim work tokens. A one hour work token local residents. ‘Smash-and-grab squatters’ were invented. This was exchangeable for a meal at That Tea Room, ‘new breed’, it was claimed, had damaged GLC Maida Hill Squatters’ community cafe in Great GLC war of attrition houses in Warwick Avenue and there was photo- Western Road. The tokens could not be exchaned The GLC followed up its political attack with graphic evidence to prove it. These were the type directly for money and were financed by the physical harassment in a sort of war of attrition of ‘hippies, drop-outs, political agitators and street fund and subsidised by That Tea Room. conducted in conjunction with other authorities. young tourists’ who lived in Elgin Avenue the GLC Work parties consequently became bigger and At the beginning of March, armed Special Patrol leadership blurted, promising to evict us ‘soon’. more effective encouraging even more people to Group police raided three houses in Elgin Maida Hill Squatters hit back with a press join in many of whom did not claim the tokens. Avenue ‘looking for bombers’. They chose the statement, and All London Squatters GLC Action People’s Courts were formally created to more disorganised houses in the street and broke Group, the only really active part of ALS, called a combat rip-offs by anti-social elements and to down doors in James Bond style. press conference. We showed, also with photos, bring disputes which could not be resolved in a A few days later. Gas Board workers pretend- that the GLC were the ‘real vandals’ and had single house under collective jurisdiction. The ing to be from the post office, cut off all the gas deliberately smashed up houses to stop squatting. People’s Court was a special open street meeting to Elgin Avenue squats. An official inadvertently The GLC was shedding crocodile tears over which was simultaneously ‘judge, jury and admitted that the GLC had ordered this although isolated incidents in order to create a bogey executioner’. For example, one People’s Court the GLC denied this later.The excuse given by the image of squatters. Our counter attack negated banned a certain Mousey’ from Maida Hill Gas Board was that the mains in Elgin Avenue most of the effect of the GLC’s propaganda locally. squats for stealing lead off the roofs of Elgin were likely to be unsafe even though tenanted Avenue while another set up a Committee of houses on the same mains were not cut off! Inquiry to resolve a dispute between two people Demolition was the next round of GLC harass- New ways in self-sufficiency over the ownership of certain property. ment.InApril,it stuck demolition notices on empty There was no time to lose in the struggle to forge A number of Maida Hill squatters helped Radio wrecked houses and some occupied ones. This was eter Harrap/ Report P Elgin Avenue and Maida Hill into a self-reliant Concorde, an illegal radio station which often a clear attempt to structurally weaken occupied fighting force which could meet another GLC broadcast squatting news.Although not started by houses and demoralise squatters in them. We the first court case and the appeal were a testing • The external campaign. Elgin Avenue?’: offensive. Squatters’ work tokens were introduced squatters, the station frequently broadcast from responded with pickets and presented a discussion time. Some of the ‘together’ people left and more The Appeal was finally held in the High Court ‘To many people the most important thing ab- as a means by which unemployed people could squats such as 101 Walterton Road, the home of document on ‘How Elgin Avenue could be vacated desperate people came to the street. Maida Hill on 23 October. The three judges were not the out Elgin was always “community feeling”. Squatters embarked on an extended public usual hard line squat bashing crew but more mod- This feeling is really a product of the state of Maida Hill Squatters’ community campaign, making use of the October 1974 general erate ‘legal minds’. In negotiations the GLC had the struggle. As the struggle changed so did cafe provides meals for people who election. We intervened in election meetings, given us a licence to stay till 1 September but had the community feeling. To other squatters earn work tokens by undertaking spoke at meetings to students, squatters and started proceedings before that date. The court Elgin Avenue is just “a place to live” which communal work. Started in a squat tenants (as far away as Portsmouth), harassed ruled that possession proceedings could not be needs fighting for. To London’s homeless Elgin in 1974 the cafe lasted for six years. the GLC Housing Vice Chairperson at his home, started until licenses had been terminated. The Avenue is a place to find a home. For the and occupied the GLC Western District Office. GLC’s case was thrown out. We were jubilant. housing and labour movement Elgin Avenue EASY No 63 summed up our ‘internal’ campaign: is “the homeless and badly housed fighting ‘As the crunch looms for Elgin Avenue, DON’T back”. Elgin Avenue is all of these things. JUST WATCH – JOIN ACTIVITY NOW! The phoney war That’s why it is important.’ Together we are strong. . .’ Everyone in Elgin The GLC was furious, its lawyers were badly A committee answerable to street meetings was Nick Wates Nick Avenue was asked to talk about four points. shaken and the politicians had to prepare the chosen to produce the newsletter, collect the • Togetherness: every house should be ‘to- ground for another confrontation. So nothing hap- street fund, and mobilise people to come to street gether’ and on guard against thieves. In this per- pened for a while apart from the GLC publicly meetings. An office was opened every evening in iod the community suffered from fear of eviction repeating its hostility and declaring itself ‘incom- 19 Elgin Avenue to find squats for homeless and it was more important than ever for the municado’. We used the time of this ‘phoney war’ people and be a permanent centre for repairs, street meetings to take action against people to throw the GLC’s arguments back in its face. education, agitation and organisation. The GLC who took advantage of the ‘untogetherness’. The Maida Hill Squatters community had been started niggling harassment and broke its • Barricades: they would strengthen our poli- strained by the summer anti eviction struggle. The promise to ‘unconditionally’ rehouse Elgin tical campaign and viceversa. period of the ‘phoney war’ gave time to regain Avenue families saying ‘all offers were off’. One • Alternatives for housing had to be ready in strength. EASY No 65 which announced the vic- particular single mother had been given an offer case of any evictions. tory at the Court of Appeal discussed ‘What is which she accepted only to be told it was Nick Wates Nick

136 137 Corrugated TImes No.3 Press Association

Preparing for the bailiffs: building barricades and campaigning. A war of attrition with no surrender from eiither side. eter Johns/ The Guardian eter Johns/ ony Stevens/ Report P Martin Slavin T peacefully’. The GLC drew back from demolitions This time we put pressure on Transport House, organised squat-bashing campaign began with more homeless people flooded to Elgin Avenue. We Avenue. Their help included practical work in The last seven days and agreed to leave the roofs on the derelict so they were able to join and put our line within the Harper letter in the Times (p59) and a few housed some by expanding into formerly derelict building barricades and political action. They In the final week, Elgin Avenue squatters houses next to squats. It reverted to gutting the party. days later court summonses were served on the houses and into those which we had repaired invited Richard Balfe and I to speak at the completely turned the tables on the GLC. We had instead. At the beginning of June, local GLC councillor street for the second time. A lively picket marked after the GLC gutted them. September was ‘make conference without telling Balfe I was coming. the initiative all the time. The GLC dithered and These trials were not the only ones.In February, Jean Merriton who had been appointed GLC the first preliminary hearing at the High Court or break’ for Elgin Avenue. The internal ‘together- Balfe at first refused to hear my questions (‘for then surrendered. This was a dramatic reversal the sewage pipes gave trouble and were only ‘evictions co-ordinator’, announced that the GLC on 7 August when it was arranged for a judge to ness’ campaign had to succeed in getting everyone legal reasons’) but he could not avoid making of July’s week of co-ordinated squat-bashing. The cleared after much pressure. The post delivery intended to throw us out shortly. We replied that consider on 20 August whether the case should to stand and fight together.The external campaign statements after I had made a speech. He made week started with leaflets and press and TV and dustbin collection stopped coming for a while we would fight behind barricades if need be. We be heard over the court vacation. had to turn the tables on the GLC. EASY declared three baseless claims which gave us the ammun- coverage which reached millions of people. in the spring. When people complained that their felt ready to face the GLC and the mounting Elgin Avenue was militant and defiant in the that ‘Elgin Avenue itself will be an exhibition of ition we needed to split the local Labour Party: The High Court on 8 October was buzzing with dole cheques had been suspended they were told: press attacks. Our confidence was boosted at the face of the GLC’s legal moves. A street meeting struggle’. Work was organised to paint and repair • ‘Elgin Avenue squatters are holding up squatters from all over London and a picket was ‘Elgin Avenue is empty as far as we know’. Our second birthday of Maida Hill on 14 June. Four decided to enlarge the EASY Committee into an houses and improve their appearance. A development.’ In fact the GLC could have mounted outside. Many newspapers printed the supporters were kept involved in the fightback hundred people joined festivities on a new ‘land Action Group which met almost daily throughout photograph exhibition was held permanently in rehoused us one year before. first paragraphs of my court statement (affidavit): against these physical harassments and all our squat’ behind That Tea Room. Food, amusement the summer. We picketed the High Court on 20 the office at No 19 Elgin Avenue. Its opening • ‘Elgin Avenue squatters are demanding to ‘The history of Elgin Avenue and its occupants actions were reported in the press. So although stalls, sale of old EASYs, fire-eating, dancing and and 21 August when a judge considered the words were ‘The GLC treads on the most needy be rehoused all together.’ A lie created by the is a history of the worsening housing situation we lost our gas, and the street looked more of an games followed by a bop with squatters’ bands in GLC’s application for an emergency (vacation) and weak, but fears those who organise’. GLC to justify eviction. and the desperate struggles of tens of ‘eyesore’, the struggle gained more political the evening, reminded us all we had something hearing. However the judge, probably preferring The open day and ‘best kept squat’ competition • ‘The local Labour Party called for the thousands of homeless and badly housed support and the newer squatters in Elgin Avenue worth defending. golf to sitting through days of a heavy case, fixed were a great success. Visitors were convinced that eviction of Elgin Avenue.’ people in Britain today. The GLC and its learned quickly about their enemy. a hearing for 8 October stating that the GLC had we should be actively supported. Local papers On this last point we wrote an open letter to the leaders sees the resistance to homelessness of In May, the GLC housing leadership changed, had a whole year to prepare the case, so it could printed photos of an occupant of the ‘best kept local Harrow Road Ward Party and the Paddington the occupants of Elgin Avenue and the but the new boss, Richard Balfe, was unwilling to A long hot summer not have been so urgent. squat’, a little girl who the ‘GLC want to evict’. General Management Committee to force a debate. example this sets for other housing struggles talk.At the same time two local squatters repeated Thanks to our forthright response to every action, The street meeting’s decision to build The struggle made a crucial political advance at This revealed that neither of them had called for as a serious threat to the housing policies of their efforts to get into the Labour Party. They Elgin Avenue was stronger than ever but the GLC barricades and the fact that Elgin Avenue had by the Young Liberals National Housing Conference the Elgin Avenue eviction. The Paddington themselves and the government . . .’ had been obstructed by local party hacks two was determined to get rid of us. We knew some- now become a test case ‘hooked’ the media. Every- in Brighton on 7 September. The Young Liberals Labour Party was split on the issue and referred After three days, the Judge granted the months previously because they were squatting. thing had to happen. On 11 July, the infamous thing we did, good or bad, got publicity. Even were keen and active supporters of Elgin the matter to its executive committee. eviction order. However, he had clearly formed the

138 139 In the afternoon, we received a phone call from The three lessons of Elgin Avenue the GLC solicitor asking for a delegation to meet Well over 1,000 people lived in Elgin Avenue for the GLC with a full list of all the occupants of various lengths of time. They were a cross Elgin Avenue. The meeting was bizarre. Balfe section of London’s homeless who, after a stated we would all be rehoused according to the desperate search for somewhere to live, had campaign formula: families and old people in GLC found themselves ‘at the end of the line’ in Elgin rented flats, and single people in licensed short- Avenue. They included young ‘roughnecks’, life housing. We wanted to know what would middle-class drop-outs, ‘hippies’, building happen to the single people after their short-life workers, dishwashers, the sick and housing was wanted back by the GLC and were unemployable, families and more, though at the told the whole deal was with the full understand- end the middle-class people had almost all left. ing that there would be ‘every co-operation in the They were not generally political when they future.’ That meant we could expect to be rehoused arrived but the environment they were thrown again! However, Balfe refused to ‘interfere’ with into overcame the isolation and atomisation of the Sheriff’s deadline of Wednesday morning, most living situations and they learned fast. claiming it was ‘impossible’ – which everyone in Elgin Avenue’s struggle won for three reasons: the room knew was utter nonsense. • First, we had public campaign policies Next day, GLC officials visited Elgin Avenue which related to the whole housing crisis. That to check details of the families but they had no way we got political support from the labour list of short-life houses for the single people. movement. We showed how our struggle was part Later that day, at a televised meeting in Elgin of the whole fight for decent housing for all, how Avenue, Michael Harris and Commander Hunter the waiting list is a con trick, how there is a confirmed they would come the next day (Wednes- solution to the housing crisis and how the day) and asked if we would go ‘peacefully’. We squatters struggle can be in the forefront of it. said all the rehousing offers had to be inspected • Second, we were democratically organised and accepted before we left. The full GLC so that everyone could join in and know that meeting debated the matter all afternoon and what they did was part of what everyone was Balfe appeared on TV at 6.30 pm saying that the doing. Street meetings, social events, elected lists were ‘on their way’. The short-life list arrived delegations, work tokens and EASY all at 10 pm and our inspection team went to Cam- contributed to this democratic cohesion. berwell in South London to look at the houses. • Third, we were ready to defy the law.We At 11 pm a packed meeting of squatters agreed built barricades which took our stand to its orkers Press

W a unanimous position statement: both the ‘short- logical conclusion. This proved we were serious London Express life’ and the ‘family flats’ lists had to be received and not squatting for fun. It made our words Victory is announced impression that we were not all ‘evil scroungers’ certain ‘Shaky Dave’ for example, who had Under-Sheriff Harris (left) and Commander Hunter and inspected by the time the Sheriff came and if about the housing crisis more meaningful and and that a confrontation with us would damage nervous shakes and normally did nothing, was (right) visit the squatters’ office to warn them not to they were not, we would ‘insist on time to resolve our message stronger. ‘If the GLC had not given us what we wanted I the image of both courts and councils. In a very vigorously building barricades. The struggle in resist. The author is on the phone to his MP and is with the situation’. A delegation consisting of represen- Together these three factors ensured that in was ready to resist. They would have had to put favourable summing up, he said he had ‘listened those weeks did more for many people than years the squatters’ solicitor. tatives of single people, families, the Tenants the final confrontation human justice would be on me and my child out screaming. The most sympathetically to some very sad cases of of drug prescriptions, doctors and social workers. Federation, Trades Council and Young Liberals our side and the GLC and other authorities important thing was the way we stuck together homelessness from perfectly decent people’ and “The Big 3’ – Michael Harris, Commander year’. There we revealed a confidential letter in waschosen to negotiate in front of the barricades. would lose too much if they evicted us. Whatever against their months of harassment. People on advised the GLC to make ‘a phased evacuation Hunter of the Metropolitan Police, and Chief which a GLC housing official stated that the GLC The strengthening of barricades was continued happened they had to lose and we had to win. The the waiting list should fight too. I’m going to in discussion with Mr Corbyn’. This was a clear Superintendent Howell of Harrow Road Police – had more empty property than it could cope with, tell tenants in my new block they could have overnight. The inspection team reported back in victory of Elgin Avenue, like so many struggles of good things if they fought.’ (Sonia White, aged call to the GLC to rehouse us. We had never paid our office a visit on the morning of Monday and was considering letting to people ‘who do not the small hours. The houses for single people the downtrodden, proves the indomitable spirit of 27 with a one-year old son). hoped to win the court case legally but we had 13 October. They asked if we would go peacefully normally qualify’ (the beginning of the ‘hard-to- were OK, much better, in fact, than Elgin Avenue. humanity. The lessons from that street and other succeeded in using it politically. and warned threateningly that resistance to let’system later much used, p 89). The Evening In the morning Graham Walters (acting for the struggles before it will be used in a thousand But immediately after, the Under Sheriff, eviction was illegal under the Sheriffs Act. I Standard lessened the GLC’s embarrassment by families) and I went to the GLC Western District struggles to come in housing and the workplace Michael Harris, warned us that he ‘may well be replied, ‘The position is that no one voluntarily ignoring the fact that we had exposed this and Office to demand the family housing list. They until capitalism is finally smashed and our world round early next week’. The weekend was spent leaves unless everyone is given rehousing’. instead portrayed it as a new policy which put agreed under pressure that a sample flat (the will be ours. • energetically building barricades and painting At lunch-time we held a press conference the GLC in a reasonable and sensible light. one allocated to Graham Walters’ family) could slogans to make ‘a Steel Elgin’. Journalists were entitled ‘How the GLC can peacefully resolve the Arthur Latham, the local Labour MP, sent his be inspected, and brought the rest of the list at constantly around. The most untogether, freaked- Elgin Avenue confrontation and how decent apologies to the press conference and said we 11.30 am. When Graham Walters returned happy out individuals found a purpose and joined in. A housing for all can be achieved in Britain in one could make his support public. half an hour later, we knew we had won. Philip Wolmuth

140 ‘decanted’. Some low rise, high density modem give a false respectability to a disembowelled First stirrings Chapter estates were to be constructed but at the core of interior. Stockwell Park Estate, the first of the In 1967 Lambeth Council obtained a Compulsory Victory Villa 12 the plan was the construction of five 52 storey three estates to be completed, has already proved Purchase Order (CPO) on the Angell Town area, tower blocks. Brixton Towers was the apt name the disastrous nature of this type of development. despite a number of objections at the public by Nick Anning and Jill Simpson chosen for this development which, at 600 feet Completed in 1971, it has suffered from dampness, enquiry. The familiar pattern of blight set in. high, was to be the highest housing scheme out- lack of repairs and vandalism. For several years, Residents, promised rehousing in the imminent side Chicago. A large park was planned, in line its purpose-built garages remained unused and, future, no longer maintained their houses as they Challenging the planners in South London with the GLC’s recommendations, to serve the until recently, it had a reputation as a ‘sink were soon to be demolished. Tenants in multi- 6,000 residents of the new estates. The scheme estate’ for so-called ‘problem families’. occupied houses found it increasingly difficult to was a tribute to the planners’ megalomania. In the heady climate of the sixties, this type of press the Council for repairs and maintenance, The aim seems to have been to establish pools ‘macroplanning’ was taken as approved by the and tried to obtain immediate rehousing. of high density council housing with limited ballot box and by public enquiries. It was assumed The long years of Labour dominance in Lam- The planners’ plan up community plans in line with the GLC’s access, restricting traffic to major perimeter roads that the professional planners ‘knew best’ and the beth were interrupted with three years of Tory The area around Villa Road is still rather quaintly overall strategy for taking the metropolis where a facade of rehabilitated properties would majority of Lambeth’s 300,000 population were rule but this was of little consequence to the labelled ‘Angell Town’ on the maps; a legacy of a gleaming into the seventies. Lambeth responded unaware of, let alone consulted about, the far- monolithic plan. It drew support from Conserva- past which includes the old manorial estate of eagerly to this prompting, only too anxious to The North side of Villa Road reaching nature of these plans. tives and Labour alike, although a radical caucus Stockwell and the eccentric landowner John establish itself as one of the more enterprising Angell who died in 1784. To those who live here inner London boroughs. now, this is part of Brixton in the London Borough The scale and scope of its redevelopment plan of Lambeth with the market and the Victoria Line was tremendously ambitious. Lambeth was to be tube station a few minutes walk away. transformed into an even more splendid memorial What the maps do not show is the present to the planners’ megalomania than neighbouring state of the immediate vicinity of Villa Road. A Croydon with Brixton as its showcase. Brixton century and a half of social change has town centre was to be completely rebuilt, transformed an upper class prosperous Victorian incorporating a huge transport interchange merchant enclave into an area of mainly working complex where a six-lane highway, motorway box, class housing. But the change wrought in just a main line railway and underground intersected. few years by Lambeth Council’s planners has Brixton’s social mix was to completely change been far more radical than that gradual with middle-class commuters flocking south of transformation. The majority of houses which the Thames, to bring renewed prosperity and to stood in 1965 have been demolished and Villa rejuvenate business and commerce. Ravenseft, Road too, would have disappeared if the planners the property company which gave nearby had had their way. The fact that most of it still Elephant and Castle its unloved redevelopment, stands is the result of a protracted battle expressed interest in the plan for Brixton. between the squatter community and the Tarmac, the road building firm, was given Council’s bureaucrats and councillors. permission to build an office block on condition it The origins of this battle can be found in The helped to fund a new leisure centre. The Inner Brixton Plan1, an intriguing document produced London Education Authority talked of new by Lambeth in 1969, and in the events that led schools and a new site for South West London up to its publication. Indeed, Villa Road’s very College. The dream seemed possible. existence as a squatter community arises from The plan would involve demolishing the fading the Plan, its initial shortcomings, its lack of bastions of Brixton’s Victorian and Edwardian flexibility in the face of economic changes and splendour, epitomised by the very name Villa the refusal of leading Lambeth councillors and Road. These houses were to be replaced with planners to engage in meaningful consultation. modern homes for the working class of Lambeth. Their intransigeance in refusing to admit that Angell Town was zoned for residential use, Brix- the plans might be wrong or open to revision was ton Road was to become a six-lane expressway a further contributing factor. and three proposed new housing developments The Plan had its roots in the optimistic climate (Brixton Town Centre, Myatts Fields and of Harold Wilson’s first government in the early Villa Road area, 1970 (top), and as envisaged in the Stockwell Park Estate) would completely remove sixties. The Greater London Council (GLC) asked Brixton Plan (above). old Angell Town from the map. About 400 houses

the recently enlarged London boroughs to draw were to be demolished and their occupants Union Place Collective

142 143 in the Labour Party known as the ‘Norwood housing needs went unrecognised. councils were starting to clamp down on these estates would involve a much smaller But it was a community living under a to ‘make their own arrangements’. The future of Group’ began to voice misgivings during Labour’s The Labour Council began to establish Neigh- squatters, reinforcing the pool of experience, skill increase in the area’s population than had been permanent threat and a stark reminder of that the remaining 11 houses was less certain as they spell in opposition. By the time Labour regained bourhood Councils at ward level on its return to and political solidarity which was to be the originally envisaged.3 Instead of 3,000, the figure was the eviction of No 315 Brixton Road in April were earmarked for a junior school that, even in control in 1971, Angell Town was a depressed and power in 1971. Their creation raised the prospect strength of the Villa Road community. The fact was now admitted to be nearer 800, hardly 1975. The house along with two others which 1976, was unlikely ever to be built. demoralised area, as voting figures for the ward in of a genuinely more participatory form of demo- that a certain number of people came from enough to justify the creation of a park that were too badly vandalised to have been squatted, local elections showed. Though staunchly Labour, cracy. For example, Angell Ward Neighbourhood outside Lambeth was frequently used in anti- would involve the demolition of much good were pulled down as part of the Council’s turn-out in Angell Ward has been the lowest of Council quickly became the focus of well-organised squatting propaganda. housing. In any case, money for the open space, preparation for the footbridge linking the The Trades Council Inquiry all Lambeth’s 20 wards since 1971, averaging agitation on behalf of local tenants. It aimed to be Meanwhile, the Labour Council was moving to let alone the park, was not to be available until proposed park with the Stockwell Park Estate. It was clear that the Street Group could not fight only about 25 per cent of the electorate. a representative body based on tenants associat- the right and a strong anti-squatter consensus autumn 1976, and in June 1974 housing officials The dust had hardly settled after the demolition the Council without outside support. There was The newly returned Labour administration of ions and street groups. A delegated committee had begun to emerge, particularly after the 1974 declared that the Council would not require Villa when the Council announced the cancellation of already considerable local dissatisfaction with 1971 contained a sizeable left-wing influence was established to campaign around local issues council elections. The new Chairperson of the Road houses until summer 1976. the footbridge plan.4 The site was left unused for the Council for its failure to change the plans for through the Norwood Group and had high hopes and to report directly to the Council via Lambeth’s Housing Committee and his Deputy were in the Arguably, this amounted to a legal licence to five years and then grassed over. the area and the Street Group, in an attempt to of cutting back the massive 14,000 waiting list Neighbourhood Councils Sub-Committee, to some forefront of this opposition to squatters. Their occupy the houses. Probably the Council would Events like this tended to harden the harness available support, organised a public for council homes. However by now they were extent outflanking the position of local councillor proposals for ending the ‘squatting problem’, far have had little further trouble from the Villa opposition to the Council in the Street Group. meeting in April 1976 to discuss courses of prisoners of processes originating with the Plan. (one of whom was the Labour Group leader). from dealing with the root causes of homelessness, Road squatters had it not been for two factors: Another five houses had been squatted during action. At the meeting, which was well-attended, Population counts in clearance areas were proving The St John’s Street Group was one of several merely attempted to erase symptoms and met the continuous programme of wrecking and 1975, including those with serious faults which it was decided to initiate a Trades Council inaccurate, mainly because live-in landlords, multi- street groups set up in 1972 under the wing of with little success. In fact, the autumn of 1974 vandalising houses in the vicinity and the needed a lot of sustained work like re-roofing, Inquiry into local housing and recreational occupiers and extended families were reluctant, the Neighbourhood Council. Its membership saw the formation of All Lambeth Squatters, a Council leadership’s adherence to a hardline plumbing, rewiring and unblocking drains. needs. This idea was supported by a wide range through fear of public health regulations, to give included residents of both Villa Road and St John’s militant body representing most of the borough’s policy on squatting and homelessness. The The population of the street was now of people and groups including the vicar of St full details of the number of people in their houses. Crescent as the two streets were suffering from squatters. It mobilised 600 people to a major combination of these two factors increased approaching 200. Three houses in St John’s John’s Church which overlooks Villa Road and As ‘decanting’ took place from development areas, blight arising out of the same plans. Most of the public meeting at the Town Hall in December militant opposition to the Council’s politicians Crescent which had been emptied in preparation the ward Labour Party. A committee including more and more people began to find themselves immediate area was scheduled to be pulled down 1974 to protest at the Council’s proposals to end and bureaucrats which culminated in a full-scale for demolition were taken over with the help of two Street Group representatives was set up to ineligible for rehousing, or were given offers of to form part of the new Angell Park. Villa Road ‘unofficial’ squatting in its property.2 confrontation in the summer of 1976. the departing tenants. Several other houses in collect evidence and prepare a report. accommodation unsuitable for their needs. Most tenants wanted rehousing while those in neigh- The rightward-leaning Council took all the A week of action in September 1974 led to more the Crescent and Brixton Road were wrecked The Trades Council Inquiry report was to be houses were boarded up or gutted, adding to bouring St John’s Crescent were campaigning teeth out of the Neighbourhood Councils and the houses being squatted and saw the first meetings and demolished by the Council, still intent on presented to a public meeting of 200 people at blight. Homelessness grew rapidly. about the poor state of repair of their properties. one in Angell Ward, torn by internal disputes, of the Villa Road Street Group (not to be confused implementing its temporary open space plan. St. John’s School two months later. Lambeth’s Despite the Labour Group’s optimism, the The Street Group began a series of direct actions ceased to function by the end of 1973. That was with the by-then defunct St John’s Street Group). Squatters were increasingly becoming a thorn Chief Planning Officer, its Deputy Director of building programme slowed down. Lambeth’s (eg a rent strike and the dumping of uncollected not to say that the issue of redevelopment for The members of the Group had come together in the Council’s side. Following the failure of the Housing and an alderman came to hear their target of 1,000 new homes per year from 1971-8 rubbish at the nearby area housing office) to put Angell Town was not still of major interest to the fairly randomly and their demands were Council’s 1974 initiative to bring squatting under critics and see the meeting vote overwhelmingly was never met. Many people, particularly Labour pressure on the Council. As a result, many Villa local residents. The Brixton Towers project had naturally different. For instance, there were control, the Council tried again. It published a in favour of the report’s recommendations. These Party members, began to realise that sweeping Road tenants were rehoused and their houses been dropped, throwing into question the whole Lambeth Self-Help members for whom rehousing policy proposing a ‘final solution’ to the twin were: clearance programmes destroyed large numbers boarded up. Most also had their services cut off plan. Furthermore, the programme of rehousing was top priority; single people who demanded ‘problems’ of homelessness and squatting. It • No more demolitions, wreckings or evictions. of houses in good condition as well as unfit ones. and drains sealed with concrete to discourage and demolition was proceeding slower than the principle of rehousing but wished to develop combined measures aimed at discouraging • Smaller, more easily supervised play-spaces With a tighter economic climate and a squatting. More sensibly, a few of the houses expected forcing the Council to consider its creative alternatives; and students and foreigners homeless people from applying to the Council for should be created from existing empty sites, Conservative Government opposed to were allocated on licence to Lambeth Self-Help, a short-term plans for the area. It came up with who were in desperate need of accommodation housing – like tighter definitions of who would be rather than clinging stubbornly to a plan for one municipalisation in office, some of the steam had short-life housing group whose office was round the idea of a ‘temporary open space’ which was to but whose transient presence or precarious legal accepted and higher hostel fees – with a rehash large park. already gone out of Lambeth’s redevelopment the corner in Brixton Road. involve the demolition of Villa Road and St status kept them outside the housing struggle of the same old anti-squatting ploys – like more • Money saved by stopping evictions, plans by 1971, only two years after the John’s Crescent. which was taking place around them. gutting. The policy was eventually passed in April wreckings and demolition should be spent on publication of The Brixton Plan. According to a Council brochure published in By the end of 1974, 15 houses in Villa Road 1976 after considerable opposition both within repairs on nearby estates or rehabilitation of Squatters enter the fray June 1974, this open space was to be the and one in Brixton Road (No 315) had been the Labour Party from the Norwood Group and older property. Some of the Neighbourhood Council activists forerunner of a larger Angell Park with play and squatted by Street Group members who now from homeless people and squatters. • The Council should recognise the strong The neighbourhood council moved into No 20 Villa Road, one of the houses recreation facilities. Walkways linking the park numbered about a hundred. Like in other In a sense, Villa Road, and later St Agnes Place, community in the area and take that as the The Norwood Group of councillors both parallel- handed over to Lambeth Self-Help, in early 1973. to smaller areas of open space (‘green fingers’) squatted streets common interests drew people were the testing grounds for this new policy. starting point for allowing active participation by ed and reflected the upsurge of radical, libertar- That summer another house in Villa Road was alongside Brixton Road were to be built and a together and gave the street its own identity Although the Council had agreed to meet Villa local people in the planning process. ian and revolutionary politics in Brixton during squatted. No 20 became the centre of St John’s footbridge over that busy road was to link it with (see, for example, Chapter 17 on St Agnes Place Road Street Group representatives in February, The Council’s representatives made no the early seventies. Dissatisfaction with Lambeth’s Street Group activity, providing an important the densely populated Stockwell Park Estate. and Chapter 11 on Elgin Avenue). The Street its position was unyielding. Twenty-one of the 32 concession to these views except to suggest planning processes and its inability to cope with point of contact with the Neighbourhood Council, The justification for the plan was that the high Group became a focus for the organisation of houses in Villa Road were to be demolished within rather insultingly that the report might be housing and homelessness gave focus to a number Lambeth Self-Help and unofficial squatters. In density of housing proposed for the nearby Myatts social as well as political activities. For instance, four months and the street would be closed off for admissible for discussion as a ‘local petition’. of dissenting community-based groups. Activists 1974, other houses on Villa Road were squatted, Fields South and Brixton Town Centre North es- in the summer of 1975, a street carnival attracted open space. Moreover, the Council told the They firmly rejected the meeting’s in these groups were instrumental in establishing mainly by groups of homeless single people. Many tates required open space of the local park variety over 1,000 people. A cafe, food co-operative, band Street Group that when the houses were evicted, recommendation that the Trades Council Report a strong squatting movement for single people – had previous experience of squatting either in within a quarter of a mile radius. What was not and news-sheet (Villain) were further activities families would be referred to the Council’s home- should be considered at the next Council the main section of Lambeth’s population whose Lambeth or in other London boroughs where publicly admitted was that the construction of of the now-thriving street. less families unit but single people would just have meeting.

144 145 Whilst the Inquiry had been collecting its evi- did not prevent the planning and housing Environment (DOE) held a public inquiry over inspector’s report on the public inquiry into the dence, there had been a further series of confron- committees from formally rejecting the Trades the Council’s application to close Villa Road. closure of Villa Road was published around the tations between squatters and wreckers. The Council Report but both occupations achieved Several local organisations, including the Street same time. It ruled against the Council: Villa Trades Council had passed a resolution blacking their primary objective in getting Lambeth round Group, presented evidence against closure. An Road had to stay open until revised plans for the wrecking of good houses and the Council was the negotiating table. The Street Group’s initial inquiry which should have been over in a day Brixton Town Centre North were devised ‘in forced to find non-union labour to do its dirty work. position was for rehousing as a community but stretched to ten. Each point was strongly consultation with all interested parties’. The squatters managed to take over one house in as the talks continued, it was decided to agree to contested since the Street Group realised that if The remnants of The Brixton Plan had Brixton Road before it was wrecked (No 321) but consider individual rehousing. Staying in Villa the Council was unable to close Villa Road its already started to crumble around the Council another (No 325) was gutted by workmen under Road on a permanent basis was not an option plan for the park would need drastic when Ravenseft, one of the major backers, had police protection. The culmination of these battles considered seriously by either side at this stage. modification. The DOE inspector promised to pulled out the previous summer. With the between squatters and wreckers was to be at St. After the second occupation and a survey of make his report a matter of urgency. unfavourable report from the DOE inspector and Agnes Place in January 1977, an action which empty property in the borough by the squatters, news that the construction of the school planned attracted widespread national publicity (p 85). the Council representatives said they might be for the top end of Villa Road was to be deferred Both these wreckings and the Inquiry attracted prepared to look for individual properties for The turning point indefinitely, the planners had to go back to the local press coverage and support for the squatters rehousing. The Street Group’s minimum demand As the Council still did not have possession orders drawing board. The Brixton Plan was even more widened. Several Norwood councillors, prompted was rehousing for 120 people knowing full well on all the houses, it now restarted court proceed- of a pipedream than it had been in 1969. Union Place Collective by a letter from the Street Group, began to give that any offer of rehousing would breach both ings against all the squatted houses (except those By the time the High Court hearing resumed active support as well as inside information on the squatting and homelessness policies. on the school site) – this time in the High Court. in March, the Council had been forced into a the Council’s position. Links with the local In October, the Council made an offer of 17 The Street Group hurriedly drew up a detailed position where it had to compromise. The judge labour movement were helped by squatters’ houses to the Street Group but the houses were legal defence, arguing a general licence on the encouraged the Council and the Street Group to support for a construction workers picket during in such a bad condition that the sincerity of its grounds that official negotiations with the Council settle out of court as, in the end, the granting of a strike at the Tarmac site in the town centre motives could clearly be questioned. The Street had never been formally terminated. Villa Road’s a possession order was inevitable. After some hard and for an unemployed building workers march. Group had no option but to reject them despite the case was strengthened by statements from two bargaining, the Street Group got a three months strain that living behind barricades was causing. Lambeth councillors. The hearing opened in stay of execution to 3 June 1977 and costs of £50 The defences could never be made impregnable January 1977, marked by a picket, street theatre awarded against it, a considerable saving on the To the barricades and the difficulties of living permanently under and live music outside the High Court. estimated £7,000 the case had cost Lambeth. With careful timing, the Council made its initial the threat of immediate eviction was too much for Judging by its legal representatives’ response June 3 passed uneventfully as did the first response to the Inquiry’s report the day after it many people who left, sometimes to unthreatened at the preliminary hearing, the Council had not anniversary of the erection of the barricades. Chris Davies/ Report Chris Davies/ was released when all the houses occupied by the Union Place Collective houses up the street. They were generally replaced anticipated any legal defence and the case was Indeed, they were to stay up almost another year Street Group (except those on the school site) by even more determined opponents of the Council adjourned twice. The Council’s reason for going until in March 1978 the squatters felt confident received county court summonses for possession. and morale in the street was further boosted by to the High Court instead of the county court enough of the Council’s intentions to take them The court cases were scheduled for 30 June, a the occupation of the remaining tenanted and was that a High Court order for possession down. No attempt had ever been made to breach couple of weeks away, and the Street Group’s licensed houses in the threatened part of the allows the police to assist directly in carrying out them. response was immediate: a defence committee was street whose occupants were all rehoused. the eviction. A county court order did not give With the DOE inspector’s decision not to close organised to barricade all threatened houses, co- After the rejection of the offer, no further word the police power to intervene except to guard the road and the absence of revised plans for the ordinate a legal defence, publicise the campaign, came from the Council though it seemed clear against a possible ‘breach of the peace.’ Events at area, the possibility now emerged that the fate of set up an early warning system and much more. that it was reluctant at this stage to send in the nearby St. Agnes Place in January had set an the two sides of the street could be different. The At the court hearing, the judge criticised the bailiffs. A war of attrition set in, marked by two ugly precedent and showed the Council was now south side (12 houses) backed onto a triangle, Council for its sloppy preparation and only eight interesting developments. prepared for full scale battles with squatters. two-thirds of which was already demolished for out of fifteen possession orders were granted. First, a sympathetic councillor was selected to Over 250 police had arrived at dawn in St Agnes the open space. On the other hand, the north side Although this was a partial victory, the barricades stand in the by-election of November 1976 caused Place to preside over the demolition with a ball (20 houses) backed onto a new council estate and obviously had to remain. The Street Group embar- by the death of an Angell Ward councillor. The and chain of empty houses although the its demolition would add little space to the park ked on a series of militant actions with support selection was a success for the Street Group’s demolition was stopped within hours by a hastily area even assuming that permission to close Villa from other Lambeth squatters aimed at forcing the members in the ward Labour Party whose votes initiated court injunction by the squatters. Road were obtained. Therefore, the Street Group Council to reconsider the Trades Council Inquiry’s were decisive. It was a rebuff for the Council’s In the event, the St Agnes Place affair put Lam- decided to accept demolition of the south side findings which it had rejected at a heavily- Union Place Collective leader whose nominee failed to win selection and beth Council at a moral disadvantage and had an provided that everyone was rehoused, and to push helped to chip away the right’s narrow majority The wreckers. Top and bottom: Sound houses in picketed meeting and at getting the Council to Stopping the wreckers. Top: Squatters bravely by-pass important effect on events in Villa Road. Labour for the houses on the north side to be retained Brixton Road are demolished for a park, 1978. offer rehousing to Villa Road squatters. First, the police guarding the doors while Council workmen start within the Labour Group, contributing directly to Group leader David Stimpson had staked his hard- and rehabilitated, ideally as a housing co-op for Centre: A Lambeth Council van acquires an apt Lambeth Housing Advice Centre was occupied for gutting before the departing tenants have finished the leftward movement that eventually put the line reputation on an outright confrontation but the existing squatters. Negotiations were resumed graffitto (and two flat tyres) while its occupants an afternoon in July and, a month later, following packing – the house is saved for a few more years, 1976. Norwood Group with a left-wing leader in power the failure to demolish all the houses and the resul- on this basis and Lambeth kept talking: clearly, destroy a perfectly habitabe house round the corner, the breakdown of negotiations, the Planning Centre: the squatters’ van, 1976. Bottom: Town hall at the local elections of May 1978. ting bad publicity put his political future in doubt. it didn’t want a repeat of the St Agnes Place Radnor Terrace, 1977. Advice Centre received the same treatment. This picket, 1977. Secondly, in October, the Department of the To make matters worse for Stimpson, the DOE disaster.

146 147 A new Council central government. It was felt that other types • About 25 people have obtained two year The first tangible gain for the Street Group came of co-op involving the sale of council housing licences and 15 have obtained council in March 1978, when two short-life houses were stock were politically unacceptable. tenancies from Lambeth. offered to people being rehoused from the south The co-op proposals were presented to the hous- • About 160 people are in the process of obtain- side. But the most important event came two ing committee in April 1979 and formal approval ing permanent housing as a co-op, remaining months later, when a new left-Labour Council was given for the chairman to continue negotiations together as a community. Working with Solon’s was elected with Ted Knight, a ‘self confessed with the Street Group for setting up a co-op. The architects, they will be able to have a considera- marxist’ and Matthew Warburton, a first time climate had certainly changed and although ble measure of control over the rehabilitation councillor, as leader and housing chairperson squatting was still regarded as a ‘problem’, the of the houses, retaining many of the collective respectively. It was a significant victory in that it Council now negotiated rather than evicted, at arrangements and physical adaptations which represented as radical a shift in policy as a least with large groups. Lambeth officers were re- have developed over the years (p 175). victory by the Tories – in the other direction, of luctant to embark on this scheme which was entire- Union Place Collective • Twenty elegant 19th century houses have course. Squatters in both Villa Road and St ly new to the borough and instead suggested a joint Lambeth town hall occupied, 1977. been saved from demolition and a useful Agnes Place had contributed directly to the management/ownership co-op. Houses in Villa Road street prevented from being closed. leftwards swing and the new leaders had pledged would form the management wing, and the owner- Road were demolished in April 1980. They had • Control of Lambeth Council has significantly to adopt more sympathetic policies. ship branch would be in a nearby Housing Action been squatted in October 1976 following an unsuc- shifted partly thanks to the Villa Road squatters. Lambeth housing department officials now Area. This was to ensure that four or five houses in cessful wrecking attempt by the Council. They had • And, less tangibly, although few people pressed for the demolition of houses on the south Villa Road could be used to accommodate large fam- provided housing for some 20 people for three and stayed in Villa Road for all the six years of side, to make way for the new Angell Park, and ilies from Lambeth’s waiting list. It seemed ironic ahalf years and were now being pulled down to struggle, a cohesive street community was suggested that all Villa Road Street Group memb- that Lambeth was now short of large houses when make way for the Angell Park play centre scheduled created which many people enjoyed living in. ers join Lambeth Self-Help Housing. It appeared the previous administration had operated a policy to start in June 1980. Yet three months later, not a Squatters in Villa Road, like those in other that a new atmosphere of negotiation was being of systematic demolition of such houses. The brick had been laid. At least now Lambeth offered streets in Lambeth which won concessions from created but the same housing department officers planning machine had done a complete U-turn. all the occupants short-life or permanent rehousing. the Council (St Agnes Place, Heath Road, Rectory did the negotiating and the Plan had not been tot- The Street Group now had to change its tactics. The first scheme was rejected by the Housing Gardens, and St Alphonsus Road) challenged the ally abandoned. Eventually the Street Group agre- Instead of militant campaigns with barricades Corporation but a different plan was submitted in complacency and smugness of the bureaucrats Angela Phillips/ Time Out Angela Phillips/ ed, very reluctantly, to the south side of Villa Road and regular occupations of council offices, it had July 1980 involving the conversion of the houses and won. That was the real victory in Villa Road. being vacated, with all occupants being rehoused in to get down to the nitty gritty of filling in forms to accommodate 12 or 13 people each, rather more What happened in Villa Road could have property with at least 18 months life. Demolition to register as a friendly society and as a co-op, than the number already living there. Conversion happened just as easily in other blighted streets was to begin on 24 July 1978 and the fourth annual finding a development agent (Solon Housing costs were appreciably lower (under £4,500 per in Lambeth or elsewhere. The squatters organisa- Villa Road carnival was made spectacular by one of Association was eventually selected) and working bed space) and the scheme had, in the words of tion, their use of direct action and their insistence the vacated houses on the south side being burnt out detailed costings for the rehabilitation. It was the manager of the housing advice centre, ‘top that planning and housing are two sides of the down as a defiant gesture of protest. All the houses no longer a matter of just saving the houses, it was priority’ from the Council with support from both same coin challenged the complacency and smug- accepted for rehousing were in the borough, a question of getting the long-term best deal for council officers and councillors. ness of the bureaucrats. Villa Road’s real victory though some were in Norwood, several miles away. Street Group members and Lambeth’s homeless. was to prove that plans are not inviolable, and The Street Group, left to its own devices, After Solon had submitted detailed costings in that people can affect and be directly involved in requested details of the Council’s plans for the January 1980 (it worked out at about £7,000 per Victory Villa? planning processes that determine their living rehabilitation of Villa Road north side. It’s main bed space), the housing committee agreed, the The change in relationship between Villa Road, a conditions. Considering what Villa Road was up aim was to keep the north side houses. Inspired by following month, to support Villa Road’s applica- squatted street in Lambeth, and the local council against, that is no small achievement. • the growth of housing co-ops in other areas (p 90-l), tion to the Housing Corporation (a quango through between 1974 and 1980 from a harsh anti- the Street Group decided to propose a co-op for which government money is channelled to housing squatting policy to negotiations for a housing co- Villa Road. In January 1979 an ‘outline proposal’ associations and co-ops) for funding to rehabilitate op could not have been more dramatic. But what was sent to the housing directorate suggesting the houses. Lambeth would grant Villa Road a 40 else has been achieved by six years of squatting four possible types of co-op but with an expressed year lease. The recommendations were not in Villa Road? The squatters arrived late in preference for a management co-op. In this type of passed without dissent. Some of the old anti- Angell Town and it would be nice to imagine that co-op, the Council continues to own the property squatting brigade were still on the committee, had they arrived earlier, they would have posed whilst handing over responsibilities for rent intent on eviction without rehousing for Villa an even greater challenge to the lunacies of the collection, maintenance and management to the Road squatters. But Street Group members now planners. But, in the event the achievements of co-op. Rehabilitation is financed either by local or no longer had to live day to day under threat of the squatters have been significant, both for eviction – they could dream of still living in Villa themselves and for the immediate community: Top: Squatters about to be ejected from a Council Road and collecting their pensions. • Homes have been provided for the equivalent meeting, 1974. Not everything was different. Two houses on of 1,000 people for a year in houses which would

Union Place Collective Bottom: DOE inspector visits Villa Road, 1976. the corner of Villa Road, Nos 64 and 66 Wiltshire otherwise have been gutted or demolished.

148 149 The Seymour Buildings squat is different from newcomers to squatting, initial organisation was dings with their stone stairways and small two Chapter many of the squats described in the book. Here largely undertaken by two or three people with and three room flats were obviously unsuited to Is there life after squatting? 13 the squatters obtained for themselves previous squatting experience. Unbeknown to family use, the Residents Group was prepared to permanent, high-standard accommodation, in the the majority of residents, these people operated assure the Council that no more families would by Tristan Wood property they squatted. Their fight both to retain their own vetting procedure because they felt the beadmitted to the squat. But we also implied the buildings and to keep housing management occupation needed energetic people with long- that should the Council decide to evict rather control is an example of the single-mindedness, term commitment. Callers who appeared than negotiate, more families could easily be Winning a permanent home by forming a co-op in central London – Seymour Buildings flexibility and organisational strength now unlikely to have this commitment were given moved in. The negotiating team was similarly necessary in the face of the Criminal Law Act. pessimistic views on the squat’s future and were able to exploit Council fantasies about squatters never seen again. by implying that Seymour Buildings could be passed on to less reasonable people should a Somewhere to live licence deal fall through. The Council expressed Seymour Buildings are five blocks of Victorian Demanding a licence a willingness to negotiate for a licence, but 1975 January Seymour buildings squatted. tenement flats in Seymour Place, off the Edgware At the end of the first fortnight, a meeting of stressed it would not negotiate with an ad hoc February Residents Group forms and begins Road, in central London. The original owners, the current and future occupants established the body like the Residents Group. negotiations with Westminster Artisans and General Workers Property Company, Seymour Buildings Residents Group and elected Within a fortnight, Christian Action Housing Council for a short-term licence. hit financial troubles in the sixties and the site a Central Committee. The Committee’s brief was Association was brought in to negotiate on the March Association enters negotiations on was taken over by Westminster City Council. The to obtain a licence for short-term occupation from Group’s behalf. The Association had lain dormant squatters’ behalf. Council rehoused the occupants from the sub- Westminster City Council. However, as it was for several years but was being revived with the November Electricity supply connected. standard dwellings and for eight years the blocks known that Westminster was uncertain about its aim of providing housing for single homeless 1976 March Westminster and Christian Action stood empty. During this time, the Council’s plan plans for the site, there was already serious talk people not in need of social work support. The Housing Association sign short-term for the blocks vacillated between five options: of trying to obtain the building permanently. A Association was impressed with our organisation licence agreement. Squatters form renovation; demolition and rebuilding; selling; short-term licence was seen as the first step at Seymour Buildings and agreed to take the Co-operative Development Group. handing them over to a housing association; and towards this. The meeting also agreed that the scheme on as a pilot project. April Westminster announces its plans to re- leasing the site to a developer. Residents Group should have a written Negotiations between the Association and develop Seymour Buildings for offices and housing. Westminster’s indecision was challenged in constitution (partly to impress Westminster and Westminster began in March 1975, and dragged on January 1975, when 40 of us squatted the site. A partly to provide community guidelines) and that for a year. There were two major problems during June Seymour Housing Co-operative is registered with the Registrar of scouting trip had failed to reveal the poor state each occupant should pay a ‘membership levy’ of this period, one psychological and the other Friendly Societies. Co-operative of the buildings. The Central Block was £1 a week to the Group for plumbing and practical: first to keep up residents’ morale amidst Development Group produces its response – a proposal to rehabilitate uninhabitable, riddled with both wet and dry rot electrical work. a vacuum of insecurity and occasional pessimistic some of the buildings for single as a result of vandalism. None of the blocks had The decision to form a residents’ group rather rumours, and second, to try to connect an elec- persons’ accommodation within a co- electricity, and the water supply to the West than a squatters’ group was indicative of our tricity supply in the flats. It was discovered that operative management structure – and begins negotiations with Westminster, Block (where most of us had based ourselves) cautious approach. The last major squat in the the existing system was inadequate and unsafe, the Housing Corporation and the seemed unrepairable. Bearing in mind the short Borough, at Canal Flats, had ended in being and that it would cost about £3,000 to install and Department of the Environment. life of most squats, it seemed hardly worth bulldozed by Westminster at short notice (p l34). connect a replacement. Membership levies were July Co-operative starts lobbying embarking on the huge repair job and almost all Cornwall Terrace was, at the time, keeping the increased to an average of £3 per flat, jumble Westminster councillors and strengthens its original proposal. the occupants decided to leave in the cold light of media happy with a continuous scream of sales were held, and a loan was obtained on the the first morning. ‘squatter scandal’ stories (p 60), so Seymour Residents Group’s bank account. After nine 1977 March Department of the Environment rejects Westminster’s plans. Seymour The remnants of the initial party concentrated Buildings was able to develop away from the months without electricity, the first flats were Housing Co-operative is registered on survival. Paranoia ruled. Everyone moved to spotlight of publicity. There was already an connected: the junction box had been designed by with the Housing Corporation. the East Block where work on restoring services encouraging amount of support from neighbours a resident architecture student and a system of April Housing Corporation includes Co- promised to be easier. Plumbing and sewage and local tradespeople, glad to see Seymour cables installed by teams of residents. operative in its ‘77/ ’78 programme. systems were rapidly renovated in the belief that Buildings in use again and providing increased At the end of the squat’s first year, practically 35-year leasehold purchase is agreed. inadequate public health provision would give local custom. A ‘play it by ear’ negotiations policy all the flats had electricity and had been made May Westminster scraps its own re- Westminster a suitable excuse for quick eviction. towards the Council was evolved, with an initial into comfortable homes. In March 1976, West- development plans. It was felt that the more squatters there were, the aim of impressing officers with our organisation minster finally granted a licence for an unspecified June Westminster agrees to offer 35-year Sebotee stronger would be the occupation’s bargaining and ‘reasonable’ approach. period to Christian Action Housing Association. leasehold on East and West blocks of Seymour Buildings to Seymour position. So adverts were placed on college notice- By the time formal negotiations for a licence The internal structure at Seymour Buildings had Housing Co-operative. boards, friends were contacted and Time Out ‘Flats began, approximately 60 people were in occu- become quite settled. The Central Committee ran Wanted’ advertisers were telephoned. Within pation. This included two families with children the community with three block treasurers 1978 September Leasehold agreement is signed. Squatters now effecttively own three weeks, all 48 habitable flats were taken. which worried the Council as it had no wish to collecting and banking levies. Once the licence was Seymour Buildings. With at least 75 per cent of the occupants being take on any rehousing liability. Because the buil- signed, a Management Committee (comprising a

150 151 local chairperson, three housing association and bers can bring about savings on the management plans. be adapted easily once the Co-op acquired control three Residents Group members) was set up to and maintenance allowances, and the co-operative There were two main authorities which had to of the property. ensure the licence terms were adhered to, and to can then decide either to increase facilities or to be won over for the scheme to succeed – Westmin- Meanwhile, the Residents Group continued to sort out any legal problems which might arise. allow some ‘rent-free’ weeks. If, on the other hand, ster City Council which owned the property, and oversee the day-to-day running while the Develop- The Residents Group still handled the levies, co-ops run into financial difficulties not of their the Housing Corporation which had the funds to ment Group was concerned with the future of the channelling £450 a year to Christian Action own making, they can be assisted with further finance the project. We immediately scored two community and also dealt with flat allocation (to Housing Association, which then passed on £350 funding from local authorities or with Revenue successes. In June 1976, Seymour Housing Co- get a flat in Seymour Buildings you now had to be to Westminster to cover the licence fee and Deficit Grants from the Housing Corporation. operative Limited was registered with the a Co-op member). A proportion of the levies paid insurance. The rest (roughly £7,000) was used by A week after the signing of the licence, a Registrar of Friendly Societies. We were now a by Co-op members to the Residents Group the Residents Group for improvements, and member of the Sumner House Co-op addressed a legal entity and could negotiate direct with the financed the Development Group’s activities. On a maintenance. meeting of the Residents Group, which decided parties concerned. At the same time, our architec- more eneral level, decision-making was devolved to approve the formation of a co-op. The meeting tural proposal sufficiently impressed Westminster away from a Central Committee down to Block set up a Development Group with the aim of Council for its Residential Property Committee to Committees, giving everyone more opportunity to Digging in establishing a long-term housing co-operative at decide to hold back on its redevelopment scheme. be involved. The Development Group initiated a Mike Goldwater By the end of 1975, some residents’ thoughts had Seymour Buildings, or, failing this, to seek out We were thus granted some breathing space over number of sub-groups to deal with negotiations, Tristan Wood become focused on securing Seymour Buildings alternative property in which the whole the summer recess to polish up our proposal. tenancy selection, alternative accommodation (in permanently while retaining community self- community could be re-housed within a co- The Co-op’s initial progress had to be backed case plans for Seymour Buildings fell through) management. A newspaper article on the operative structure. up by wider negotiations. Over the summer, and publicity. These sub-groups met informally beginnings of a housing co-operative formed by contact was made with a number of Westminster and were open to all members. squatters at Summer House in East London councillors and introductory visits to Seymour The September meeting of Westminster’s (p 90) caught our imagination and a few of us Reeling and dealing Buildings arranged. We concentrated on winning Residential Property Committee decided to go began to find out about housing co-ops. At about the same time (April 1976), over the immense Conservative majority. Our ahead in seeking Department of the Environ- The basic co-operative structure was establi- Westminster announced plans for demolition and confidence helped us to establish credibility and ment approval for its redevelopment of the site shed in Britain in 1844 by the Rochdale Equitable redevelopment of the site to provide offices and the councillors appeared to be genuinely but it also agreed to conduct a feasibility study Pioneers Society. Many other countries – notably accommodation for families and the elderly. The interested in finding out about co-ops. After on what could be done with the rest of the site if Scandinavia, Eastern Europe, Canada and the scheme was to cost £13/4m and was planned to being persuaded that the need for single person the Co-op’s proposal was taken up. The Council USA – have since applied the Rochdale co- start in November 1976. The Development Group housing outweighed accusations of squatters was leaving its options open. operative principles to housing but in this country reacted by rushing out a statement of intent to jumping the waiting list, the Labour Group also The Council considered the scheme mainly on similar moves were for a long time hampered by the Council and promising to deliver a follow-up agreed to support us in a low-profile way. Council its financial implications. Our proposal would unfavourable legislation. In 1974, however, Reg proposal for the site at the end of two months. officials were made to realise that our plans were bring £1/2m of Housing Corporation funds into the Freeson the Minister for Housing and Construc- Our scheme – developed by resident architec- for a permanent future at Seymour Buildings borough allowing the Council to divert its funds tion set up a government working party to look tural students – took into account three points: and that we were not interested in any short- to other housing priorities. In all our leaflets and into ways of encouraging and assisting co- the chronic need for suitable accommodation in term arrangements. discussions with councillors, we emphasised the operative housing initiatives, and several of its central London for young single people; the fact We had to go through a similar process with financial benefits to Westminster. We also tried to recommendations were incorporated into the that the existing flats at Seymour Buildings were the Housing Corporation. It took several show that the Council’s redevelopment plan Housing Rents and Subsidies Act 1975. This Act particularly suited for conversion into such accom- frustrating months – and much prompting from would provide expensive hard-to-let shop and enables groups to form themselves into co-ops (at modation; and the fact that a community of 65 both ourselves and the new government-backed office units, whilst in our proposals there were no a cost of £1 per member, plus the £80 or so it took young single people was already living there. Co-operative Housing Agency – before the offices and existing shop units could be retained to become a registered friendly society) and then, Both Development Group and Council archi- Corporation finally agreed to state its support in by Westminster for rehabilitation and letting at like housing associations, they can seek public tects agreed that the Central Block should be principle for the scheme. a reasonable price. funding for housing schemes from local authori- demolished. We therefore proposed rehabilitation The Development Group was also conscious of ties or from the Housing Corporation. Once a of the East and West Blocks to provide accommod- the need for an education programme on co-ops scheme is built, registered rents are passed on to ation for 90 single people (the two families could within Seymour Buildings: Harold Campbell, Council plans demolished Seymour Newsltter the funding authority after deduction of allowan- have been incorporated into the scheme, but both Chairperson of the government working party on During the early months of 1977, morale was low ces to the co-op for management and maintenance had left by then). This would cost £1/2m. The the subject, was invited to speak at a meeting of as Westminster kept postponing any decision. Its work. The Department of the Environment community would function as a housing co-op residents, and handouts, papers and reading-lists Architects Department was delaying its report on (DOE) subsidises the balance of the mortgage and the local authority would have the right to were produced, giving information both on the Seymour Buildings as it was desperately trying to repayments. nominate single people from its waiting list to fill plans at Seymour and on housing co-ops generally. come up with an alternative as attractive as our The advantage of co-ops is that they run them- a percentage of vacancies. Solon (North London) Soon, over half of the residents had become proposal. The rivalry between the Architects De-

selves democratically (one member – one vote) Housing Association was brought in to check the members of the Co-op. A sub-committee set up to partment and the Co-op was heightened by the Mike Goldwater and control both development and management technical details of the proposal and the Depart- examine the existing management structure re- fact that the Co-op’s proposal had been drawn up Planning a future of their property. Active participation by mem- ment of the Environment was informed of our commended a transitional structure which could with the help of Council plans provided by an Forming a co-op

152 153 employee in the Department, who, at the time, Is there life after squatting? and the tendency towards confrontation tactics was confident that amateurs like us stood no Although the restrained, drawn-out negotiations whilst we were finding a licence and friendly chance of producing a scheme superior to his. and the consequent low-profile policy meant a negotiations essential steps towards a long-term When we did, two years of his work were wasted. sacrifice of the drama and excitement traditionally solution.

Mike Goldwater During this lull, a lot of effort was put into associated with squatting, Seymour’s occupants Our evolution into a housing co-operative practical work to improve living conditions. have continued to see themselves as squatters. Our seemed a natural process. At a workshop on Plumber and electrician teams were set up; the strength has undoubtedly been our organisation housing co-operatives in June 1976, we food co-operative which had operated the previous and some people found this too much and left for presented a paper provocatively entitled: ‘We year was revived; and work was begun on a roof more ‘laid-back’ squats. But the aim at Seymour refuse to accept the squatters’ traditional role of garden and on designing a temporary hot water Buildings has always been to achieve more than continually shifting from one set of short-life system (we had been two years without hot water). being a temporary nuisance to the housing depart- slum property to another . . .’ Unfortunately, few There was also activity on the wider co- ment and this meant working hard on decision- other squatters attended the workshop. operative front. Solon (North London) Housing making structures, on the buildings themselves Ten months later, however, a workshop on Association decided to become a secondary co- and on contacts with relevant authorities. cooperatives (and short-life schemes) was one of operative service agency, and Seymour became one Looking back, the main problem appears to the most popular events of the London Squatters’ of the founder-members of Solon Co-operative have been the need for speed. Whilst squatters, we Conference, undoubtedly due to the threat posed Housing Services Limited. The management of were insecure; we had to move quickly to retain a by the Criminal Law Bill. The GLC ‘Squatters this new organisation consisted of primary chance of staying at Seymour Buildings. After a Amnesty’ the following autumn caused a large housing co-ops which determined Solon’s policies, short-lived education programme, know-how and wave of interest in co-ops from squatters priorities and workload. Any profits made by the information became restricted to a small core of throughout London (p 90). organisation could be channelled back into co- people within the Development Group. Negotia- The Tory GLC’s sponsorship of co-ops is a operative housing rather than into the pockets of tions took precedence and the mass of residents welcome input to the emerging housing co-op a non-accountable architects firm. were left behind. This, in turn, created dependence movement but has increased suspicion of co-ops News that the DOE had refused to sanction the on a handful of people. Towards the end of 1977, from certain leftist factions including some Council’s plans because of its high site density those most closely involved either cut back on squatting groups. It is easy, they argue, to see Mike Goldwater Tristan Wood heralded victory in our fight for Seymour Build- their activities or withdrew from the Development authorities setting up co-ops simply to farm off ings. In March, 1977, Seymour Housing Co- Group completely. Consequently, a number of their housing responsibilities. The result, they operative was registered with the Housing largely inexperienced and uninformed people were forecast, will be the creation of a housing elite Corporation and became eligible for government left to steer the Co-op through the final stages of divorced from the tenants movement as a whole. funding. The following month, notice was the leasehold agreement. Some had difficulty in It does not have to be that way. Squatting has received that the Co-op had been included in the grasping the fact that the Co-op had achieved a already shown that carrying out one’s own Mike Goldwater Corporation’s allocation programme for 1977/78. powerful position for itself in negotiating with management and maintenance tasks can be fun Meanwhile the District and City Valuers agreed on other bodies and a rift developed. Some residents and is often less wasteful both in terms of a leasehold purchase price of £140,000; well within accepted Seymour Buildings as a success simply in finance and materials. The experience of the relevant acquisition cost limits. Further terms of a squat having obtained long-life accomm- Seymour Buildings shows that co-ops can offer a negotiations with Westminster settled on the odation for itself. Others regarded that attitude as suitable long-term solution for many squats. As Council exercising a 50 per cent nominations preventing the community using its power and recognised co-operative groups, squatters can agreement to the Co-op once rehabilitation was talents to fully explore co-operative living and to add their strength to tenants’ demands for completed. It was also suggested that the Co-op become a strong voice on local issues, particularly reasonable rents, greater housing investment, would have a say in landscaping the courtyard housing. Nevertheless, the leasehold agreement increased rights and decent housing for all. area following demolition of the Central Block. between the Co-operative and Westminster was At the same time, adopting a co-operative Such discussions indicated that it was only a completed and signed in September 1978. approach calls for a more organised approach to matter of time before the Co-op gained legal Involvement in the London squatting ‘move- squatting. Occupations of buildings must be seen control of Seymour Buildings. And consequently, in ment’ has been sporadic. Seymour Buildings squat- as important gains in the housing struggle, to be May, the Residential Property Committee at last ters played a part in the ‘anti-press lies’ campaign kept and developed rather than squandered as grew impatient with the Council architects and in the summer of 1975, but with the formation of temporary crash pads.• recommended in favour of the Co-op’s proposal. a representative-based Squatters Action Council In June, the full Council decided to offer the Co- later that year (p 71), our involvement waned as op a 35 year lease on Seymour Buildings. we could not see how one person could represent the diverse views of those living at Seymour Life inside Seymour Buildings. Centre bottom: The Buildings. It was also difficult for us to stomach

Mike Goldwater squatters’ electrics. the prevalent prejudice against licensed squatters

154 155 The law The effect of the law on squatters

14 The erosion of squatters rights How judges and politicians have gradually

156 157 The Forcible Entry Acts Redbridge council used hired thugs to evict squat- Squatting in 1969 commenced by taking ters in 1969 (p 19), it brought public sympathy The erosion of squatters rights advantage of the long established principle that for for squatters and convictions for the bailiffs. trespass is not a crime. Consequently immediate by David Watkinson eviction by police was not possible. Moreover squatters could rely on the criminal law for some Speeding up court procedure vital protection from forcible eviction by owners. In 1970 it was quite difficult for owners to evict How judges and politicians have gradually tightened the law on squatting For years every squatter invoked the Forcible squatters. As we have seen, they could not use Entry Act of 1381 to counter threats of forcible force and furthermore there was a major stumb- ‘What is a squatter? He is one who, without any colour of right enters on an unoccupied house or land, intending to stay there as long as he can. He may eviction without a court order. Enacted to ling block in using the court procedures; owners seek to justify or excuse his conduct. He may say that he was homeless and that this house or land was standind empty, doing nothing. But this plea is of establish order in land disputes, it forbade had to find out the names of the squatters before no avail in Law.’ (Lord Denning MR, McPhail v Persons Unknown, 1973 WLR71) forcible entry on any land for any purpose – or so they could seek possession. Possession orders it appeared. Halsbury’s ‘Laws of England’ states: could not be made against unnamed people and ‘A person commits an offence both at common even when possession orders were obtained, they law and by statute who enters forcibly upon any could be executed only against the people named lands or tenements without due warrant of law. on them. This allowed squatters to swap houses

Squatters have always had a close relationship with bailiffs in evicting a trespasser who remains in the law will protect that right. The offence is punishable with imprisonment Reading Evening Post before the bailiffs came to prevent eviction. the law. Many squatters have regarded the law as a occupation. It is perhaps surprising that squatters have and fine. The offence may be committed Obviously this state of affairs could not be source of protection, but the law has only fulfilled In England, therefore, squatting is unlawful occasionally had considerable success in without any person being assaulted. If persons allowed to continue. In 1970, new procedures this role sporadically and to a diminishing extent. (ie an action which is wrongful by virtue of the contesting possession orders. For example take possession of either house or land, and were devised to allow an owner to obtain a posses- However, were it not for certain ‘squatters’ rights’, civil law) but not illegal (ie an action which is • In November 1974, Elgin Avenue squatters there is any kind of violence in the manner of sion order against unnamed trespassers after seven squatting would undoubtedly not have established wrongful by virtue of the criminal law). The old won a case on appeal (p 136). entry . . . that is sufficient. days of service of the summons. The owner was itself as it has done. The adroit use of the law by farmers’ favourite, ‘Trespassers will be • In March 1977, Villa Road squatters earnt a A mere trespass will not support an given the choice of taking the matter to the High squatters has frequently delayed evictions and prosecuted’ is thus a con. delay of four months through arguing a licence indictment for forcible entry; there must be Court or to the county court (if the rateable value provided time for organisation and negotiation. The position is different in Scotland. By the in the High Court. They had already gained a evidence of such force ... as is calculated to of the property was less than £1,000), where pro- The period from 1969 to 1977 was the high point Trespass (Scotland) Act 1865, it is a criminal year through winning in the county court. prevent any resistance. If a person enters ceedings are cheaper. The new procedures were for such opportunity. The law hardened against offence to ‘lodge in any premises or encamp on • In April 1978, Huntley Street squatters in ‘ peaceably into a house but turns the occupant called Order 113 of the Rules of the Supreme squatters during that time and so did the any land which is private property without the central London had the case against them out of possession by force, this may, it seems, Court and Order 26 of the County Court Rules. attitudes of judges who administer it. This consent or permission of the owner or legal dismissed through claiming a licence (p 94). be a forcible entry. It is not a forcible entry Overturning precedent, the new rules also chapter looks at the way the law has reacted to occupier’. The maximum penalty is a fine and In all these cases, the squatters won extra time where entry is obtained through an unclosed allowed owners to recover possession against the growth of squatting and how this reaction imprisonment up to 21 days. in which to organise politically. However, these window or by opening a door with a key.’1 ‘persons unknown’ who were in occupation relates to the law’s essential functions. Despite trespass not being a criminal offence in successes need to be put in an overall context. In other words, even a squatter who was on provided they could show to the court that they England, one of the law’s prime functions is the They were all gained through the owner making land when there was a forcible entry could had taken ‘reasonable steps’ to discover the protection of property. Owners have a legal right mistakes in using court procedure because of the prosecute for forcible entry and no squatter could names. This normally meant describing visits by Unlawful but not illegal to the possession of their property. There are a way in which the rules are formed. But where be convicted of forcible entry provided no force the owner to the squatted property for the English law has never regarded squatting by itself few restraints such as planning and compulsory the rules have shown themselves to hinder the was used to enter unoccupied property. This was purpose of asking the names of people there. as a criminal offence. In law a squatter is a tres- purchase legislation but their limited number essential function of guaranteeing possession to simple enough. Most empty houses had open win- Often up to a dozen visits would be made at passer. He is on property which someone else owns confirms the sanctity of private property in a the owner, they have, over time, been altered. dows, doors or other means of access. If squatters different times of the day. For a time the courts (or to which someone else is entitled to possession) capitalist society. The law is not an independent It must be remembered too, that most secured the property (for example by putting a applied these rules with a certain amount of without their permission. Trespass has never been arbiter enforcing fairness and morality. This may squatters do not have any knowledge of the law. lock of their own on the door thus making it care. Judges spoke of a ‘very special procedure’ the concern of criminal law (with minor exceptions, appear to be stating the obvious but there is a Because of their ignorance, squatters have not impossible for the owner to enter except by force), which must be ‘strictly’ complied with.2 Moreover such as trespass on the railways) as it is not myth fostered by the state and by judges that the been able to put forward defences that were open then the owner could not enter and carry out an during the early seventies when the property regarded as a matter between the individual and law is in some sense abstracted from the society to them in court cases or have been pressured eviction without breaking the criminal law which boom was approaching its peak the public was the state. Instead it is regarded as a civil matter; in which it operates: the myth of impartiality and into leaving squats when there was no legal few owners were prepared to do.The squatters hostile towards property speculators and a dispute between individuals over the possession of doing ‘justice’. But that justice means that each necessity to do so. were normally secure until the owner obtained a relatively sympathetic to the homeless who were of property, which the owner must sort out with person is entitled to only those rights the rules of In response to the need for legal advice, both possession order from the civil courts. When forced to squat. Many judges were affected by the trespasser in civil courts where disputes capitalist society allow them – and one of those the Advisory Service for Squatters and Release these feelings and took them into account. between individuals are tried. Provided court rules is that trespassers have no right to possess- developed considerable expertise in helping Top: A legal warning notice pinned on a squatter’s front When applying the law to the facts of a partic- procedure is followed correctly, an owner – or the ion of land they trespass upon, regardless of their squatters to fight cases and through their advice door to deter the owner from attempting to evict without ular case, judges generally have a choice as to how person legally entitled to possession – will always need or the reason the owner wants them off. If many court cases were won and many squatters a court order. Pre 1977 Criminal law Act. to exercise their power. To hold that the rules succeed in a claim for a ‘possession order’. The an owner wishes to keep a house empty and un- successfully resisted attempts by police to con Middle: Sample warning notice after the Act. must be strictly complied with, as judges did owner is then entitled to the services of the court used for many years at a time of housing shortage, them out of their homes. Bottom: A summons against squatters in a block of flats. initially, was favourable to squatters, since, if an

158 159 court what it is like to be homeless and home from court. It was the remainder of the their task made easier by a deletion of part of was eventually to become Part Two of the and the Law Commission modified its proposals Possession orders granted and refused, presented evidence of the housing crisis. All this same judgement that showed that any tolerance the judges rule book. This process was officially Criminal Law Act 1977.9 The Law Commission’s in its final report published in March 19769. This 1973 to 1977 activity helped to influence court decisions of squatters by the law was coming to an end. concluded in July 1977 when new rules for both brief, given to it by Lord Hailsham in 1972, was still represented an extension of the criminal law although no judge would ever admit it. Denning held that the Forcible Entry Act did not High Court and county court proceedings were ‘to examine the statutes of forcible entry 1381 into the area of trespass.Five more carefully apply to squatters at all. His judgement swept issued. They cut the seven day advance warning to 1623 and relevant common law defences and defined offences were now proposed. With some Applications Possession Possession away the basic premise on which the squatting period to five and removed altogether the to consider in what circumstances entering or further modifications and extensions these filed orders orders The law tightens its grip movement had begun and six hundred years of requirement to take ‘reasonable steps’. remaining upon property should constitute a offences became law as part of the Criminal Law granted refused ‘The courts must for the sake of law and order legal rights with it. He said: Landlords thus had their already easy task criminal offence or offences and in what form Act 1977 in December of that year. take a firm stand. They must refuse to admit the ‘The owner is not obliged to go to the courts to made much easier by a judicial deletion of part of any such offence or offences should be cast’10 1973 776 605 14 plea of necessity to the hungry and homeless and obtain possession. He is entitled if he so the judges’ rule book. This process concluded in The Law Commission is a body selected from 1974 1,620 1,328 37 trust that their distress will be relieved by the desires to take the remedy into his own July 1977 when new rules came into force cutting the legal profession to examine areas of the law The new offences 3,689 3,096 49 1975 charitable and the good.’3 hands. He can go in himself and turn them the seven day period of the summons to five, and that the government of the day considers to be in Conspiracy to trespass was abolished by the 1976 4,756 4,186 80 1977 4,454 3,838 66 out without the aid of the courts of justice. removing altogether the need to take reasonable need of reform. Its proposals for new legislation Criminal Law Act. However, agreements by two During the early seventies, squatting increased, This is not a course to be recommended steps, simply substituting a requirement that the are generally enacted. or more persons to commit any of the five new This table shows the effectiveness of 0.26 for particularly in London, and in 1972 the Law because of the disturbance which might follow. landlord state in his affidavit that he does not Lord Hailsham soon showed where his inclin- offences created in the same Act would be securing possession orders and iindicates the Commission started its considerations on whether But the legality of it is beyond question . . . know the names of any of the occupiers. ations lay. Sitting in the House of Lords, he gave punishable as conspiracies. rapid increase of squatting,particularly between the criminal law should be tightened up in relation Even though the owner himself should use Apparently the senior lawyers who drafted the judgement in 1973 in a case11 involving a number The five new offences which came into force in 1973 and 1975. Each entry refers to a to trespass (p 57 ). It was not only squatting that force, then so long as he uses no more force rules no longer regarded it as desirable that owners of students who had occupied the Sierra Leone December 1977 are: household, not an individual. galvanised the government into action for this than is reasonably necessary, he is not himself should make any effort to discover information on High Commission in London. They had been • Using or threatening violence to secure No similar statistics are available from the was also the time of the Clydeside ship-builders’ liable either criminally or civilly.’ the squatters. Consequently squatters no longer charged with conspiracy to trespass, a strange entry knowing there is someone present High Court relating to the use of Order 113. work-in, the occupation of the Fisher Bendix Legal commentators have not on the whole knew that possession proceedings were being taken charge in view of the fact that trespass is not a opposed to the entry (Section 6) However, the statistical section of the Lord factory in Kirkby and many other similar actions supported Denning’s judgement as being correct until the summons was actually served on the prop- crime. Hailsham astonishingly decided that since • Being on premises as a trespasser and Chancellors office estimates the number of by workers and students. in law. The Law Commission described it as ‘over- erty. They no longer had the advance warning that trespass was a tort (a legal term meaning a failing to leave after having been required to orders gained in 1977 to be 1,200 and it is But the time lag in framing legislation meant simplified’ when it finally reported on this area visits from owners or their agents making enquir- wrongful act or omission which, if damage or do so by a displaced residential occupier or a probable that the rate of refusals is similarly that it was the civil courts which started the legal of the law.5 Indeed, fortunately there was so much ies once represented. Worse still, since only two injury results, can be sued for in the civil courts), protected intending occupier (Section 7) low. (Source: Judicial Statistics. There are no backlash against squatters. The Court of Appeal uncertainty over it that landlords rarely used it as copies of the summons had to be served when pro- it was a criminal offence to conspire to commit it. • Trespassing with a weapon of offence separate statistics for Order 26 applications under Lord Denning (Master of the Rolls) played a justification for forcible eviction and continued ceedings were against ‘persons unknown’ only, not Single-handedly he presented prosecuting (Section 8) prior to 1973. There are also no statistics the leading role. First, in 1971, it rejected argu- to apply for possession orders through the courts. all occupiers necessarily received notice of the authorities with a charge that theoretically could • Trespassing on embassy or consular showing the breakdown between squatting and ments that it was a defence to Order 113 that the Denning continued to whittle away at the hearing. They were given even less time to prepare be used against squatters or anyone taking part property (Section 9) non-squatting cases under Order 26 and Order local authority seeking to use it against squatters limited protection given to squatters by the court a defence or to find alternative housing. (The ease in any kind of occupation (e.g. workers or student • Resisting or obstructing a bailiff or sheriff 113. However, the vast majority of such cases was in breach of its statutory duty to provide process. In 1975, Order 113 was used against and speed of the new rules were a gift to un- sit-ins). In fact, because of the legal dubiousness executing a possession order under Order 113 involve squatters.) temporary accommodation for the homeless students in occupation at Warwick University. The scrupulous landlords who could try to use them of this decision, the offence, with one exception, or 26 (Section 10) under the National Assistance Act 1948.3 It also trial judge found that the university had failed to to evict protected tenants who were unaware of was only used in relation to embassy occupations It was a clever compromise between the original rejected the argument that the defence of take ‘reasonable steps’ to discover the names of all their rights, a practice which had already grown and it was abolished by the Criminal Law Act. suggestions and those of their critics. The combin- owner made a mistake in the procedure, the ‘necessity’ was available to squatters, ie that the the occupiers. Denning overturned this judge- up since the creation of Order 113 and Order 26.) The Law Commission’s first report 10 on the ed effect was to make squatting more difficult but judge would often dismiss the case or adjourn it. wrongful act (trespass) was justified by a real and ment on appeal. It was enough, he said, to name The legal position of squatters was undermined question of trespass was devastatingly simple. It not impossible. By repealing the Forcible Entry If a possession order was granted – as it was in imminent danger (homelessness) that could not the ringleaders and cover the rest with ‘persons in other ways. For example, the loophole whereby recommended that the Forcible Entry Acts Acts and replacing them with Section 6, it becomes the vast majority of cases – judges frequently otherwise be averted. This was hardly surprising, unknown’. Ominously, in his judgement he said: squatters could swop houses was closed up in 1975 should be repealed and ‘conspiracy to trespass’ possible for landlords to evict squatters whilst they gave squatters time to find alternative housing but it closed up one possible line of defence. ‘Irregularities no longer nullify the proceedings. by a case8 at the Divisional Court of the Queens should be abolished. In their place it proposed are all out, for clearly, if there are people on the by exercising their power to suspend the By the law of precedent, any decision like this People who defy the law cannot be allowed to Bench Division of the High Court. The court two new offences the effect of which would have premises who make their presence known, then execution of possession orders for a few weeks. on a point of law made by a high-ranking court, avoid it by putting up technical objections.’6 decided that it was the duty of bailiffs executing been to make all forms of trespass a criminal it is an offence to try to evict them. Section 6 thus Judges did not always make these concessions such as the House of Lords or the Court of Appeal, This last comment indicated that he felt that a possession order to evict everyone on the offence if the trespasser ‘failed to leave as soon leaves squatters with a degree of protection great- simply out of sympathy. On numerous occasions is binding on all lower courts. Decisions of High the requirement to take ‘reasonable steps’ to premises whether named in the order or not. The as reasonably practicable after being ordered to er than if the McPhail decision had been allowed court cases have been fought backed by press and Court judges are normally followed by other High identify occupiers was superfluous. The Warwick possession order related to the premises, not the do so by a person entitled to occupation.’ to stand but less than implied in the old Forcible political campaigning by squatters, with pickets, Court judges. Thus each specific case mentioned University case was soon followed by Burston people on it. This decision affected many people The Law Commission received a barrage of Entry Acts. Many landlords and local authorities banners and placards outside the court on the day in this section affects the law relating to squatting. Finance Limited v Wilkins7 a case which further who weren’t squatters, particularly sub-tenants. opposition to this proposal from trade unions, the are reluctant to try to enter property knowing it of the hearing. Public galleries have been packed In 1973 Denning was again presiding in the weakened the ‘reasonable steps’ defence. The TUC, students unions, the NUS, and housing, to be squatted in case the occupants react with squatters and their supporters and children court which decided that in squatting cases, the judge found that the landlord had clearly failed squatting and community groups many of whom violently, so even after the Act came into force, have crawled up to the judge’s bench. When the judge did not have the power to delay the eviction to take ‘reasonable steps’ but the squatters all Into the criminal arena had been alerted by the newly-formed Campaign most evictions continued to be through the courts. Villa Road cases (p 147) were heard in the High once the possession order was granted. This was knew of the proceedings anyway. This enabled the During this gradual erosion of the legal position Against a Criminal Trespass Law (p 87). Even Squatters themselves do not commit an offence Court, a picket outside played the ‘Lambeth Walk’ the famous McPhail4 decision and it meant that judge to release the landlord from the obligation of squatters in the civil courts, the Law Commis- some local authorities (including the GLC) and under Section 6 when initially moving into empty on a piano. Squatters have movingly described in squatters could be evicted while on their way to take ‘reasonable steps’. Landlords thus had sion had been at work framing the legislation that the Association of Chief Police Officers opposed it property since there is no one already on the

160 161 premises. They must take care not to be caught deterrent to squatting should not be underestima- activities perceived by the judiciary as being un- the supply of gas and water, a similar Conclusion breaking anything as they can then be ted. However, they do not make trespass or squat- desirable or having little claim to the protection interpretation can be made in respect of their Occasionally judges have expressed sympathy for prosecuted for criminal damage. ting illegal except in very limited circumstances of the law. There is no reason to suppose it will supply. Squatters were thus no longer able to squatters and their disapproval of owners leaving The other offences are designed to hinder squat- and on embassy property. As they stand, they be different with the Criminal Law Act. compel authorities to supply services. property empty. For instance, in a well publicised ters in specific circumstances but not to make tres- represent one more turn in the law’s screw against The judge based his interpretation on the dis- case in December 1974, Justice Templeman pass generally into a criminal offence. Section 7 squatters but they do not spell the end of squatting. credited principles of Denning in McPhail. He also castigated the Crown Estate Commissioners for creates the legal concepts of ‘displaced residential Services threatened ignored the ‘public health’ nature of the statutes their handling of property near Regents Park: occupiers’ and ‘protected intending occupiers’ who Squatters were initially able to take advantage of relating to the supply of services, as occupied ‘It seems to me a positive scandal that the are protected from squatters. The first is merely a And it’s not only squatters legislation relating to the supply of services (water, houses without service supplies are a danger to property has been vacant since March 1970. No person who is living in a house and who has been Changes in the law originally made to deal with gas, electricity) to obtain them legally and with- health whether their occupants are owners, explanation is given in the affidavit. Counsel, displaced by squatters. This refers to the myth of squatters later often extend their scope to cover out difficulty. The Electric Lighting (Clauses) Act tenants or squatters. The term ‘occupier’ is used struggling to do his best, tells me that there people coming back from holiday to find squatters other situations – including those in which the 1899, Gas Act 1972 and Water Act 1945 lay a in the legislation concerning the obligation to were negotiations with somebody for a year; ensconced in their bedroom. The ‘protected occupiers did not enter as trespassers. Although duty on the appropriate authority to supply the pay rates and indeed it has been decided that and since then the Commissioners have been intending occupier’ refers to certain categories of Order 113 was introduced to speed up the evict- owner or occupier of any premises on request. occupiers who are trespassers are bound to pay wrapped up in planning law and redevelop- people (e g council tenants and some purchasers ion of squatters, it is now used regularly to evict The legislation contains no definition of the word rates.15 The duplicity of the law is well illustrated ment. He also informed me, rather loftily, that of newly bought houses) who are prevented from students and workers in occupations.12 Every alter- ‘occupier’, so for several years squatters were by this state of affairs: where it is advantageous as a matter of policy the Crown Estate moving into their new homes by squatters. Both ation of the rules so far as squatters are concerned able to argue that the authorities were obliged for squatters to be defined as occupiers, judges Commissioners do not deal with Squatters these concepts are open to abuse by unscrupulous applies to such occupations as well. In the eyes of by statute to provide services, and that if they refuse to do so; on the other hand, when it means Associations or people of that kind ... In my owners but the underlying intention is to secure the law, students and workers in occupation are refused to do so the authority could be prosecuted. that squatters incur liabilities, judges have no judgement . . . it is profoundly unsatisfactory . rapid repossession rather than criminal trespassers from the outset since they do not The authorities seldom refused absolutely to hesitation in defining them as occupiers. ..that nobody has enjoyed this property since convictions against the unlucky squatters. have the permission of the owner to occupy. supply squats, though there often needed to be 1970, in a part of the world where the housing Section 8 is a wide-ranging offence that tech- Withdrawal of permission by the owner can discussion and argument about it, and on occasion needs are widely known to be extreme.’16 nically could be used against any squatter who also make licensees into trespassers. Licensees squatters took direct action by occupying show- While unable to avoid granting possession orders, carries a pen knife. It represents a theoretical are occupiers who have permission to occupy rooms (p 134). On other occasions, large deposits sympathetic judges could delay proceedings by rather than an actual threat against squatters as from the owner but do not have the status of were demanded. applying court procedures rigorously, and could no instances of successful convictions had been tenants. Licensees can be lodgers, flat-sharers, A decision early in 1975 was arguably more soften the blow by, for example, using their recorded in the first two years of it being in people in bed-and-breakfasts or hostels and so important and potentially disastrous for authority with owners to persuade them to allow force. Section 9 is largely aimed at the type of on. Owners can terminate their right to occupy squatters as it threatened their supplies of these squatters time to make alternative arrangements. embassy occupation that resulted in the Kamara by giving reasonable notice and once the notice is services. Squatters in Bristol sued the Electricity However, when the interests of owners are set decision and interestingly was not applied up, the occupier becomes a trespasser. In that Board which had cut off their supply for an against those of squatters on a point of law, it has against the squatters who took over the case, Order 113 or Order 26 can be used to evict. injunction to have it put back on.14 They pointed always been the interests of owners that have Cambodian embassy left empty as a result of the This was decided by the Court of Appeal in a to the duty to supply the ‘occupier’ on demand in ultimately prevailed. This has been especially true change of regime in that country (p 196). case concerning Student Community Housing, a the Electric Lighting (Clauses) Act 1899. The in decisions from ‘higher courts’ and in particular The intention behind Section 10 is fairly un- short-life housing association.13 judge, however, referred to Denning’s decision in Increasingly squatters have had difficulty in the important Court of Appeal, headed by Lord equivocal. It is aimed at squatters who are pre- The result of these decisions is that many the McPhail case in which he said: persuading electricity boards to connect supplies. Denning. The owner’s right to possession is para- pared to put up any resistance against eviction. people who do not regard themselves as ‘The squatters were themselves guilty of the The London Electricity Board even disconnected mount in the eyes of the judiciary. If threatened, It presents the greatest threat of prosecution for squatters find themselves being evicted by the offence of forcible entry contrary to the Statute one block of flats, Trentishoe Mansions, in central even by the technicalities of the law itself as used squatters as barricades and attempts to ward off ‘squatters procedures’, with all the consequences of 1381. When they broke in, they entered London, in 1977 after it had agreed to supply the by squatters, then that right must be protected. bailiffs have been an integral part of many squat- that entails, i e the speed with which they come “with strong hand” which the statute forbids. squatters and had even taken a deposit. Many The law has not treated squatters as a class ting struggles. Not surprisingly, alone out of these before the court and the absence of time to leave [There was in fact no evidence in the case that squatters have been forced to live without elec- of person deserving any rights in law but rather offences, it resulted in several successful prosecut- after the possession order has been granted. the squatters had broken in to the house.] tricity and others have abandoned their homes as a problem against which measures must be ions in the first two years of the Act both against In some cases, landlords have even used Order They were not only guilty of a civil wrong. because of the lack of service supplies. After the taken. The limited amount of toleration allowed squatters and against students involved in ‘sit- 113 and Order 26 to seek possession orders against They were trespassers so long as they Bristol case, certain local authorities quickly them by the law has been removed piece by ins’. Not all prosecutions under this section have tenants, relying on the speed of the proceedings remained there. The owner never acquiesced became notorious at arranging with the boards piece. New criminal offences have been created been successful. For example, out of 14 squatters and the tenants’ inexperience to see them through in their presence there. So the trespassers to prevent squatters obtaining supplies whilst in to put further pressure on them. Although charged with ‘resisting a sheriff at Huntley Street, to their rapidly-executed possession order. It is never gained possession.’14 other areas squatters did not have any problems. trespass is still not a criminal offence, steps have 12 were acquitted because the sheriff could not this kind of behaviour that makes even more ser- The judge in the Bristol case was thus able to infer Worse still, some squatters have been prosecuted been taken in that direction. Squatters are being prove that any of them had participated in the ious the consequences of simplifying procedures. that the squatters’ occupation was unlawful and for stealing electricity after they were refused a moved from the position of individuals in dispute construction of the barricades although they The full scope of the new criminal offences by a judicial sleight of hand he added in the word legal supply and had connected the supply them- with landlords over possession of property to were behind them at the time of the eviction. has yet to be tested in the courts but the pattern ‘lawful’ into the Act, thereby giving only lawful selves. Even where boards have been cooperative, that of criminals liable to have the penal All five of these offences are punishable by a so far has been that legislation introduced to deal occupiers the right to an electricity supply. And they have tended to ask for larger deposits from machinery of the state used against them. • prison sentence and therefore their potential as a with squatting has also been used against other as the same wording occurs in the laws relating to squatters than from other consumers.

162 163 A chosen way of More than a roof – squatting can be good for you

15 Using the space Creating homes out of abandoned buildings 16 Learning to learn The confessions of a layabout, hippie, anarchist woman squatter 17 Outpost of a new culture Squatting communities as a different way of life 18 The squatters estate agency The inside story of Ruff Tuff Creem Puff, the only estate agency for squatters 19 From skippering to squatting Squatting as an alternative to hostels and lodging houses Using the space Chapter 15 Walking Dave by Andrew Ingham

Creating homes out of abandoned buildings Top: Fire damaged house converted for community use, Villa Road, Lambeth 1979 (see p 175). Middle: Winchester Road, Camden, 1978. Bottom: Split-level living, Winchester Road, Camden, 1978. Far right: Converted loft space, Thicket Road, Bromley, 1976. I Peter Manzoni, restorer, of 29 Winchester Road, they freeloaders or spongers. In a sane world Occasionally creative alterations may have NW3, in the I.ondon Borough of Camden, do they’d receive the Queens Award for Industry. negative side effects like for one squatter who hereby make oath and say as follows: “On or about Instead, their efforts are ignored and they are gradually removed from his room all un- the 30th June 1973, Mr Alan Shortland, Mr Nigel discouraged and hindered in every possible way. necessary decoration, the architraves, the skirting Mike Goldwater Palmer-Jones and myself, the first three named Most people come to squatting out of boards, the picture rails and eventually even the defendants, having noticed that the premises desperation. It is an interim, emergency solution, plaster and lath from the ceiling – at which point known as 29 Winchester Road were open, un- even a necessary ‘phase’ to qualify for a proper he discovered its excellent sound proofing occupied and in an advanced stage of decay, (council) house. They squat begrudgingly, feel the qualities. Another squatter sawed square the entered thereon with the express intention of social stigma and can’t wait to get out. But there ends of several large cable drums, packing them creating a home. are a few who squat out of frustration with together to make a raised floor, leaving a gap in official options, official deceptions and official the centre of the room to form a sunken bed. It solutions. It is not that they have to squat, but proved immensely impractical. All the debris of that it is their best alternative. They find the room ended up in his bed, the door needed One aspect of squatting that has escaped the squatting an opportunity, not a misfortune, and severe surgery and the guy downstairs required relentless probing of our national and local media find in it a means of coming closer to the way in scaffolding to hold the ceiling up! is the way that derelict buildings can be turned which they would like to live. They find that the But these realised fantasies come later. First, into homes by freeloaders, bums, drug addicts uniformity of lifestyle that society demands there are the basic repairs. and lefties. Some people might suppose that exists much less within squats and squatting Before squatting a house it’s useful to empty, derelict buildings simply become occupied communities. For these people, squatting, despite undertake a little investigation – checking the derelict buildings – and in a few cases this might its disadvantages, works. physical condition, the availability of services be true. The more cynical might imagine that There are many examples of how it works. (gas, water, electricity) and the damage to the squatters select their new residences with great Houses have been extensively altered, some more various installations. A working sink or toilet are care, so as not to inconvenience themselves with adventurously and imaginatively than others, lucky finds. The London Electricity Board (LEB) the bother of renovation or redecoration – and but each showing an individual search for kindly indicates if the supply has been cut off at Ray this too, can sometimes be true. identity with the home. Houses have been the mains by writing ‘LEB OFF’ on the door. Just But for the majority who squat the reality is tailored to fit the occupants, rather than the before I moved into a squat, a friend living very different. They must transform condemned, occupants simply fitting themselves into the nearby noticed a hole being dug outside the front derelict, abandoned and often deliberately gutted houses. Occasionally people have added to their door by an LEB workman. Luckily it takes buildings into habitable homes with little environment those touches of fantasy, romance, different workmen to dig and to cut, so before the resources or expertise, and at a fraction of the eccentricity, imagination and joy that grow out of latter arrived, the hole was filled in and ‘LEB ‘normal’ cost. people’s enjoyment of what they do. In one house, OFF’ appeared on the door. Behind all the generated hysteria of the media for instance, a room was entered through a While such efforts are worthwhile, many and the political posturing, and beyond the social, cupboard on a half landing. It was in fact a room squatters have been surprised to find that life can legal and philosophical arguments, there is the of the house next door but the dividing wall had exist without these ‘essential services’. Though reality of people housing themselves in difficult been knocked through because two lovers lived not everybody wants to live in this way, water circumstances. Anyone who moves into a derelict on either side. In another house a squatter can be carried from nearby taps and cookers can house, perhaps in the middle of winter, often with pitched a tent in his room, painted the walls and be fired with Calor gas, coal or wood. Many people kids, possibly without electricity, gas or water, ceiling blue and carpeted the floor with that have discovered the delights of gas and paraffin and faced with major repairs and the ever present expensive imitation grass of the type favoured by lamps, and open fires. Alternatively electricity threat of eviction, is not having it easy. Nor are greengrocers. and water supplies can be connected from nearby

166 Ray 167 Farmbridge Road, Bromley, 1979 – Dave Walking Prince of Wales Crescent, Camden, 1973 – Aden kelly Bow Tiangle, Tower Hamlets – Mike Goldwater Villa Road, Lambeth – Union Place Collective A pubbarmakesagoodkitchen work surface New floors outofscaffolding Opening uptheroof

Roger Sapsford/ Ismail Asmal Aden Kelly Aden Kelly Bottle lamp A kitchen outoffloorboards Roger Sapsford/ Ismail Asmal A greenhouseintheloft

Roger Sapsford/ Ismail Asmal Ice skatehandle

Nick Wates Andrew Ingham Nick Wates Roger Sapsford/ Ismail Asmal Andrew Ingham Nick Wates Space andshelvinginsteadofawall A bathinthelivingroom Wind generator Exterior work Brondesbury, London, Sleep Tony 1979 – est Norwood,Walking South London – Dave W restonia, Sleep Tony London – West F Crescent,Wales Prince of Camden,Aden Kelly 1973 – Silverdale, Sydenham,Walking 1975 – Dave Jar storage and cat flap Priory Grove,Asmal Lambeth – Roger Sapsford/ Ismail Sauna from floorboards and oil drum Kitchen window Beckenham, Kent,Walking 1979 – Dave Beaumont Rise, Islington,Adam Harvey 1979 – illa Road, Lambeth, 1979 – Union Place Collective restonia, London, West Sleep Tony 1979 – olmers Square, London,Wates 1978 – Nick Union Square, Lambeth,Adam Harvey 1977 – T V F

170 BEFORE houses by means of flexible piping and trailing building firms after doing an ‘apprenticeship’ on leads. Although not illegal, this solution can their own home. Once learnt, these skills are involve complex cover-up jobs in the event of never forgotten. One may lose a squat, but one inspection from officials if the supplier is not to need never lose the experience necessary to

be cut off too. squat again and again. The experience and Aden Kelly 1973 Restoring water, gas and electricity supplies, ability become in themselves a security. mending drains, roofs, windows and floors, Many people are appalled by – what they see plastering and decorating are tasks undertaken as – squalor in squats and by surroundings which by most squatters. To the inexperienced they bear no resemblance to the Sunday colour supple- might seem impossible. If professional tradesmen ment image of an ideal home.But they forget that Richard & Sally Greenhill/ Time Out & Sally Greenhill/ Richard were called in they would cost a fortune. But the squatters may wish or need to live in their most repairs are common sense and can be done own way, that they may have entirely different cheaply with very few tools. It’s ideal if there is priorities and may, of necessity, be ‘making do’. someone to demonstrate how to do them, but, if They cannot easily know what conditions existed not, there are books (pp 236-7), pamphlets, initially, nor under what circumstances evening classes and over the counter advice. improvements are made or planned, for most The most consistent argument raised against squats are never ‘finished’. Nor do these critics people doing their own repairs is the danger. understand that having the freedom to make Catching the drips: Prince of Wales Crescent (above) There is of course danger in making alterations these changes is what gives the squatters the and installing services. But there is also danger chance to identify with them. The power to shape in being ignorant of them. No-one I know has one’s environment can be more important than the been seriously hurt by doing their own repairs. end result and squatters are forced to recognise ony Sleep 1980

No-one would claim that squatters’ repairs are the process – the ‘doing’ – over the product. T carried out to the same standard as a The relationship between a squatter and his

ony Sleep 1977 professional job – they simply don’t need to be. or her house is unique. Tenants who rent T That they work, last a few years and can be privately are living in another person’s house AFTER patched up again is enough. Using labour- with that person’s tastes and restrictions. They intensive methods, salvaged materials and pay through the nose for conditions that can be fittings (often from skips) sharing knowledge and no better than a squat. generally ‘making do’ enables squatters to do Council tenants can only relate to their dwel- what officialdom with its regulations dare not ling in a restricted and prescribed way. There is attempt. In practice squatting repairs are a no opportunity for personal whim or expression strange mixture. There are elements of and little incentive to repair, maintain or pragmatism like the use of polythene pipe for improve – nor any possibility of anything but and Freston Road cold water plumbing which enables a house to be ‘normal’ social arrangements: whoever heard of a plumbed easily and cheaply; ingenuity like the commune being started on a council estate?

Richard & Sally Greenhill/ Time Out & Sally Greenhill/ Richard people who used a gang plank for a missing And owner occupiers (particularly the flight of stairs; baroque fantasy like the leaky majority who have to rely on mortgages) must

pipe whose drips were caught in an upturned always restrict themselves to changes and ony Sleep 1979 T truncated Fairy Liquid bottle and redirected via additions which retain or improve the resale Dave Hoffman 1980 Dave a hose pipe and bent wire coat hanger into the value of the property. They must abide by the lavatory pan; and desperate ‘cunning’ like the rules, regulations and opinions of officialdom. burst cold water pipe to a bath tap that sent the Social arrangements are restricted by the nature squatters onto the street in panic, only for a of the houses that are mortgageable and by the passer-by to hammer the pipe flat, which meant standards and whims of those who lend money. that for ever more cold water had to be piped via Try getting a mortgage as a homosexual couple! a hose from the basin tap. Apart from the ultimate sanction of eviction Learning to do these repairs, no matter how squatters alone are free of most petty bureaucratic badly, can liberate people from the mystery and controls, of property values and of landlords. This tyranny of the workings of a house and, eventually, allows them to do things that would be difficult from dependence on expensive professional ser- or impossible in other types of accommodation: to ony Sleep 1978

Andrew Ingham T vices. Some squatters have gone on to start small practise rock and roll till 5 am in the morning or Priory Grove, Lambeth Freston Road, West London Priory Grove, Lambeth Improvised drainpipes: Freston Road and Fieldgate Mansions 172 173 Proposal by squatters in Hebden Bridge, Yorkshire, for How squatters adapted terraced Victorian Practically gutted by fire, No 11 was the long term conversion of their hillside terrace (p 46), houses in Villa Road, Lambeth, to suit their converted into a cafe/meeting room/ 1976. It envisaged; needs. Following a protracted battle with the dancing space/theatre on three floors • Workshops for printing, sign-writing, weaving and Council, the squatters may well be allowed to with platforms at split levels. It was later making clothes. stay permanently (see Chapter 12). converted into 3 bedrooms because of •Two children’s houses: one each for the under-fives and pressure of space and lack of communal the older children. These would incorporate play and maintenance. sleeping space, a creche and education facilities. • A house for common activities with two bathrooms, a sauna, TV rooms, music room, quiet room/library and Nos 37 and 39 operate as one household with laundry. 14 bedrooms and a large communal living, No 9 and 7 have been • Sixteen self-contained flats. eating and cooking area in the rear basements knocked together in two • Wind generator and organic garden. where the party wall has been knocked through. places to form one house The squatters offered to do most of the building work with 12 bedrooms and themselves but Calderdale Council rejected the proposal many communal facili- in favour of an expensive conversion into standard ties, apart from a room nuclear family units. on the ground floor where an elderly man lives a self-contained existence. Corrugated iron has been left on one window to create a photographic darkroom.

to be able to work and live in the same house water. It is ironic too that they have frequently Providing everyone with a bathroom has perhaps by setting up workshops and small gone on to establish flourishing, dynamic self- proved both impossible and undesirable. There is businesses. For some it’s an opportunity not to supporting communities which planners, an obsession to rationalise, and to adopt care, to live in neglect and squalor, or to have a architects and bureaucrats have found so hard to universal standards for everything. In 1961 the constant stream of deadbeats and acid casualties create despite the resources available to them. Parker Morris Report described a house in terms dossing down on every available inch of floor Squatting is a very human activity, full of of the activities it must contain – watching TV, space. It can be a chance to live alone, Buddha- contradiction, inconsistency, wonder and taking a bath and getting a wardrobe up the like, or to live with many others, sharing desperation. It contrasts so sharply with our stairs. It was considered a great breakthrough. cooking, repairs, childcare, the garden and each society’s general approach to problems that it is But its minimums rapidly became maximums, other. Where many squatters have moved into a seen as a problem. The great tragedy of the post and in any case, on whose activities was it whole area, communality can extend beyond the war rebuilding programme is its failure to have based? Not mine. boundaries of each house turning the whole allowed ordinary people to contribute positively To illustrate the insanity of taking these street into an intimate living place. Community to their own environment. Instead it was left to a things to extremes is The Bathroom,a 300 page shops, restaurants, bulk buying, creches, few experts – idealistic, enthusiastic, but wrong- book published by Penguin based on a seven year workshops and small businesses have all had a headed – to arrange it all for everyone else. research project to describe the activities and chance to exist in squatting communities. (p42) The outcome is all around us – mediocre, mean facilities of the bathroom, from piss trajectories While buildings can never make a community, and inadequate modem council housing. Slums to ‘expectorating’, and from cleaning of the it helps a community if it can adapt its buildings have been cleared and replaced with buildings bathroom to inserting contact lenses. to its growing and changing needs. So after basic that have bathrooms, but are of little better Working and living, learning and dying are all The small house was repairs come alterations which make interaction quality. The cost has been huge, both financial and ruthlessly separated in the name of environ- built in the gardens easier – tearing down partitions, garden walls, in terms of the destruction of communities and mental improvement. But the result is always to by a man and enlarging rooms and connecting houses. the waste represented by unoccupied land and make things poorer, more obvious, predictable and woman who retain It is ironic that in many areas awaiting demo- houses. In the street where I live, one resident was boring. The environment has been dehumanised. links with several lition, squatters, using only their initiative and told 35 years ago not to do any improvements or Houses are more than just machines for living in houses for services their meagre resources have installed for the first repairs as it would all be coming down soon. and the cities more than a few aesthetically- (see also p 177). time bathrooms, inside toilets and hot running There is still no sign of the development. placed tower blocks amongst areas of grass. Andy Milburn, September 1980

174 175 Squatters build Rationalisation is an attempt to make an essentially amorphous, open ended human ex- Left: A roof extension made from salvaged perience defineable and quantifiable. Architects timber and slates, Priory Grove, Lambeth, 1975. and planners in particular rely on numerous Below: A glass fibre and timber home built by ‘design guides’ so that a ‘guide to user needs with squatters on the ruins of a house from which a check list’ has come to replace real people! they had been evicted, Grosvenor Road, As more and more is defined, rationalised and Twickenham, 1976. controlled, less and less is left to chance personal choice, or individual responsibility. Everyone Right: A house under construction and (far from the architect to the labourer becomes right) a (different) small house built in the back increasingly dissociated from what he or she is gardens of a squatted street, Villa Road, doing. One only need look at the results to see Lambeth 1978-80. the boredom and indifference in every brick. The only return for the day’s work is the wage packet, which in turn buys the relief to the day’s boredom. Whenever the government is faced with ensuring a precise standard for safety or what- ever, it is always in the same way. It removes all responsibility from the public and invests it in the professional institution. All professions rely on an elaborate system of deferred responsibility to consultants, regulations, by-laws, legal definitions, official reports and guides and ultimately to heavy insurance. Caroline Lwin Adam Harvey Union Place Collective Liz Millen People are increasingly encouraged to be ignorant about more and more things. In our 12 or 15 years of schooling, what are we taught about our own personal or communal survival, about building or growing food or about health care and diet? Little of any practical value. People have no choice but to rely on ‘experts’ so those unable to afford them go without any advice. In the past people could build their own homes but gradually laws were passed, often with the best intentions, which made professionals responsible for this aspect of our lives. Today anyone trying to provide for themselves is discouraged or prevented. They are ony Sleep 1977

T considered deviants and the monopolistic status of professionals has been created. It is my hope that in squatting there are the seeds of real humane alternatives to this institutionalism of life. Through squatting thousands of people have housed themselves for next to nothing and had the opportunity to live in ways that could never be imagined in the reams of studies, researches and reports of the experts. To those who care to look properly, squatting is a positive creative force in the dying Adam Harvey Union Place Collective Liz Millen Syndication International urban environment. •

176 177 ‘I Peter Manzoni, restorer, of No 29 Winchester surrounding frame and lintel: the floor of the No 29 Winchester Road, Camden, a an open area which might be shared by all. Road NW3 in the London Borough of Camden, back lobby and part of the shop floor, through Ray derelict house rehabilitated by The house has evolved into a shared structure do hereby make oath and say as follows: which I fell. The basement floor was unusable as squatters (see also p 167 for first with much open space inside. Facilities are shared On, or about, 30th of June 1973, Mr Allan much of it was by now merely earth. floor). Far left: Ground floor work- on the top floor, in the newly-built bathroom and Shortland, Mr Nigel Palmer-Jones and myself The flats had suffered severely from the un- shop with stained glass window. shower and in the basement. There are two Second from left: An original place having noticed that the premises known as No 29 impeded entry of rainwater through the roof and for the bath. There is a shower and businesses on the ground floor. These comprise my Winchester Road were open, unoccupied and in missing windows. This had evidently been going wash-basin under the bath platform. own workshop for restoration work on, off and to an advanced stage of decay, entered thereon with on for several years and had led to an unchecked Below and bottom right: All in- the premises; and Mr Shortland ‘s workshop for the express intention of creating a home. Desiring outbreak of dry rot, a fungus which is greatly ternal walls and ceiling removed to handmade furniture, which also related to his to communicate this to those having a legal promoted by water. The main exterior wall at the create a large dining/living room additional work as an evening craft instructor. interest in the property, the said three defendants back of the house had been seriously weakened by on the top floor. Right: Bed plat- Both of these workshops have been fitted out to went, within a few days, to Student Community an ill-executed addition of bathrooms to the flats, form. Below right: New fire-place. the requirements of the defendants’ trades, and Housing and asked whether they still had any built up on the outside with doorways crudely cut needed extensive work doing to them before that. interest in the property. They said they had none, through the brickwork. Dry rot had ravaged the In 1979 Camden Council evicted All of this work has had to be done in stages the squtters and spent £100,000 which confirmed reports that the building was brickwork here and loosened all the plaster inside converting the house into three flats whilst the defendants have lived amid the demo- generally deemed to be beyond repair and would the bathrooms. The remains of the plumbing and lition work, earning their livelihoods to finance it Nick Wates Nick Wates Nick housing a total of seven people. probably be demolished. gas installations hung in disuse ready to fall and spending much of their free time building the The entrance hall of the house had been used through the floors. home, except where it has been possible to work as a place to dispose of unwanted building Given the condition and contents of the full-time on the house. At last, during the past six timber. A difficult climb over this led to the shop premises it soon became obvious that the kind of months, no more, has the house come to feel clean premises. The shop front had been termed a repairs the house needed, involving a great deal and sound enough to be a home. ‘dangerous structure ‘ by the District Surveyor on of excavation, replacement of structural timbers, The defendants knew of the plaintiffs’ intention account of its frontal timber beams being rotten. and rebricking of the exterior wall, could not be to redevelop the site, but since so many schemes The basement and back yard had been used as carried out on a short-term basis. Either the for the site have been put forward and abandoned, an engineering works. No waste had left the house should be abandoned and allowed to not only during the time that the defendants have basement in many years. The industrial waste collapse or it should be given an entirely new lived there, but during the several years in which had been loaded into the cellars first, then, as lease of life. It was decided by Mr Palmer-Jones the property stood empty and was vandalised, they filled up it had been dumped into the least and myself to make the building viable for that it has become impossible to believe that the used passageways and finally the back and lower another century. The premises were thoroughly plaintiffs have any cogent or durable idea as to back yards and what had been a scullery in excavated as the restoration got under way. All what sort of development they wish to bring about. much earlier times. These were now a scene of affected structural timbers were duly replaced No 29 Winchester Road is an example of an commercial waste, rotting refuse, rubble and and no doubtful timbers were allowed to stay. approach to housing which is becoming current. vermin. I chased a rat, in the yard. Camden ‘s District Surveyor came to inspect It is an extended family made up of single parents, A flow of people making very short-term use of the dangerous beam above the shop front in the couples, individuals and children who live and the property had left their traces there in many summer of 1973 and condoned the standard to work together sharing facilities. By removing the bizarre forms. The house was strewn all over with which the rest of the house was being repaired. psychological barriers which cause people to live abandoned objects, all of which were disused, He came up to the top of the house and inspected in self-contained units it is possible to pool defunct or broken. the front lintels replaced by us. In my presence he resources and so withstand economic inflation. The three upper flats had several windows said to a person with him that this sort of If the proposed eviction were to take place missing and were by now inhabited by many nest- initiative would have to be encouraged ‘given the several of these people would become a burden on ing birds. The floors at the back of the top two present housing situation’. He offered his further the state and part of a widespread experiment in flats were unsafe to walk on and warnings had advice to us, should we wish to consult him at human relations would have been terminated. been painted on the doors to this effect. The bath- any time in the future. I felt that our work was The discouragement of this approach to housing room floors were near collapse as were also the acceptable to the Council and this incident in London will lead to further waste, and the following: the ceilings in the top flat, part of the encouraged me in my work and the belief that the recycling of waste is now one of the next frontiers interior wall adjacent to the stairs between the plaintiffs had accepted our constructive presence of economic growth. Any initiative such as has first and second floors; the front ends of the two where vandalism had been before. been shown in this case is surely worthy of main roof beams which form the valley; the lintels I have paid rates since January 1974. encouragement, especially where a traditional above many windows on the first and second floors; Since many of the walls and ceilings, particular- terrace has been saved.’ all the ceilings on the main staircase, entrance hall ly on the top floor where rain had penetrated (Affidavit filed by Peter Manzoni in the High and back lobby; the basement stairs; the scullery most, were beyond redemption it seemed most Court when opposing a possession order by ceiling; the door to the lower back yard, with economic to remove them altogether and encourage Wates Nick WatesNick Camden Council 1977 [editors’ emphasis] Wates Nick ). Wates Nick

178 179 Learning to learn Chapter 16

by Pat Moan Eva Newnham

Moving into 29 Harecourt Road was like coming doing or could be done vastly more efficiently, home. that is, with less waste of time and resources. I guess what it is with squatting is And most people doing most of these jobs community – a textbook word, till you try it. A know it. Deep down, or maybe not even very place where strange exotic tribes of natives live. deep, they know that they are wasting their lives Now I live in Finsbury Park, Islington. A – somehow this crummy job is not Life. community. And boy, is it strange. Here there is For example, factory workers spend most of life. their time engaged in the production of junk that People don’t just sleep here. They live here – is designed to fall apart. Besides which quite work, play, sit on the front porch talking and often the people making the stuff couldn’t ever singing, drinking beer. afford to buy it. Graffiti. Posters of past campaigns. Dossers loons, artists. Dogs, a goose.

There is conflict of course. We all know about Wasted Lives 1976 that. But its the co-operation that really knocks So vast numbers of factory workers, money me over. collectors, bureaucrats, teachers, students, etc, Taking Care of Me My daily life has been totally transformed. are based on REAL needs and REAL pleasures . . . I’m sick of reading and hearing all the time are exhausted dulled, and demoralized by the As a squatter, I find my need for the glittering When you are no longer impaled on a 40-hour A tasty meal is one of the great pleasures of about squatting that it is a problem, a drag meaningless way they spend their lives. world of status possessions becoming less and less. work week trying to pay the rent and indulging life and is recognised as such. something interim till we ‘solve’ the problem ‘ They become escapists. They learn to Buying less and enjoying it more. in expensive week-end, escapist diversion, what The ability to prepare it is appreciated as substitute consumption for action. They become Because we spend less time at jobs we can you are left with is time. much as the ability to fix the radio. Good Citizens. Buying cars, buying clothes, spend more time taking care of our own needs Time to do things, time to make things, time The competitive and comparative approach is No More Crummy Jobs! buying houses, buying . . . which in turn saves a great deal of money. You for yourself, time for others. replaced by a co-operative one. Squatting is the most fun I’ve ever had. No rent. Sometimes people try to fall ‘in love’ and/or couldn’t work a 40-hour week and scrounge, We have time to get down to the business of Whoopee! No rent means you can give up full-time get married and/or have babies in order to feel mend motorcycles, build, paint, make your own living. employment firstly due to needing less money more useful and relieve the boredom When it music, clothes, jam, etc. By really living together in a group the monetary Learning to Learn and secondly due to having more fun not working. doesnt work, they may add ‘guilty’ and ‘bitter’ to In fact, you’re lucky if you can do more than value that is placed on certain functions by a con- In this climate,skills are easily and joyously passed Most jobs in our society either don’t need the other bad things they feel. collapse. sumer society is replaced by our own values which along. For one thing, if you don’t share your skills

Street party in Athelstane Road, June 1976 Above: The street ‘spirit’. Left and right: Street swimming pool. at Moan at Moan P P it means you get stuck doing this one thing more Five years on of things. You’d crossed a line, you’d hit the than you want. My horizon no longer shimmers with the promise bottom and it wasn’t so bad. In fact it was very It feels good to be showing someone how to do of free-housing revolution. I really believed, then, liberating leading on to the next question: what something. that squatting was such a good idea that obviously, about all these other stupid laws, conventions It does not feel so good to be doing something very soon, everyone would do it. I feel slightly and attitudes which people hold sacred? for someone who could be doing it themselves. foolish now, even though I still think squatting is While a bit of plumbing for yourself is satisfying a good idea and everyone should do it. Brenda: ‘Since the neighbours were all gossiping doing it as a job, as a hireling, it is a bore. I miss the thrill of ripping off corrugated iron, about us anyway I felt I could do what I wanted. Squatters have given and taken free crash the satisfaction of talking the gas man out of I just cared less what people thought.’ courses in plumbing and electricity as well as just cutting off my supply, the fluidity between showing friends how to do things ...like juggling, houses the general inventiveness and

music, printing, photography and mechanics. Maureen O’Connor satisfaction of getting something for nothing. The We kept finding out that we weren’t powerless This style of learning and teaching is effects still ripple through my life and are part of and they weren’t omnipotent. Possibilities bloomed fundamentally a desire to learn or pass on Differences become interesting instead of like-minded people so as not to be always me now. The world was at my feet and for the before my eyes. The whole area of skill-sharing information and skills as opposed to a desire to scary as men and women become friends. Ditto defending myself and my outlook. first time in my life I really got into doing what I opened up a wealth of possibilities to women. I either get or keep a job. men and men and women and women. I was ripe for squatting. When one is ripe, one wanted to do, instead of what I was supposed to felt very encouraged by things going wrong for It is leading to the breakdown of mystique We share a vision which involves a creates opportunities. do. I think men generally have a broader range men, like when Pete’s lovingly constructed flower and obfuscation, which can no longer appear in recognition of other people as fellow beings, each The quality of my everyday life has never of opportunities so I doubt if they experience this boxes, finished and varnished, sprang apart in the guise of real communication. with a story to tell. been better. freedom as intensely as women. the first rain. It’s more encouraging, when you’re People ask questions as opposed to pretending This is the revolution. It is on now. Not only is Squatting has been a tremendous influence on learning, to see people try and fail rather than they know something which they don’t. it bloodless and leaderless, it is fun. the lives of many women. And vice-versa. Free simply succeed. You feel there’s hope for you. ‘The Squatters Show’ by the Death to Sex Roles People answer questions straight without (Written by Pat Moan and first published in The Space in which grew, and still grow, women’s Persons Unknown street People in this situation do not feel threatened by patronising or sneering at the questioner. Squatter (see p. 185), Islington, London, 1976.) houses, women’s communities, refuges for Pat: ‘I never used to saw until I started squatting. theatre group other people’s competence. And somewhere at the Last year, B S (before squatting) I felt isolated, battered women and women’s centres. Not I’m sure I’d never picked one up.’ core of all this lies the dying phenomenon of wanting something, not knowing what – just what Above: Athelstane Road after eviction. having to pay rent freed women to start up Christine: ‘No, I never either. I used to just fight sexual role-playing. Hallelujah! NOT. I wanted a community of peers, support, Below: Fighting eviction in Charteris Road. presses, art places, bookshops – none of which with a saw. Now I’m quite a good saw-er. No. I would have happened if we’d had to pay rent. A am, I’m really good.’ wave of women plumbers, electricians, Pat: ‘I saw Mo sawing and thought if she can do carpenters, mechanics, activists, musicians and it, I can do it. She showed me how to start it off. I artists came out of the squatting boom. think up to that point I’d just felt you were born Since 1975 I have been amazed over and over by knowing or not knowing. I realised someone the dynamic women of the squatting movement: could actually teach you something like that. I intimidating bailiffs, shaming police and remember Pete, on the other hand, coming along embarrassing politicians in a direct and forceful while I was sawing and saying, “You ‘re not doing way which most men are incapable of because it straight. shall I do it for you?” by which time they are so emotionally contained. One day in he was actually trying to take the saw out of my Finsbury Park the bailiffs evicted a woman and hand. I fought him for it. I felt he was showing her six children. A group of us rallied in the off under the pretext of being helpful.’ street and an Irish woman neighbour gave those Christine: ‘Oh yeah, he really fancies himself cops such a talking-to that half an hour later quite a saw-er.’ (Laughter) they were helping to move the furniture back into the house from which it had just been taken. We had a lot of little victories like that which It became apparent too, that a lot of times made up for the fear and insecurity. Things that men really didn’t want you to know how to do made us mad, spurred us on, got us high. As something that they did. As I was having really women, we really started to feel our power, indi- positive experiences of women sharing knowledge vidually as well as collectively.There was a general with me I was able to see, for the first time, that challenging stance in the whole atmosphere. It just because a man agreed to show you how to do enne David was illegal (I thought). Stealing houses (they said). something it didn’t mean he would necessarily P It was taking a risk, breaking the law and once show you in a way that would be helpful. For you’d done it and started thinking about why example, instead of showing you how to play a houses were empty, it made you think about a lot simple chord on the guitar like E, he shows you

183 a difficult one like F barre. All of which meant instead of just sitting around talking.’ that if I didn’t get the hang of something Brenda: ‘I’d been on the fringe of squatting for a straight away I no longer thought, ‘Oh I’m long time before I squatted. I experienced it as useless and can’t do anything right’, but began to being a place for freaks to crash and screw ... think more critically about who was showing me disorganised and I certainly didn ‘t want to do it... and what their trip was. sleeping in dirty sleeping bags on the floor ... For us women, the more skilled and confident being really dirty and untogether. But those places we became, the angrier we got about being ignored, weren’t households, they were very transient.’ particularly by certain men fancying themselves as Leaders, Experts or Lady Killers. While I was working on the first and last issue of The Squatter, Even the cosy squats tended to be pretty which was largely produced by me and Al Rees, a messy, and were a lot of work and a guaranteed friend of his from the left rolled up to help out at cure to being fastidious. Most of them needed

the end. He only talked to Al, he only looked at major work. So it was big dirty work we went in ony Sleep 1980 T Al and he only asked Al questions. It was like I Union Place Collective for, knocking down walls and building platform was invisible. And I thought well that’s really IT. beds rather than worrying about clean floors and If you work with a man on anything, then it is done and Penny felt she couldn’t complain. But it sparkling glasses. The whole lowering of Ponk: ‘The women helped me get into a house. My always seen that he did it and you helped him. didn’t do much for her confidence. standards on the housekeeping front was a big brother and male friend didn ‘t turn up until it So then I started living with women. I really There was a lot of shame involved in not release for women. And because the houses were was all over – a typical pattern in Broadway needed to know that we could get it all together knowing. I mean if you believed in being actually being thrown away by society, we had a Market, I was to discover.’ and be recognised that we could get it all together. competent – but weren’t, and felt embarassed or lot of freedom to practice, to bodge and to play Pat: ‘What? Women doing the breaking in?’ If there were men around most of them just had awkward about asking. If you didn’t know how to with paints and colours. Ponk: ‘Yeah. Wasn’t it like that all over?’ this way of not letting you get around to anything. change a fuse a man would take it as further Pat: ‘Oh no. It must have been like that because Like when Penny was going to put the toilet in, she evidence of your general ineptitude whereas a you were all women there and talked to the went on a squatters plumbing course and while woman would show you how. And when you women who turned up, not the men.’ she was still thinking about it, Michael whipped began to succeed instead of fail, asking became Ponk: ‘Yes. I suppose we just ignored them. I it in. Of course, we were glad to have the toilet easier so it was a kind of habit you developed. As never really thought about that. Meeting those a child I remember that whenever I asked my women really changed my life. For me, it’s really father what was some tool or other, his stock all been about women’. reply was ‘It’s to make little girls ask questions.’ Kathy: ‘If I hadn’t discovered squatting and, It became more important as time went on, not more important, squatting with women I would only for myself but for ‘myself-as-a-woman’ that I never have had the opportunity to take on things put in the slog and kept at things until I could do that had, at one time, seemed impossible. It them. I had to break a habit of giving up easily. I started out with practical things and became a wanted to be able to learn from women. I wanted whole attitude of mind.’ never to feel ashamed of not knowing. I am prepared to learn from men but I’m not prepared to be squashed and I do know the difference. For me too, squatting has been about women, about power, about independence and breaking a Christine: ‘It was a whole sort of reawakening. A deadening pattern of passivity. • sense of freedom like I had when I was a kid. Suddenly I had it all there again. There was any thing you could do and it was all right! It was just amazing. Ever since then when I’ve moved out of squatting communities I’ve found the at Moan

people really stodgy and boring. They just haven’t P gone through all that shedding of values that goes on when you squnt. And the whole energy Some squatted houses were more of a no-man’s current was great.’ land than others, like around Broadway Market Kathy: ‘The houses were. things to do in in Hackney where the majority were all-women themselves and it was really creative, too.’ houses and the women ran the Broadway Market

Mike Goldwater 1979 Mike Goldwater Christine: ‘Oh yeah, it was really DO-power, Squatters Association. Squatters’ paper published in Islington, London, 1976.

184 185 eat, and use a lot of our resources together. This Chapter is the case for most of the houses in the street. Outpost of a new culture 17 The street is a community. We had a Christmas Squatting communities as a different way of life party with 30 people and many dishes from by Tom Osborn different houses. We closed the street (officially) on Jubilee Day 1977 and had an outdoor breakfast with 60 people. We borrow (and sometimes lose) each other’s tools. The few working bathrooms are used by everyone. Together we work out our strategy in the fight for the street to stay up and for us to stay in it. We work out our relationships with other organisations and the co-ordination of repairs and rehabilitation. We belong to a vegetable co-op and a co-op for storable food has started within the street. We share a compost heap. We all provide food throw-outs for chickens. There was a band in the street which made music for all of us. We dance together and play football together. We have moved some way towards collective ownership, towards sharing our resources and to-

Union Place Collective wards beginning to answer that question: ‘How can Anna Kolpy Defying the wreckers from the rooftops Frisbee in the ruins St Agnes Place nearly always get written, duplicated and distri- It would be hard to think of a more compelling buted to every house. We do not have a treasurer, road to involvement than defending one’s dwelling but money is regularly collected by each house for place against wasteful destruction in the face of a central fund and we have a bank account. The a desperate need for housing! My committment fund is for house repairs and its allocation is to the street’s struggle (pp 82-85), and my love decided on by the meeting. (In May 1978, the ‘rent’ for the people I lived with grew each time a was £1 per person per week or 50p for claimants.) house was wrecked and each time we worked out There are task groups for particular jobs but ways to try to prevent it. The external threats no permanent central committee. So the street and our resistance to them certainly brought us meeting itself has ‘management’ authority for all together. Yet, in another way, they were an decisions. It is thus a true assembly: every person Anna Kolpy Anna Kolpy interference with the actual life of the street. Street breakfast, Jubilee Day, 1977 who lives in the street has a voice and joint respon- To start with, people live communally, rather sibility for what happens. Sometimes people I want to write about squatting as part of a do not say to themselves: ‘I am doing this to make the nature of their relationships with one than as isolated individuals or family units. I live we use the world together?’ This is what the bring difficulties and disputes within houses to the larger movement towards a new culture. a better society’. Their choice is the product of another. They take some steps out of their old in a house with five other people. We buy food, sharing of property is about, jointly owning what street meeting to help resolve them as a kind of Squatters are a kind of urban pioneer. They the pressures encountered in “life before class position not merely into another but is available. It is also what the sharing of power settle the desert wastes of our cities, and as with squatting’. In many cases they may be actually towards a classless society. And in becoming is about, jointly managing what is jointly owned. Dancing in the street all pioneers, they bring a new culture. on the streets, or more likely, living in temporary squatters people also change the nature of their It changes the meaning of both ownership and Most of the pioneers we know about were prop- accommodation, unable to find work, without relationship with the physical environment. The management. agating civilisation. They civilised the open spaces savings, and lacking skills and qualifications. I urban pioneers, opening up houses in the desert The street meeting has been particularly inter- and the ‘savages’ that lived there – and their sometimes call this the working-class choice to spaces left by the existing culture are working esting. It has met regularly every week for three civilisation too often ended up destroying both the squat. Alternatively, people may be refusing to towards a new technological independence. They years. It is open to everyone. On one or two occ- natural environment and the culture of the people continue in the vicious circle of earning in order begin to make a new culture. asions when greater than average stress caused who were part of it. Squatters, however, are engag- to live in a way that enables them to earn that The characteristics of this new culture are heightened emotions at large meetings, we decided ed in a de-civilising process – that is if we define much. They may be well-educated or in the demonstrated in the way people relate to each to have a chairperson. But most meetings have no civilisation as our existing technological, bureau- process of becoming so, but they won’t use their other, to the physical environment and to existing chairperson, yet we get through the business with cratic, exploitative and alienating culture. Their training within the existing culture. This is what society. In this chapter I am trying to show how I anything from 12 to 60 people present. We do not aim is an alternative society, a better life no less. you could call the middle-class choice to squat. have experienced these characteristics as a have a permanent ‘secretary’. Yet someone at the

When people make the choice to squat, they In becoming squatters, people begin to change squatter in St Agnes Place, Lambeth. Wates Nick meeting takes responsibility for minutes and they

186 187 court of appeal. as tearing out the services. The previous wrecking my time in St Agnes Place. One of them is how to our street, two houses were so badly gutted by to interfere with our autonomy. the rehabilitation of our houses to Lambeth Self- For several weeks, one area of dispute was to do had been a half-hearted job; squatters had moved tolerate dirt and disorder, and things being out of the Council to prevent squatting that the Lambeth Self-Help is worth describing in detail. Help, in the belief that another association would with that old chestnut, the tension between organi- in within a week and had quickly repaired much place or unfinished. Keeping things ‘neat and tidy’ District Surveyor put ‘dangerous structure’ It started in 1971 as a family squatting group be more authoritarian and easier for it to deal sation and spontaneity. Some people wanted to lay of the damage. So the score stood at ‘one all’. is one of the props of the existing culture. It is a notices on them. Most of the joists had been cut and later was given short-life licences on houses with. Attempts by Council officials, police, and down that the street meeting had certain definite The question of how and when to move into the standard description of ‘well-behaved’ patients in out and the walls were therefore in danger of which it renovated. In 1977 it was housing 250 journalists, to deal with ‘leaders’ has become a powers – such as deciding which people moved top half of No 85 was crucial. Various plans were mental hospitals. We just have to get it out of our collapse. The Council had been ordered to put adults (mostly families) in 110 houses belonging well-known joke in St Agnes. into the street, for example. They were scared suggested at street meetings including ideas system – and out of the system. There are the scaffolding around the houses to support them. to Lambeth Council and the GLC. All the people ‘Who is your leader?’ they say. that chaos might arise if every house or even which needed preparation before the day. A difficulties of sharing too, like not having one’s At this time the Council’s decision on whether or in its houses are members who are jointly And we say ‘We are all leaders’, ‘We don’t have every individual simply made their own decisions. decision was even taken to carry some of them out tools returned and learning how to return tools not to keep the street standing depended on responsible for running the Association. leaders’ or ‘Talk to us all’. Others insisted that the street meeting neither but not implemented. On the day itself, a crowd and to be tidy when it is important: doing things Housing Corporation grants for rehabilitation Members paid £1 per week per single person or When we carefully designate ‘spokespeople’, should, nor could, have any actual power. They of us gathered in the house next door facing the because people want to or because they are need- and for a time these were withheld on the £4 per week for families which is used to repair they are immediately considered leaders. were scared of the authoritarian bureaucracy dilemma: move in too early and the police would ed, rather than because there are rules to follow. ground that it would be too expensive. other houses and run the organisation. This was The concept of a non-hierarchical group is a that could arise if we gave too much power to the kick us out; move in too late and the wreckers When, and by whom, the washing up gets done is It was in this context that we decided to repair its only source of revenue until 1975 when it was threat to the established culture’s structure of meeting. There was a great deal of argument and would be in possession. In the event, we chose no triviality but a symbol of freedom and organi- the two gutted houses. They were not among the given an annual grant from the Council and control. That is why outposts of the new culture discussion and it helped understanding when exactly the right moment. Until that moment, sation. Learning both what we, and other people, houses even considered for rehabilitation by the ‘mini-HAG’ grants from central government for cannot be tolerated. Planning and health people saw the issue in terms of their fears of nobody could have said what would happen. The need; facing one’s fear in a confrontation with the Council as they were so badly damaged. One the rehabilitation of short-life properties. regulations and allocation systems are all both bureaucracy and chaos and accepted that arrival of police was ignored as was that of the Council or the police; getting on with it when you objective was to demonstrate how much can be The allocation of houses by Lambeth Self- structures of control. The idea that people can we needed both organisation and spontaneity. Council’s Construction (sic) Department van (the want to do something and finding out for yourself done for very little financial outlay. The total cost Help is fairly remarkable. Every Wednesday actually control themselves seems to be quite There has never been any articulated wreckers team!). The moment came – something what can be done, practically or in terms of other was £900 compared with the Council’s estimates night there is a meeting for people who have terrifying. Any real encroachment on the system resolution, nor any formal powers worked out for to do with the approach of the Council official people’s sensitivities (the true meaning of self- of £3,500–£5,000, although of course we had no applied for housing. It is their own meeting and of private property, or the control that needs to the street meeting. But somehow it does exert who would let in the wreckers – when suddenly help); accepting other people’s differences, and labour costs. they decide who will get the next tenancy. Apart be wielded to maintain it, is gradually squashed. pressure: most people do, on the whole, pay their there was no doubt and everyone surged having your own accepted, dealing with someone’s Once we start to look closely at the squatter’s from the applicants, it will be attended only by The whittling away of ‘squatters’ rights’ by the ‘rent’; newcomers have been dissuaded from forward. Downstairs, the wreckers destroyed freak-out or your own: all these are a part of relationship with the physical environment, we one or two existing members and a paid officer of courts and the enactment of the Criminal Law occupying empty houses already designated for services, ripped out floors, smashed windows and living in a community like St Agnes Place. perceive more and more how this connects with Lambeth Self-Help to provide information. Act (Chapter 14) are both parts of this process. use; disapproval of ‘anti-social’ behaviour has got frames, and even removed the stairs up to the This ‘therapeutic’ aspect of squatting is the way the new culture relates to outside society. Everybody has to explain their needs and listen How do squatting, the new culture and the home and reconciliations have somehow landing window but no further because the inseparable from the growth of new ownership or In other words, we have to talk about politics. to those of other people. They also visit each reaction to it fit into a formal analysis which helps resulted. It has been a very ad hoc, pragmatic police fortunately conceded that legally we had decision-making structures. It is an integral part other’s existing accommodation. Since people are us to understand our existing culture as a system form of organisation without authority. to have access! We saved the top flat and, most of the healing process of escaping the old culture likely to have been attending for a long time and to change it? Squatting is not, after all, at the St Agnes Place has always been towards the important, the roof. The whole house was and the formative process of building a new one. Lambeth Self-Help before they get their own house, there will be a traditional point of primary struggle, ie production. anarchist end of the political spectrum, with a repaired by squatters and is lived in again. There is the politics of personal relationships, of mutual understanding of problems and a So squatters are a sort of second-class revolution- climate of tolerance. Even at the time of wreckings This decision-making process was an eye- the use of possessions, of the way meetings are sensible judgement can be made. It is a truly ary. Many squatters are in any case suspicious of and confrontations, when we desperately needed opener to me. I had always believed in making The Physical Environment conducted, decisions made and actions planned; democratic process. It means that neither the hardline revolutionary positions, finding them the presence of as many people as possible, no joint decisions and being committed to them. The attitude of squatters to the physical there is too, the politics of doing your own prac- Council, to its chagrin, nor Lambeth Self-Help difficult to apply to their own experience. one was censured when they did not turn out. This was another process – joint decision-making environment expresses itself most strongly in the tical work, of learning skills, using old materials can make direct nominations. The decision is According to traditional Marxist orthodoxy, it There seemed to be a conscious effort to allow in action. way houses are used and repairs undertaken. and mending buildings. But it is in its relationship made by the people who are most affected. is the working-class who will change things and each person to make his or her own decision. There has always been a conscious effort not to First, practical tasks are carried out as far as to conventional society that the characteristics of The Council does, in fact, indirectly influence it is politically ‘correct’ to relate everything to the In practice, crucial ‘decisions’ were made not have ‘key people’ or fixed roles. People do a task possible by squatters themselves. People learn the new culture become most clearly political. allocation since 75 per cent of people’who contact working-class. People tend to be self-conscious and at meetings but actually on the spot by weight of for a time while their energy for it lasts and then how to do their own wiring, plumbing, glazing In July 1977, the Council agreed to hand over Lambeth Self-Help are sent by its Housing Advice even somewhat shameful of what may be related spontaneous opinion. An example is the another takes over. It means that things do not and guttering. Expertise is not rejected but a number of houses in the street to Lambeth Self- Centre and its Social Services Department. But it to the middle-class. Yet when one looks at a small occupation of No 85 on the day when the tenant always get done. But on the whole the important demystified and no longer used as an instrument Help Housing Association for short-term use. But is the Lambeth Self-Help ‘New Members Meeting’ changed society such as St Agnes Place this does moved out and the Council wreckers moved in. things are done, and with more pleasure and less of control and bureaucracy. And second, existing a number of obstacles came up such as the ques- that allocates places. It is easy to see that such a not seem to be quite right as it is a largely ‘middle- The tenancy was in the lower half of the house, sense of burden than usual. materials are employed wherever possible. The tion of allocation. The Council was pushing for democratic organisation is threatening to the class’ squat in two ways. First, two-thirds of the the upper half being empty. So, technically, we Fixed and traditional sex roles too are changed, myth that it is quicker, simpler, safer, economical control over the allocation of all places even when hierarchical controlling set-up that prevails in people there come from middle-class backgrounds could have squatted the upper half if we could sometimes just naturally, sometimes with consc- and more efficient to scrap and replace the old individual rooms became empty in communal our society; and that the education in collectivity or work at middle-class occupations. Second, one have got in. But the tenant was a crotchety old ious thought through women’s and men’s groups. with the new is challenged. houses. There was also the question of the status which it provides is an example to uphold. part of the campaign by the street in its struggle lady who was paranoid (understandably, consider- Women can be seen repairing bicycles and cars, The power of the ‘expert’ and the drive to use of St Agnes Place. The Council attempted to with the Council is a middle-class campaign. Thus, ing the turmoil she had suffered in that blighted mending roofs and window panes. Men can be new products are connected as both are manifes- refuse to deal directly with us as a collective and we have used contacts with the liberal press which street) about both the Council and the squatters seen giving children baths and hanging out tations of our existing culture. The squatter’s to go through Lambeth Self-Help. Under the terms The outpost in the existing culture has focused on the planning and conservation and she would not allow us through her flat. We washing. Women and men together write posters relationship with the physical environment is not of the rehabilitation proposal we were all to This issue of control comes into every reaction of aspects of the issue that are those most likely to also knew the wreckers would really go to town and negotiate with councillors. It is taken for just to do with mending one’s own living space but become members of Lambeth Self-Help Housing society to the new culture. It is the same with appeal to a middle-class readership; and we have on this house. In the last one, they had sawn granted that cooking and housework are shared. is a central part of the urban pioneer’s confron- Association. On the other hand, we were already the efforts to negate the collective organism of St made use of the law in the form of an injunction through joists and broken through the roof, as well There are other things I have learned during tation with the existing culture. For instance, in a community and Lambeth Self-Help did not want Agnes Place. The Council has tried to avoid giving restraining the Council from demolishing the

188 189 Squatter community life. houses in the street. This does not mean that St Agnes Place has no Left: Covent Garden and Bloomsbury Squatters tug of war team, political value. The definition of ‘middle class’ is 1979. difficult. To speak about a middle-class background Bottom Left: Street party in Longfellow Road, East London, 1977. is complex enough but when we refer to middle- Below: Communal breakfast at 7.30 am, Freston Road, 1977. class jobs or a middle-class campaign, there is an Bottom: Bonfire night party in Drummond Street, Camden, 1974. important distinction to make: we have not been Right: Children’s events, Villa Road, 1979. furthering middle-class interests but we have Below right: Picnic in the communal garden, Freston Road, 1978. made use of our middle-class skills. Bottom right: Benefit concert for a woman who lost her baby and A parallel distinction can be made for working- needed a holiday, Freston Road, West London, 1976. Dave Walking Dave class skills – between using them in a situation where they are making a profit for a privileged owner and where people own what they produce. I now know how to put new sash-cords in a window; I shall never again have to pay someone ony Sleep T to do it for me. One day I asked someone in the street ‘Have you seen the agenda?’; she replied ‘What is an agenda?’; I explained and she can now be that much less powerless at meetings. What I think is happening in St Agnes Place is that both middle-class and working-class people are moving out of the class positions determined Mike Wigg by the existing culture. In their changed relation- ony Sleep ships with each other and with the physical T environment, they have formed a small classless society or at least the outpost of one. This is close to the impulse that inspired the libertarian left of the ‘sixties, to the political analysis of Big Flame and to the concept of struggle on a ‘reproductive’ as well as a productive front.

ony Sleep Squatting has a number of strengths as a force T for change towards a new culture. First, it com- bines a point of action – finding a house – with a continuing process of living. Second, it brings together middle-class and working-class responses to aspects of the existing society which have

Caroline Lwin become intolerable. Third, although it is not a struggle in a place of production, it is right in the

middle of a reproductive struggle: a struggle with the existing culture’s way of reproducing the Harvey Adam right sort of people for feeding into the existing productive system. (The new culture needs to become independent in production as squatters support the existing consumer society too much Dave Walking by scavenging on it). And finally, it is a place where traditional working-class and middle-class Negative aspects of squatter communities. skills can join to complement each other. Above: A theif makes his getaway from a squat after What the new culture is about is not so much sexually assaulting a woman and stealing her purse, fighting the system as building something new, Freston Road 1979. showing it can work and saying ‘Come and join Below: Trying to cope with people who abuse the relaxed us’. Squatters are pioneers in the city who can atmosphere of squatting – Trinity Road, Wandsworth, ony Sleep Klaus Kalde T show what is possible and how good it is.• 1978 (left), Villa Road, Lambeth, 1979 (right).

190 191 commanded this act: ‘Fluke is a good man being where to put himself. He tried to ‘buy a few Ruff Tuff, forcing the size of the bulletins up Chapter bad but I caught him when he was a bad man friends’, as he put it, but ‘no one wants to know’. from four pages to eight. Other useful informants The squatters estate agency 18 being good.’ And then there followed an He went on raving about the cyanide, included a telephone engineer, a postman and a by Heathcote Williams indecipherable word salad based on his convinced that if the coast was cleared with a Gas Board official. connections with the spirit world. It made us feel large backhander we’d supply it: ‘I’ll pay you for Freston Road in fact, became almost entirely The inside story of Ruff Tuff Creem Puff, the only estate agency for squatters that handing out houses to people for nothing it. I’ll make it worth your while, believe me,’ and squatted through Ruff Tuff activity and was was all right but that it often wasn’t enough. he spilt a wad of £20 notes onto the table. turned into an almost ideal version of Squat City, Another man, who’d just come out of Cocke took him to the window (which was on much beloved of gutter cartoonists (pp 91-4). Parkhurst where he’d been serving nine years for the third floor) and said: ‘Look you can have this The walled-in gardens were joined together armed robbery involving £30,000 worth of window cheap.’ into one large communal garden which almost platinum, crashed through the door in a feverish ‘What you mean?’ fed the entire street. A squatted shop opened, state and said: ‘You’re social workers, aren’t you?’ ‘You can throw yourself out of this window for selling wholefoods at knock-down prices, and advertising their availability was Gestetnered it was a long time before it occurred to them that in an almost accusing manner. 10p’ and gave him a giant cuddle. His face began there was a kind of synergy present where and published in an almost unreadable edition of they could do anything about the place them- The accusation was denied. to crease into a smile. people bopped in and out of each other’s houses, 150 copies, and the Ruff Tuff Creem Puff Estate selves. Fluke often fell back sardonically in these ‘Hang on, hang on, look how ‘bout I get a wee Cocke hugged him so hard and rubbed him and doors left open to the street. If any problem The Ruff Tuff Creem Puff Estate Agency was Agency (named after a Robert Crumb cartoon circumstances on the ancient Arab saying: ‘If you bottle of something. What you drink? Wine? I’ll insulted him:‘Yourlife’s not yours to take,dummy’, arose, the load was immediately spread around. founded in 1974 by ‘Mad Dog, Fluke and Flame’, character) was registered as a working charity rescue a man from drowning, you have to look get some.’ and then settled him down to his wine, told him On rare and extreme occasions the Cosmic Gods’ Groupies, stimulated by their squatting of (Astral registration number 666). after him for the rest of your life.’ In most cases we He reappeared with six bottles of Mateus and the cream of his police jokes and then got him so Joker evicts the Social Worker in the tactics of the ‘Meat Roxy’, a former Bingo Hall in Since then 23 bulletins have been published, told people where the house was, what its history a two foot square box of chocolates ‘fur the stoned that he was wandering around the house the Agency. A German once entered the office, Lancaster Road, North Kensington, where every ranging from one foolscap side to eight, and was as far as we knew, explained the score in law kiddie’. He said: ‘You wondering why I’m doing all night in his knickers reciting Gaelic sagas. dressed in a gold lame suit, and followed by his Saturday three or four hundred people gathered listing empty properties available in England, and lent them any available equipment. all this aren’t you? Well, I’ll tell you. I need your His life was a little safer than before. family all in fresh sheepskins from Afghanistan, for a free ball. Electricity was re-routed from a Wales, Scotland, Ireland, Holland, Italy and The surface problem was homelessness, and in help. You have drugs here don’t you? You people One visitor called Julia came looking for a lavishly embroidered: ‘I would like please a place squatted house at the back, a large double bed Yugoslavia.’ A nucleus of seven or so people many cases when that was solved everything was have drugs?’ place to live, scanned the bulletins along with a with bath, and garden for the kinder, and mit put in the middle of the auditorium for people to worked under the umbrella of the agency: cool. We’d see the person we’d fixed up and find ‘Only the look in our eyes, that’s all.’ large map of London that had colour-coded pins telefon.I am from Endless Music. We are biggest accompany the music in their lubricious fashion, whoever lived in our house became involved. The that their days were glowing again,and they would ‘No, seriously, you have drugs here? You’re stuck into it: Rock and Roll band in Germany and we have and above the stage in letters four feet high house was often watched and the possibility of promise to keep us fed with any empty places that hippies aren’t you? Hippies always have drugs. • Red: ‘Squatted, but might be room’ many contracts with Island Records. You give a there was written: CIVILISATION HATH prosecution for incitement or conspiracy to they had noticed. But in many other cases home- I’ll pay you for it . . .’ • Green: ‘Ripe for plucking’ place to us now bitte?’ TURNED HER BACK ON THEE. REJOICE, trespass frequently lurked on the back-burner. lessness had created far worse problems. People Not to let the chance of a deal go begging, • Blue: ‘Empty but needs a lot of love’ Mad Dog stood up and surveyed the little SHE HATH AN UGLY FACE. Office hours were round the clock. who had no house built houses inside their heads; Cocke Lorrell who’d just done a run of three Julia said: ‘I think I’ll try Freston Road it’s scene. ‘Well,’ he said, pretending to consult the At the end of the day, half the people seduced People were sent to us from almost anywhere: people who’d been chronically rejected over a long weights, pulled out his scales and said: ‘How near where I work.’ latest bulletin, ‘Yeah, I think we got just the into coming had nowhere to go. It being winter, social services departments, highly funded period lived in a shell and sat in the office without much do you want?’ fondling a large polythene ‘Where is that?’ said Fluke, passing the time place.’ and our social consciences being intricately pluck- pressure groups such as Shelter or the Campaign being able to speak. Getting fixed up with a place bag filled with the stinking soul-smoke. of day. ‘Ja? gut, gut.’ ed, the Meat Roxy was established as a place to for the Homeless and Rootless, occasionally got transmuted into getting a fix. Being warm ‘What’s that?’ ‘Oh, Hammersmith Town Hall in the Housing ‘Yeah, you take the tube to Green Park. Turn live as well, but gradually, perhaps through the Harrow Road Police Station, and BIT, the hip had changed into a whiskey-sodden rush. ‘Best Buddha Grass.’ Department.’ right out of the entrance.’ loudness of the music, the roof fell in. Other Vatican and self-help centre down the road. It was One man sat in the dilapidated chair in the He was mystified. The theft of those nine Fluke looked slightly stunned: ‘How would ‘Ja, ja.’ accommodation had to be found for these errant a house rule that anyone could stay for a night corner of the kitchen-cum-office for two days years of his life had meant that he’d missed your colleagues feel about your squatting?’ ‘And you’ll find a huge building on the right space gipsies, Tuinal freaks, lushes and were- in the house until we found them somewhere without saying a word and then suddenly leapt Weed Power. ‘Oh, I don’t think they’d mind. Except for the hand side. We’ll let them know you’re coming.’ wolves clamouring for shelter from the wind and permanent. On average, 15 to 20 people came up and stuck a knife into Fluke.The knife ‘Dope,’ said Cocke Lorrell, ‘it’s grass. Dope for ones who’re members of the National Front.’ ‘How will I find it again please?’ (scribbling the rain and the cold in the Ladbroke Archipelago. round looking for somewhere to live each day. fortunately was fairly blunt and came out without ever, for ever loaded.’ And despite the existence of five members of greedily). A set of house-breaking equipment was pur- We opened up places for people but often any brown rice on the end. Gently asked for some ‘Oh, no. I don’t want that. I want some the National Front working in the Housing Depart- ‘It’s right on Piccadilly, near St James’ Street. chased, and a small survey of the neighbourhood found that many of them regarded us as the land- explanation, it transpired that he’d had nowhere cyanide.’ ment of a soi-disant socialist council, Julia was It’s just been squatted. There’s a man from Ruff carried out. Empty properties sprang up like lord. They would come back half a dozen times to live for two years save a mausoleum in There was a deathly hush. It transpired that he able to half-inch lists of empty properties from Tuff on the door, dressed in a huge black frock mushrooms and were cropped. The first bulletin complaining about roofs, drains and windows and Highgate Cemetery. The spirits had apparently couldn’t stand being outside. He just didn’t know the council files. She became the Mata Hari of coat, with gold braid, just like your suit, and for

Mathew Freeth 192 193 a joke he’s got a badge on his cap with the words (‘anyone on a bad trip, tuinal freaks etc, I think it’s a bolster, or a raker, yes, here it is, a council’s Complaints Department. She’s never laugh and fortunately it wasn’t. But who was it? “Ritz Hotel”. Just tell him you’ve come from the especially welcome’), he was daily invaded by four-inch raker. What do you have to say about squatted before. She works as a night cleaner Enraged property speculator? A hit-man hired by Ruff Tuff Creem Puff Estate Agency and your lone dementoes of every description. The real that?’ and seems desperate. ‘Can you fix me up in that Megalopolis? The National Grunt? Ah well, rooms will be waiting for you.’ Cardiff Friends of the Earth delivered a lorry ‘Listen, there are about 10,000 people sleeping street?’ she asks. ‘They got lights in the window forget it, paranoia is the gout of acid-anointed Through the good auspices of Patrick the post- load of cement to his front garden cash-on- rough in London, in all weathers, and a lot of at night. They seem nice people.’ She’s fixed up youth. man, a partner in the agency, six houses were delivery and he was forced to change his them are kitty-corner to you, Fat Cat, right on the with an introduction and a little later, her own Sometimes it has been very boring, sometimes found and cracked for Chiswick Women’s Aid who accommodation. Whether he had to squat or not Thames Embankment. That’s what I have to say place. very exciting. People would say: ‘How can you seemed to need a house per week. One windy was never revealed. ‘Teach the bitch to tamper about that. You think every house was opened up A junkie seeps in: ‘I don’t want any place afford to do it? Is there any charge for these night Tony from Rough Theatre bopped in with a with Aristocrats Lib,’ was Mad Dog’s comment. by the wind? People need to know how to do it. where the postal district is an odd number. I bulletins?’ Nope. It’s time for the Gospel of Free van, scored Gareth, Mary Jane, Mad Dog, and The cosy liberal papers stayed fairly silent. The They’re not ghosts. They can’t walk through walls. don’t want N19 or Wl for a start.’ to lurch back to life. It’s time the visionaries got Jonathan Marconi, and they all tooled off to Rich- Guardian published a couple of moody pictures Goodbye. Sleep well in your Beaverbrook Bed.’ ‘Paddington? W2?’ it on and the realists dreamt. All we want is a mond where Tony claimed there was a derelict of a child in front of a corrugated iron fence. The Next day the Evening Standard appeared ‘No. God’s told me Paddington’s bad for me.’ Garden of Eden where none of the fruit is hotel once used by the BBC in the thirties and Times reporter at the battle of Elgin Avenue with a front-page headline large enough to After similar objections to almost every place on forbidden. Communism never started – it’s forties to transmit the tea-time concerts of Max disclosed that he’d been unable to file any of his bruise your retina: ‘SECRET SQUATTERS the lists he starts metronomically rubbing the private property that was the new idea. Jaffa and the Palm Court Orchestra. stories about squatting for the last two weeks. ‘It’s PLAN FOR A MASS TAKE-OVER IN LONDON’. track-marks on his left arm. ‘Why are you doing In most cases we thought about as much of They found a strange haunted place by the editorial policy,’ he told us. At the same time, The The bulletin mysteriously returned later that that?’ says Cocke Lorrell. squatting a house as picking up a butt-end off river, strongly barricaded with two-by-four joists Times was quite gaily publishing some extra- night, rolled up in the front door handle and ‘God has told me that my left arm is bad for the street. Why? Because, to wax philosophic for nailed down to the floor inside. It took about two ordinary letters in its correspondence columns, stained with whiskey. Conspiracy to trespass was me so I got to keep stabbing it ... with stuff.’ a moment, we live in square rooms and we’re hours to crack as they had to wait for traffic one of which suggested that all squatters should mentioned in the article and the prospect of it He stays for several hours, alternately treated as products instead of Beings, in rows noise to cover each snap of the jemmy. The Palm be evicted from third-storey windows (see p 59). began to cause some consternation. brutalising and then nursing his diabolic and rows of square rooms where we’re all meant Court Hotel had been a giant pigeon loft for On another occasion the stencils for a new ‘Conspiracy to trespass . . . We could all get acupuncture points until he coincides with to be the same. In streets where there are 30,000 three years and was recycled as a little palace for bulletin were hanging from a bulldog clip on the five years . . .’ someone who’s just had a cure. He is enveigled gas stoves, 30,000 TV sets, 30,000 baths, fridges 30 battered wives and their offspring. wall for all to survey the new mass of available ‘Ah fuck it, what you keep muttering that for . away to Cold Turkey Towers in Cornwall Terrace, and cars, when with a little co-operation (which The bulletins listed anything from a hovel to a houses before they went on to BIT’S Gestetner. A ..Conspiracy to trespass, it’s just some legal having been convinced that NW1 is not really an Kropotkin showed in Mutual Aid was the palace and had a style of their own: ‘36 St Luke’s man came in claiming to be homeless and was shibboleth. To conspire, you know what that odd number and that anyway, ‘When you get strongest force in nature), maybe one or two of Road. Empty two years. Entry through rear. No left to study the stencils while people in the office means? “To breathe together”. Con-spirare . . . I really high on mathematics you realise that each would be enough. roof. Suit astronomer.’ Some houses in Norfolk they were all armed, dope-infested layabouts went about their business in the next room. don’t mind doing that, do you? And trespass, you there’s no such thing as one’; and for the first Some squats have broken through – Freston belonging to the Royal Family were squatted who should be garrotted. When they came back, he’d disappeared with the know what the origin of that word is? To “pass time, this gutter St Sebastian smiles. Road, Bristol Gardens and Cornwall Terrace – after featuring in the bulletins, Mick Jagger’s One of the partners in Ruff Tuff was fried by stencils which he sold to the Evening Standard. through, to transcend”. That’s the dictionary A family phone up. They’re paying £42 per with walls knocked down so that you could walk unused country house found some occupants, and the Sunday People on their front page: ‘ The old The Evening Standard tried to confirm the meaning. Straight up.’ week for bed and breakfast in St Albans. Mad Dog along the street inside the building. Imagine a the Cambodian Embassy was squatted when Etonian house grabber: he jemmies way in for story on the phone the next day but got very ‘They won’t pay much attention to that in screams at them:‘In St Albans? Forty-two pounds? huge refectory table on the ground floor of every abandoned after the overthrow of the Buddhist squatters,’ presenting him as a near psychopath short shrift from Fluke since it was then that we court. I think discretion is the better part of pounds? Where the fuck is St Albans anyway? . . street, and a huge refectory bed on the top floor. oligarchy of Prince Sihanouk. Two Mercedes cars who would prefer to crack his way through a knew where the stencils had gone – stencils valour.’ .Just south of Greenland ain’t it? Well put on Whether you’re a yipped-up hipped-up were found in the garage of this weird house- block of houses on his way to the shops rather which represented seven people’s careful ‘Sure.’ The doorbell rings. your snow shoes and get your asses down here communalist or no, the reduction in fire hazard cum-temple and the only way that the squatters than walk round the corner. The reporter had research for about three weeks. ‘There’s someone at the door. Life goes on.’ toute vite.’ And then they come a few hours later, is strong in its favour. could be evicted was if the Khmer Rouge had subtly gained an interview in the Ruff Tuff office ‘This is the Evening Standard.I have to tell Two slinky and silky gentlemen file in, one bedraggled and burnt out from rent slavery and Jesus was born a squatter though the Church decided to move into the London Property by pretending to be from Cardiff Friends of the you that Bulletin 17 has come into our hands. I kvetching about his landlady having stolen his score themselves a whole house in Richmond. Commissioners (one of London’s largest slum Market. They were still in occupation at the Earth who were, he claimed, doing a survey on can’t tell you how but we have a photo-copy of it mattress because it had ‘perverted liquids on it’, Letters also pour in demanding the bulletins: owners and property speculators) would never beginning of 1980. Buckingham Palace with its squatting. He was duly given an extensive and we think that it contains a great deal of vetting his phone calls and opening his mail, all ‘Dear Sir, Madam, Hippy or Freak. I am acknowledge it. When squatters are presented as 614 rooms often featured. rundown on the homelessness situation in highly contentious material . . .’ for the princely sum of £52 per month. He looks doing important mind work and need a quiet inhuman, someone’s trying to feed into the tapes: All the time while bulletins were being pumped London – 100,000 houses empty, 30,000 people ‘Do you now? Well, listen, baby blue, if you’re through the new list, glancing at the antics of place . . .’ ‘You don’t exist. You don’t own anything, so who out and houses being cracked, the gutter press squatting, etc – together with a brief but poetic homeless I’ll speak to you, if you’re not you can Windsor the black tom from time to time ‘Dear Rough Tough Creamers, please send are you? How can we recognise you?’ kept up a shrill and hate-filled descant. Squatters soliloquy about Wat Tyler, Gerrard Winstanley rot off . . .’ commenting ‘Isn’t she butch?’, and then drapes bulletins of everywhere in the world, we are tired When people are evicted someone is playing are vermin, proclaimed the Daily Express. They (‘The world is a common treasure house to all . . . ‘Before you put the phone down, I should tell our jemmy elegantly over his arm to go crack a of somewhere . . .’ God and saying that their life in that place is have lice, shrilled the Evening News which em- there is no my thing, no your thing’), and you that we’re going to publish this material.’ recommended flat in nearby Powis Square. ‘Dear Agency, I am living in a furnished worthless. When we were being evicted from one ployed a spy to insinuate himself with squatters Proudhon; all little gurus of this yippie cabal. ‘Great! The wider circulation it gets, the A silent woman with a large scar on her head room with my two children and paying £10 a Ruff Tuff house we said to the landlord: ‘You and obtain free board and lodging only to trash Mad Dog saw the paper the next week and better. Join the Legion of Joy. Freedom is a full- asks about some houses in Orsett Terrace, Pad- week.Please can you help me? Please answer soon.’ want your house back? Then come here and live them later in his paper for an enormous fee. The while everyone else was having apoplexy, mutter- time career.’ dington. She’s escaping the violent vagaries of There have also been death threats on the with us.’ squatters are an ‘Army of Vagabonds led by dan- ed ‘Revenge is a meal best eaten cold’. Four weeks ‘Well, you can put it like that if you like. But her husband by staying with a friend in a council phone. One was just a tape-loop endlessly repeat- Squatting is acupuncture for the death gerous left-wing agitators’, squawked the Sunday later the reporter found that as a result of his can I ask you this . . er . . I’m looking through it flat where she has to creep in and out because the ing: ‘Hello, hello, hello. You’re a dead man. Don’t culture. Freedom is not yet quite free but the People; and it ran a three-part series on squatting, own house being put on the bulletins and des- now. You recommend a certain kind of implement couple on the ground floor suspect her friend of laugh.’ Well, to quote the Illuminatus, ‘If it doesn’t squatting community can give you a good leaving the gentle reader with the impression that cribed therein as the Sunday People Rest Home for breaking into houses with mortise locks on . . . sub-letting and are in constant contact with the make you laugh, it isn’t true.’ It didn’t make us wholesale price.•

196 197 Skippering these difficulties, skippering is not approached Many charities treat skipperers as‘inadequates’ Chapter The use of empty property by homeless people has with any great expectations. With no security of who require supervised therapeutic accommod- From skippering to squatting 19 a longer history and is more widespread than the tenure, and no benefit to be gained from good ation.The charities may also suggest that some are by Celia Brown public attention given to squatting in recent years public relations, skipperers seldom bother to care submerged in a deviant life ‘outside’ society from might suggest. Homelessness is not a new problem for houses and may cause damage with fires, and which they must be enticed for their own good. Squatting as an alternative to hostels and lodging houses particularly for older single people working for by taking copper or lead for sale. Skippering is seen as evidence that skipperers low pay or unemployed. Lacking rights to public Lack of a proper home affects many other are odd, rather than that the alternative offered housing, these people have traditionally been aspects of life which the well-housed take for by charities is unsatisfactory. But if the charities forced into degrading conditions in lodging granted. For example, people who spend most saw their ‘clients’ as full human beings, they houses or government reception centres (now nights in dormitories without safe storage cannot would realise that many people prefer skippers called resettlement units). They get labelled by carry around anything but a few clothes. for the same reason that most people prefer their society as ‘down and outs’, ‘dossers’, ‘tramps’ or Skipperers, therefore, tend to lack possessions homes to institutions, and that the charities’ ‘derelicts’ and are accordingly discriminated and this, coupled with poverty and insecurity, community houses are still institutions. These ‘Dear Sir/Madam, against.As a relief from hostel life many have gone means that skippers are usually sparse and little people are seeking to control their home lives: to We write to you as a group of men who use the Kingsway Day Centre and who have been discussing our circumstances. We want our voice to be ‘skippering’; a term which embraces sleeping on energy is spent on maintaining them. live with people of their choice, and to be able to heard. park benches, in railway stations, under hedges, People without a permanent home also lack do what they want to, when they want to, in the Those of us who use Bruce House are disgusted at the conditions there. The toilets are not fit for human use, and nobody bothers to clear the pigeon or in empty buildings. Buildings are usually used the practical and emotional support of a constant privacy which other people take for granted. As mess from the tables where we eat. A lot of the problems of hostels are caused because, they are hostels. Why do we have to live in hostels, year-in year-out only for a few days but some people may use network of relationships. Friends are frequently one man put it: ‘The trouble with going into a with our social security benefits geared to hostel rates? These hostels were intended for emergencies but are full of ‘regulars’ who book in week after week. them for longer and talk of ‘having a skipper’. parted by hospitalisation, death or arrest (under charity hostel is that you pass from being your But they are not designed for regular lodging, and we keep out others with emergency needs. What you have done is to turn us into hostel dwellers and ‘Having a skipper’ differs from ‘having a the vagrancy or drunkenness laws2). Alone, and own man to a kept man.’ forced us to adopt a way of life you disapprove of. squat’ because of the attitudes people have vulnerable to theft and mugging, they are The talk of ‘inadequacy’ and ‘deviancy’ What we need is decent accommodation suitable for single persons to live in, with some independence and self-respect. Some of the Day Centre people towards it. Legally there is no difference (except suspicious of others and may keep the location of encourages public belief that homelessness is the have recently become tenants in a short-life house. The property has not been turned into a slum, nor wrecked, nor burnt down. But because of our present that skipperers don’t usually change the lock and their skipper secret, reducing potential solidarity fault of its victims. Worse, in order to gain circumstances, people do not want us as neighbours, and do not want to give us lodgings. There are very few bed-sitters going, and landlords demand thus don’t claim possesion) but skipperers think still further. Skippers can also become chaotic financial support, charity appeals refer to ‘down- something like £60 deposit and £40 rent in advance. We do not have that kind of money, and even if we had we should still find it hard to get anywhere.’ they’ve no rights to the property and will be because of heavy drinking and mental and-outs’, ‘dossers’ or ‘vagrant alcoholics’ and (Letter to Westminster Council, 1976) thrown out or prosecuted if they are discovered. disturbance, caused partly by society’s failure to show pictures of dirty dishevelled old men and Therefore they live in secret, trying to keep house discharged mental patients3 and partly by women begging, or sleeping amidst a debris of hidden from police and from neighbours who the conditions they have experienced. bottles. These stereotypes pick on the most might report their presence. Corrugated iron is unusual-looking homeless people and use the left over windows and a secret access may be visual effects of poverty and distress to make devised. One man, for instance, used to climb a Alternatives to skippering – charities or people seem strange and even frightening in an ‘I call in at the labour Exchange and see if there’s any jobs going but there isn’t and it’s been like this for months now, as the employment situation has drainpipe and enter by upper floor windows.1 In squatting attempt to shock the public into giving money. been very bad. This job finding has always been a sore point with me, as I can’t seem able to stick at a job, but not only that, when I get money in my another case a group tunnelled through the The upsurge of squatting during the seventies The net effect of the charity ‘industry’ is pocket I go wild and start drinking heavily and landing up in trouble, at the same time as losing the job. party walls of a terrace of houses and lived in was paralleled by the growth of new-style however unintentionally, to perpetuate the idea of On the other hand if I don’t work, I don’t drink and don’t miss it and I find myself doing things that I’ve always wanted to do, such as writing poetry the house furthest from the secret back window charities for the single homeless offering alien and untouchable outcasts so continuing the short articles, and painting, so what’s the answer, not only for me but for thousands like me? We don’t want to destroy other people’s lives, we want to live, entrance. This strategy contrasts with boldly ‘community houses’. Yet many of the homeless rejection of homeless single people which traps and live decent like everyone else. We are all so fed up with filthy, lousy doss-houses and spikes that are destroying decent men and women. Not only have changing the lock and being ready to defend a still prefer skippering. them in the homelessness scene. When living in you got to be drunk or drugged to live in these places, you also have to lose your pride and dignity, because one isn’t a man any more, or if he tries to be right to occupy in the typical squat. ‘community houses’, lodging houses (doss-houses) it’s impossible.’ (From a short story by Eddie Brinley) Secrecy has many drawbacks. Services cannot or skippers,the lack of a respectable address marks be connected officially so that if they are not al- people as ‘homeless’. Prospective employers and ready laid on, people have to live without lighting landladies/lords turn them away. The state forces or heating, and may resort to burning floorboards people into ‘doss houses’ through the policy of for warmth and cooking. Difficulty of access Social Security offices which give people without creates the risk of people being trapped when ill an address vouchers to hostels instead of rent.4 In Hostels for the homeless as happened to one of the group in the terrace fact, many people do not claim social security be- Hostels for single homeless people are provided by both commercial and charitable organisations. The term applies to night shelters, common lodging mentioned above.When he finally made it through cause they are so badly treated at the special ‘No houses, boarding houses, hotels, rehabilitation projects, community houses and so on. all the holes in the walls, an ambulanceman said FixedAbode’ offices.The state then threatens them A survey Hostels and Lodgings for Single People (HMSO 1976) found 31,253 beds in hostels and lodgings for single people which it covered, 2,872 of he was just drunk and he died in the police station. with the vagrancy laws and a criminal record. which were in dormitories for 20 or more people. Venturing outside demands physical exertion and The charities have come to act as unreliable Standards of accommodation using basic Government minimum standards applying to lavatories, wash basins and baths per bed were appalling. 78 risks discovery. So if there is no toilet, people may intermediaries between the homeless and the per cent of beds were in establishments below at least one of the basic standards, whilst 57 per cent were in establishments below all three basic resort to using a room or corner, moving on when state which ought to be providing them with basic standards. Furthermore, 85 per cent of hostels were in buildings built before 1914. conditions become unbearable. As a result of rights. Stigmatised homeless people often have to

198 1976 get the backing of a charity worker even to get ad- ‘clients’ to ‘living with their own kind’ (as defined squatters and ‘dossers’ as in this example of an mitted to hospital. So the ‘client’ and staff worker by others), squatting has enabled a range of people illegal eviction reported in SAC News in February are trapped into presenting the ‘deserving’ home- to live together who in normal circumstances 1977: ‘The police claimed that the occupiers were less person as someone who is inadequate or has would have shunned each other. This has helped not squatters but that because they had very few been converted from their ‘deviant lifestyle’. For not only ‘dossers’ but also ex-prisoners, ‘junkies’ possessions they were dossers’. example, funds are on occasion given for housing ex-mental patients and people with disabilities. The experience of these attitudes can encourage alcoholics, so ‘clients’ have to be presented as such. Squatting can give people practical proof of people to believe that they are essentially Resentment against the professional salaries their own potential with which to counter the different from squatters. Ex-skippers, therefore, paid to staff for their supervising role, and the ‘inadequacy’ labels of agencies. One man, for in- particularly need backing from squatters’ demoralising effect of powerlessness and of being stance, who had squatted, and then helped others organisations or other groups when they squat. treated as inferior, lead residents to be unco- to squat, was outraged when a charity worker Unfortunately squatters are not always helpful. operative or to believe that they actually are suggested that ‘street level’ dossers would not be In 1977,I visited several squatting groups suggest- peculiar. This in turn reinforces the prejudices of able to cope as tenants, unlike some ex-lodging ing that skipperers should be offered support. the staff. Their power over the ‘client’ makes it house men who had successfully settled in hard-to- Many squatters knew virtually nothing about skip- virtually impossible for truly equal and let flats.The man explained that he did not like the pering whilst others had the normal stereotyped dignifying relationships to develop and makes a hostel regime and had therefore got himself a good image of ‘dossers’ formed from the media and 6 mockery of the word ‘community’. squat. This went against all the preconceptions Abrahams Michael from street encounters with people who appeared of the charity worker who preferred to pity him strange and awkward. Yet these squatters often rather than admire his achievements. Squatting can also facilitate collective had ex-skipperers living among them whom they Not all poor single people who experience a organisation for exerting political pressure to did not identify as ‘dossers’ because they did not crisis become homeless. The people most likely to improve conditions. Squatting lacks the furtive stand out as unusual and kept quiet about their get trapped in homelessness are those who have secrecy involved in skippering and clearly has stigmatised backgrounds. One of these ex-skipper- no family or friends to fall back on; for example, more potential as a political force. ers even spoke out against ‘dossers’ in a squatters’ people from institutions like childrens’ homes, Housing must be part of an overall street meeting I addressed, and took a long time to prisons and mental hospitals. Others lose contact improvement in the combination of admit his background in a later interview: ‘This is by working in jobs which require long periods circumstances which at present oppress people like these so-called dossers that hang around . . . away from home such as the army and merchant and squatting can make this possible. People reject them, they throw them aside, navy. Squatting has often been remarkable in they’re rejected from society. I mean, I’ve been providing informal friendly support for such rejected from society.I used to sleep in Green Park. individuals by bringing together people from many Barriers to squatting backgrounds who share a housing need and a Many skipperers express interest in squatting but sense of common purpose and identity. People are put off by the media image of squatters as share responsibility for their living accommod- hippies or nasty political agitators. Since squatters ation and are dependent on each other. Various have been publicly condemned, it is not obvious

Mike Wells types of social contact develop from practical and that squatting can be a step towards improved political activities:contacts within houses,between status. It may appear simply to be a risky and Squatting as a solution squats and between squatting communities. short-lived housing improvement and they may In contrast, squatting has enabled many people People who live in lodging houses and skipper not understand exactly what squatting is. to house themselves and to be in a position to put do bear more than an average load of personal Many people do not realise that they are housing demands on the authorities which cannot problems, but their basic requirements in order dossers only as long as they think of themselves be so easily ignored. Squatting harnesses people’s to be able to deal with them are secure housing, as such and allow themselves to be treated as energy and resources and does not make them dignity,a secure and adequate income, worthwhile dossers. To be a squatter all they need to do is to wait years begging for houses. Individuals are ways of spending time, friends, and a purpose for put a lock on the door. then no longer trapped, because they can present living. Squatting can provide a basis from which Others may think they are squatting when they themselves as normal to employers and others, people can work out their own solutions. Squatting are actually still using the skippering strategy and since they have a postal address (unlike a skipper) communities have contained many examples of experiencing its drawbacks. Skipperers need more

which is not stigmatised (unlike a charity address). people who share a particular problem squatting contact with squatters to learn about the possibili- Mike Wells Whereas nearly all charities confine their together and providing support for each other, in- ties and how to squat effectively. Skipperers are cluding groups of ex-mental patients, junkies and also hindered from squatting by the attitude Sadly, the unpleasant consequences of home- Trafalger Square rally by homeless people and hostel women.There could be squats of people with drink towards ‘dossers’ of the police, the authorities lessness and the ‘skippering strategy’ have earned dwellers demanding proper housing instead of dirty problems supporting each other; there already and even many squatters. The police for instance skipperers a bad name and obscured the common

Chris Schwarz/ CHAR Chris Schwarz/ hostels, 1980. are heavy drinkers living successfully in squats. frequently attempt to distinguish between ‘real’ aspectofskipperersandsquattersasusersofempty

200 201 addiction and get her children out of care: property who, despite the hardships involved, Organizing to end the ‘dosser’ problem labels must not be allowed to disguise common ‘This place rehabilitated me in so far as I choose self-reliance and independence in Despite these conflicts and prejudices on both interests and common humanity, nor to imply could start a new life. If it hadn ‘t been for the preference to the poor, institutional ‘sides’, squatters who have made an effort to assumptions about the wide range of people who Nick Wates Nick people here I would have rotted away. I’d have accommodation available to homeless people. contact ‘dossers’ have been welcomed as ‘one of are lumped together by them. In order to unite been dead if I hadn’t found this place.’ In many areas skipperers used houses before us’ in contrast to ‘one of those social workers’. The all people with common interests we must reject others squatted them. Sometimes skipperers have achievements of the squatting movement are able the isolation of particular problem ‘groups’ from JOHN been effectively evicted by squatters as they to inspire the feeling that people can fight back each other and be suspicious of categories John squatted in an organised street after returned to find locks on the doors of the houses and squatting can provide new hope for people devised for administrative convenience and skippering for many years. they had been using. On occasions, this has result- who feel powerless and politically isolated. social control. Squatters’ groups, the Claimants ‘I’ve been on the streets many times, before I ed in physical confrontation7. Mostly the skipper- In 1976, I helped to start a political organisa- Union, trade unions and residents associations knew or understood anything about the meaning ers have been pushed out, but at times they have tion called PROD (Preservation of the Rights of could all provide a basis for political organisation of squatting or to understand that you could been absorbed into squatting communities or have Dossers). It was clear that many ‘dossers’ want to relevant to ‘dossers’ problems. squat with a communion of people. I didn’t simply continued to live side by side. Yet when see political changes and an end to prejudice and Until recently, ‘single homelessness’ was understand this at all, I only thought it was if people have continued skippering in a destructive discrimination. But homelessness makes political characterised as being to do with ‘dossers’ and HARRY I’ve got a key”. They said “You’ll have to be out you went and slept in an old house “Oh, I’ll stay fashion it has endangered squatters’ attempts to organisation difficult. The people are preoccupied ‘inadequacy’.8 Thus squatting gained support if When Harry was drafted into the army during the tomorrow or we’ll have to throw you out”. After here tonight because if I’m here any longer the present themselves as ‘responsible’ users of empty with daily survival, hard to contact and afraid of families were housed, but single people received Second World War he left a wife and five kids in that I slept in an old van in Whit field Street. neighbours around will fetch the police and I’m property, thus providing an incentive to dissociate being barred from lodging houses and day centres scant consideration. This meant that the totally Manchester. When he returned his wife had been Then I met Francis who had squatted in the going to get thrown out”. It happened to me quite themselves from ‘winos’ or ‘dossers’. Homeless for their political activities. PROD saw squatting inadequate Housing (Homeless Persons) Act was ‘messing about with someone else ‘, so he went houses in Euston Street which the Council had a few times and I got fed up of it you see. I had to people who are used to having to wangle their as a possible solution and felt that this would also passed in 1977 limiting statutory provision to back into the army until 1950 and then went to tinned up. She used to give me food and things. keep moving on and moving on. way into charities and obey staff whom they be a step towards political consciousness. Putting priority groups of single people (the old and the London, where he wheeled a barrow round the She gave me a room.’ One time I was thrown out. There was no court resent have approached squatting communities one’s own lock on the door declares a right to sick) because the Government claimed that streets buying and selling odds and ends. Harry squatted with a group of students in a order issued against me. I was at work at the without realising that they are fundamentally somewhere to live. Taking the boards down from councils could not afford to house everyone in ‘I first stopped in Black friars Salvation Army communal house for three years, taking an active time and my stuff was just thrown out on the different. This has made squatters suspicious of the windows symbolizes a removal of the barrier need. At the same time the Criminal Law Act but that was no good. My clothes got stolen and I part in the life of the local squatting community. street. The door was just nailed up and I had no anyone who looks like a ‘dosser’. For instance a between society and people ‘outside’ it. was brought in to intimidate squatters whilst the hate them fuckin’ lice. I thought, sod that, I’m not When Camden Council wanted the house back in chance of getting into it.’ squatter in St. Agnes Place, Lambeth, said: PROD never really got off the ground. But vagrancy laws remain a permanent threat.• having that any more. So I went skippering. After 1976, pressure from the squatting group got John said that then he thought of himself as a ‘People’s reaction now about old blokes coming whatever future organisation occurs, different that lodging house I said I’d never stay in Harry – bronchitic and now aged 65 – a dosser, but he changed over to seeing himself as a round – it depends on if they’re really sort of another lodging house again. I’ve slept all over permanent council tenancy. squatter when he realised that by doing so he grasping and they’re obviously lying and the fuckin’ place: in railway wagons in the back could not be thrown out so easily. The difference they’re out for what they can get. There was of Euston, in Regents Park, under the arches at CRIQUETTE between living in the squatting community after one bloke like that who was really hard to Charing Cross, under boats but the police turned Criquette was a heroin addict. For several years being on his own is very important to him. take. He just let the house he was living in me out, under the Brighton pier – coppers never she moved from one bed and breakfast hotel to ‘Living on your own is like being shut away, collapse. People ripped off the lead and he let came there because it was too low for their another, leaving by the backstairs because she you know, shut of f from the world, you know, you the LEB in to cut off the electricity. So it’s helmets. I slept in a boiler house in Paddington had no money to pay the bills. Her two children feel shut away, you feel not wanted, it’s like being been really hard, because of that kind of for two years. The inspector said “If you stay were in care. In 1974, with her boyfriend Pete – in prison, you ‘re sort of shut away from that history when someone does come round down there you’ll be doing me a favour. Put a an addict – she squatted a derelict house in a society and between you and society there’s a looking for a place to live who is asking you to couple of shovels of coal on at four or five in the well-established squatting community. Other great wall and the only people that are with you do everything for them, which is what some of morning.” I got breakfast in a convent – the squatters helped her to connect electricity and is the people you ‘re in prison with sort of thing.’ these people have done, then you’re really down-and-outs used to queue up, and I used to obtain furniture: wary because of previous experience.’ queue up with them. ‘At that time we were incapable of doing things Dialogue is needed about why self-help is impor- ‘I had a lodging in Mornington Terrace for six for ourselves . . . I was overwhelmed by the tant. With squatting no one gets paid for social years – 35 bob a week – but the house got bought amount of support; meeting people who actually work. There is not the built-in inequality in rela- out and I had to get out. I lodged in Islington for cared and treated me as a human being instead Mike Wells tionships that one finds in institutions. Squatting a while – the same thing happened there too. I of being below human life. It made me realise is not an inferior form of state hand-out which couldn ‘t find a bleedin’ room, so I went that not everyone in the world is shits. I made deserves to be abused. Getting a house together is skippering again. I had to. I used to skipper in friends for the first time since coming to London. a step towards taking control over one’s own life Euston Street. The owner gave me a key and said It’s the only place where I found people who cared and circumstances rather than the strictly limited “don’t say nothing to nobody. “I lived in the a damn. Professionals just said “pull yourself form of participation offered by institutions where basement for two years. What put the hat on it together” and sent me away.’ the real control is with the social workers. When was the winos putting dog ends on the mattresses Having a relatively secure home and being in a ‘dossers’ join squatting groups, these issues need and setting fire to them. Council came round and supportive community, she developed the confid- to be discussed as otherwise squatters can be tinned them up. I told them “I’m a tenant, look ence to take a two year course to end her heroin viewed as social workers trying to impose self-help. 1980 Mike Wells

202 203 Squatting around the Its not just Britain – looking further afield.

20 Everybody’s doing it Squatting in The Netherlands, Ireland, Denmark, Portugal, Italy, Hong Kong and other places

204 205 Self built homes on squatted land. destroyed such settlements without providing selected and secretly taken over; either in the hope Chapter Top left: Paris, France. any alternative. But in most countries the vast that the owners will not find out straightaway or Everybody’s doing it 20 Top centre: Malaya, 1950. number of squatters and the lack of alternatives with the prospect of an immediate violent Top right: Salisbury, Zimbabwe. by Mark Gimson have compelled reluctant authorities to recognise confrontation. In either case squats can only Bottom left: Guatemala City, Guatemala, 1976. squatter settlements and grudgingly to help survive if backed by an organised campaign Bottom centre: Bombay, India. A look at some of the world’s diverse squatting movements Bottom right: Tondo, Manila, Phillipines, 1976. provide water supplies, electricity and drains. which raises the political stakes so high that the Before this living conditions are often appalling, authorities hold their fire. and the installation of services is a turning point Despite these adverse conditions, squatting has in the battle for a reasonable place to live. The developed in Germany. Church and university squatters then continue gradually to improve authorities have on occasion acquiesced to the pre- their houses and slowly the settlements become sence of squatters and on other occasions, violent an established part of the city. defence campaigns have held off the police. This chapter presents some information about This process is mainly confined to the third The first known squat since the war took squatting around the world. It is not a world, although it also occurs on the peripheries place in September 1970 in Frankfurt’s West comprehensive survey of worldwide squatting, of Southern European cities like Athens, Madrid End when 23 tenement buildings were occupied. but shows a range of different approaches and Lisbon and Naples and in bidonvilles outside Paris. During 1973 and 1974 the Frankfurt authori- tactics which have been tried. With the extraordinarily rapid growth of third ties carried out a successful campaign to stamp out There are two types of squatting: on land and world cities we can see the property market devel- squatting, culminating in police using tear-gas in in empty buildings. The former is a much more oping very quickly.Within a few years of occupying evictions. By 1976, they claimed there were only extensive phenomenon than the latter, but it is land, squatters regard themselves as the owners, two squats left in the city. Many of the squatters only discussed briefly here because considerable and sometimes sublet or sell their dwellings. (and rent strikers) were Turkish or Italian literature already exists about it. The rest of the Although this ‘third world squatting’ is a immigrants although it was difficult for them to be Radio Times Hulton Picture Library Radio chapter covers squatting in buildings. different phenomenon from the squatting of involved in direct action because of their empty buildings in Britain, there are important precarious legal position under the ‘guest worker’ similarities in both cases squatting is system which enables them to be deported or Land Squatting unauthorised direct action by poorer members of refused new work permits on the slightest pretext. As much as one tenth of the global population is the society and in both cases it is perceived as a Other big German cities such as Munich and housed in urban squatting communities.Almost all threat by the property-owning class. Hamburg have had only a handful of squats The major cities in Asia, Africa and South America Squatting in empty houses has recently been West German establishment has always been have vast squatter settlements on the outskirts. taking place throughout Western Europe. The quick to describe all squatters as ‘terrorists’, These have many different names, e g shanty availability of empty property is obviously a pre- thereby justifying the use of all available Monique Hervo towns, bidonvilles in French (meaning ‘tin towns’), Hagar Shour/ Camera Press requisite for this type of squatting, and methods of repression. gourbevilles in Tunisia, favelas in Brazil, colonias homelessness or intolerable living conditions are With rapidly rising rents and a reduction of anti- paracaidistas (parachutists) in Mexico and so on. the main stimulus. Often the authorities, backed terrorist tensions, there have been new squatting In many cases a substantial proportion of up by repressive laws, have reacted more initiatives in 1979 and 1980. As in several other inhabitants of a city are squatters: for example in strongly than in Britain. European countries, many of these have been the mid 1960s in Lima, Peru, 45 per cent of the more an expression of alienation from the atom- population (more than a million) were squatters, ised lifestyle imposed by the planning system than in Djakarta, Indonesia, 25 per cent (750,000 West Germany a reflection of absolute housing shortage In the people) and in Ankara,Turkey nearly 50 per cent.2 In Germany the law of Hausfriedensbruch summer of 1979 there was a wave of squatting in aul Almassy/ Camera Press aul Migrants flood to the cities from the country- P (breaking the peace of a building or piece of land) West Berlin in the Kreuzberg district, an side in search of work and initially sleep outside is rather like the rejected criminal trespass immigrant area, where many dilapidated flats or find somewhere with relatives or friends. The proposals in Britain. Squatters can be arrested were taken over and repaired. This activity is only way that they can get reasonably permanent immediately on instructions from the owner. now called Instand(be) setzung (rehabilitation- roofs over their heads is by building shacks for Similarly, owners can easily obtain eviction orders occupation). Support for the squatters and the themselves on unused land at the edge of the which can be executed with help from the police. local political situation has prevented eviction.The city. To achieve this they usually work in groups After eviction and arrest for Hausfriedensbruch former Nazi film studios were also taken over and and take possession of land by building shacks squatters in Germany have frequently been charg- in Spring 1980 the squatters were legitimised for overnight; sometimes there are small firms ed with other offences: burglary, criminal damage three years and allowed to pay rent. which specialise in this clandestine operation. and conspiracy.The legal position and the strength Around the same time, students squatted a Some authoritarian governments, like South of the German police makes squatting a very disused eye hospital attached to the university in

Africa, Chile and Indonesia, have completely Wates Nick clandestine activity.Buildings have to be carefully Gottmgen where there was an acute student

206 207 ing opposition to road building, hotel and office per week, three-quarters of which was used to plans and by fighting to maintain low-income pay for building services, and one quarter to

housing in the city centre. meet ‘action costs’ such as posters, leaflets and ony Sleep One of the most dynamic and spectacular other campaign expenses. To avoid centralisation T squatting groups was in the Nieuwmarkt area in there was no single fund, but each house or block the centre of Amsterdam. In the late 1960s the of houses kept the money. At one time, decisions town council decided to build an underground about expenditure were made at central line through the area, which, because of the meetings but later people who needed money swampy soil conditions, meant demolishing all presented their project to each household, which the buildings on the proposed route, most of then decided how much to allocate. As well as which provided low rent houses. Many people being an expression of solidarity, this fund opposed the plans, not only because it meant the enabled many projects to be carried out which large-scale demolition of a historic part of the would not otherwise have started; for instance, city, but also because they knew that the housing the occupation of offices and warehouses and would be replaced by offices, banks and hotels, their conversion into housing within a month or

eystone and that the residents would be decanted into two. The group could also boast a cafe, a K gigantic housing estates outside the city. printshop, a bookshop and an illegal radio Blauwe Maandag The end of a squat in Hamburg, West Germany, after and attack by 400 police, 1973. About 300 squatters occupied houses on the station. In 1977 when the squatters in Villa Road route of the projected underground, and in 1975 in London were mounting a campaign to avoid housing crisis. They mounted a large campaign the struggle came to a head when the town council eviction, Amsterdam squatters sent £200 out of ony Sleep

eventually forcing the authorities to grant tried to evict them. The squatters barricaded the their funds in support. Few British squatting T tenancies to many of them. In February 1980, a buildings using welded sheet steel and anti-tear- groups ever had as much money in their kitties. squatters conference was held in the hospital. It gas curtains on all windows. A kind of drawbridge The local action groups linked with other showed that squatting now existed in dozens of made of steel cables and decorated with cartoons groups both in Amsterdam and elsewhere in Hol- German towns where such activity had previously was hung between two buildings and a brightly land by means of representative meetings. By 1980 been unknown, and people from 26 towns attended painted ‘people’s tank’ attempted to confuse the there were 15 information centres in Amsterdam the conference. By summer 1980 houses in ten police! A human barricade was formed round the with weekly consulting hours for prospective streets were squatted in Cologne and groups building, police vehicles were overturned and squatters, and an extensive monthly bulletin was were also established in Aachen, Braunschweig, sprayed with paint to make them look ridiculous. published. Because many of the property specula- Tubingen, Frieburg, Frankfurt and Giessen. The police, heavily armed with tear-gas, water tors in Amsterdam are British, occasional trips Although this squatting movement generally cannons and an armoured car, finally occupied the have been made to Britain to attend property involves fewer squatters than in Holland,Denmark building which was then demolished within an developers conferences and to attempt to obtain or Britain, the legal and political situation means hour.Several people were arrested (and subsequen- information about particular developers plans.

they must be highly organised and politically tly jailed) and others suffered minor injuries. A Information networks are more highly developed ony Sleep aware, and with a deepening housing crisis they ‘funeral’ was arranged the following day at which than in British squatting groups, with information T are bound to make an important contribution to 3,000 people laid flowers on the rubble. about developments constantly leaked from inside Squatters organise in Amsterdam. the German political scene. Although the squatters lost the immediate batt- sources and computers used to trace changes in Top left: A stencilled wall shows where a house used to le to save the buildings,the general population,now property ownership. A comprehensive file of be. alerted to the threat to the city, was so shocked building permits inAmsterdam was started in 1977 Top second from left: Tarring and feathering a British The Netherlands by the violent confrontations shown on television which enables squatters to know the owners of property speculator’s offices. In the Netherlands most squatting (kraken in that the authorities were forced to scrap plans to empty buildings and their plans. Speculators and Top second from right: Building street barricades from Dutch, meaning ‘to crack’) has been in Amsterdam, build any more underground lines in the city. politicians in Holland have tried but failed to cobble stones. but it is extensive in every large Dutch city. Ams- Similar though less spectacular campaigns led stamp out squatting. Between 1977 and 1979 Top right: Welding sheet steel barricades. terdam, with a population of 700,000 has 5,000 Above left: Collecting a levy helps pay for house repairs, to the authorities rejecting proposals for office squatters in Holland organised a whole series of pirate radio stations and much more. people on the waiting list and it takes four years to developments and road schemes. In all the both local and national demonstrations and Above right: Monitoring of police radio with get to the top of it. Squatting first emerged in the campaigns, squatters joined forces with other occupations against the Government’s proposed computerised scanners is done 24 hours a day to get mid sixties and it has grown steadily ever since. local people and provided the main impetus anti-squatting laws. Under the slogan ‘Kraak de advance warning of police activity. In the spring of 1980 the authorities estimated largely because they had the time and energy. anli-kraak wet’ (break the anti-squatting law), in Left: The Golden Crowbar, one of several unlicensed that there were between 6,000 and 7,000 squatted The Nieuwmarkt squatters developed highly January 1978 1,500 squatters from 30 different bars run illegally by squatters to raise money. Staff are houses in Amsterdam alone with a slightly smaller efficient forms of organisation. A key feature was towns and cities marched through Amsterdam. unpaid and drinks are cheap. number in the rest of Holland. Squatters have had the communal fund. Each squatter was expected On September 21 1978, 150 Dutch squatters Right: Internal alarm intercom system in a fortified

ony Sleep squat. Each floor can be sealed off separately. ony Sleep a strong influence on city planning issues by focus- – though not compelled – to pay 10 gilders (£2) besieged the British Embassy at The Hague in T T

208 209 support of the Huntley Street 14 arrested under the Criminal Law Act (pp 94-6). The action was intended as a warning to the Dutch government against their own moves to bring in legislation.

The squatters started to board up the embassy Associated Press in the style of British speculators boarding up buildings in Holland and shoved toy bulldozers

through the letter box as a reminder of Huntley Association Anpfoto/ Press Street. Fifty-seven people were arrested, held for four days, and later fined. These actions are not spontaneous. Meetings of representativesfromsquattinggroupsdecidewhen to take initiatives like this and funds are raised from the regular squatters contributions to their funds in different neighbourhoods and large sums are also made in cafes and bars run by squatters. Blauwe Maandag The size of the Kraak de Anti-Kraak Wet cam- paign and the strength of the squatting movement has made it impossible for the coalition govern- ment to pass the anti-squatting laws without itself cracking apart. At the end of 1979 the city- wide organisation ofAmsterdam squatters reached new heights with the successful development and defence of the Grotte Keyser squatters organising centre on the Keyser Gracht (Keyser Canal) in central Amsterdam. This group of grand town houses was made into a fortress in December 1979 with steel, wood, barbed wire, exploding potato crackers (!) and paint bombs. The authorities gave up without trying to breach its defences and a squatters pirate radio was later established in the squat. The Grotte Keyser, still going in summer 1980,played an important role in struggles to come.

Pieter Boersma Dutch squatters hit the world headlines in March 1980 when tanks were sent in to clear a ‘No- Battles in Amsterdam. Go’ area set up by squatters in Amsterdam. The Above: Nieuwmarkt, 1975. Police use watercannon squatters had created a ‘No Go’ area blocking against a squat on the route of the Metro. The roads and tramlines in the middle of the city in squatters throw paint on police cars. All windows have ‘curtains’ against teargas and an improvised bridge response to the eviction a week earlier of squats in provides a means of escape. Vondelstraat which the authorities didn’t want to Centre, left and right: Vondelstraat, February/March see becoming another Grotte Keyser. The squats 1980. Streets are barricaded in several places to were re-occupied on 29 February and the ‘No Go’

protect a squat (shown in the left of the top two area was created to defend them. Although the Association Ampfoto/ Press photos) which is threatened with eviction. A few nights barricades were pulled down on 3 March by police later, a convoy of tanks arrives and the barricades are armed with water cannon and tanks armed with cleared despite resistance. shovel scoops, the Vondelstraat squats were left Far right: Prins Hendrikkade, August 1980. 2,000 alone. That evening 12,000 people demonstrated police and a remarkable array of special equipment (including converted skips full of armed police to be support for the squatters in a rally in Central Ams- lowered onto the roof) is used to evict a single squat. terdam. Squatters regained the attention of the In the event the authorities looked rather foolish since world’s media two months later when together with only one squatter and 10 journalists were in the other anti-monarchists, they organised a massive building, the rest having slipped out. demonstration to protest against the coronation

210 211 Association Ampfoto/ Press of Queen Beatrice under the slogan ‘No housing Ireland imprisonment and a small fine. However, in rose drastically. A law which enables councils to numerous bars. The Free Town has also spawned – no crowning’. There was a marked growth in squatting on both practice few squatters are prosecuted and even requisition flats empty for more than four weeks is its own post office, kindergarten, clinic and Despite massive confrontations with the sides of the border in the late sixties and seventies. then they are merely given fines and evicted seldom used, and even then only following local communal bath house. One of the few rules is authorities, the squatters have managed to stay In Northern Ireland the large population rather than imprisoned. pressure but the law does deter property owners that cars are not allowed in and most in the key areas of Amsterdam. The authorities movements of 1971-2 caused by the sectarian Squatting in the Republic is largely confined from leaving property empty for long. Christianites walk or ride bikes. are reluctant to use all their might against the conflict led to widespread homelessness and many to tower blocks in Dublin. These were built Police in Denmark can evict squatters without The permanent population of Christiania is Dutch squatting movement as it has attracted so abandoned homes. Squatting has been a feature hastily following a housing emergency in 1963-9 resorting to the courts at the request of the owner about 1,000 although in summer there is probab- much support. It remains an inspiration for of every outbreak of sectarian violence and the when it was discovered that many of Dublin’s therefore squatting has always been undertaken ly twice that number. In January 1976, a Cop- housing and planning struggles everywhere. current war (which has resulted in housing being tenement blocks were unsafe. by organised groups which have often occupied enhagen magistrate tried to find out particulars almost entirely segregated on religious grounds) People moving out of the blocks started a wave the same building several times until the police if about the Christianites. Of the 562 inhabitants has spawned a massive outbreak of squatting. For of squatting. According to Dublin Corporation tired of throwing them out. Technically squatters who gave details, about 200 were not Danes,

France Berg Micke instance, in January 1977, there were 6,168 squats there were 840 squatted homes in 1976 and 500 can be arrested and jailed, but after a few initial about half of those being from other Scandinavian It was in France that the recent era of direct action Squatters demonstrate ‘for a living city’ in Stockholm, in property belonging to the Northern Ireland in 1980. A relatively tolerant attitude towards arrests, this has rarely happened because of countries. There were about 90 one-parent families was ushered in with the near revolution of May Sweden, 1977. Housing Executive (the only public housing squatters is forced on the Corporation by their campaigns by squatting groups using slogans and 10 runaway children. Only about 50 people 1968. Despite this, squatting has been restricted to authority) according to official statistics. There readiness to resist eviction forcibly. Furthermore, like ‘if you are homeless, go to jail’. were in full time employment outside Christiania, a few determined activists.Owners have been quick Sweden and Finland was also some squatting in private property as in the North, most people squatting qualify After 1971, squatting groups increasingly but many others had an income within the Free to carry out evictions without going through the In Sweden squatting has been erratic but never- giving a total of at least 30,000 squatters. Since for rehousing. Many squatters have had their developed links with neighbourhood action Town.10 The conventions of western society are courts and a law which forbids evictions between theless on a number of occasions spectacular then numbers have declined somewhat. occupancy legalised by a licensee arrangement groups and, after 1977, with unions. The confidently flaunted because Christiania is large December and March was, for a long time, said by squats have gained support for housing rights In some areas during the mid-seventies, the whereby they become ‘non-regularised’ tenants. ‘slumstormer’ groups also worked closely with enough to constitute a self-contained world. the authorities not to apply to squatters. This law and had an impact on planning decisions. Executive lost control over its housing as squatting As well as the tower blocks, a few of the tenants’ associations. In the early seventies, most The Christianites have no appointed leaders. means that seasonal squatting and skippering is About 60 people moved into a block of empty was organised by para-military groups of both Corporation’s derelict properties have been squatting was in old buildings but later on new There is a decentralised structure by which the widespread. People who sleep rough in the flats in Krukmarkargatan, Stockholm in October religious denominations. At times, it was easier squatted by single people and there is a little flats were taken over in protest at high rents. settlement is divided into districts, each of which summer take to ramshackle squats in the winter 1977 in an attempt to stop demolition. The squat, to obtain housing from the Irish Republican squatting in the private sector. Squatters in the Courts have more discretion than in Britain. In deals with any local problems or conflicts. months but usually vacate them in the spring which was known as ‘The Mole Squat’ was initially Army or the Ulster Defence Association which Republic appear not to be organised in any way, May 1978 at Denmark’s largest hospital in Problems affecting the whole of Christiania go to unless they have become more organised and heavily attacked by the Stockholm Tenants Union even operate a points system for the allocation of choosing instead to ‘lie low’ and are opposed by Aarhus, unemployed young people occupied more an open meeting of the whole community, and conscious of their rights in the meantime. whose representative denounced the squatters as housing, than from the Executive.8 the powerful Irish tenants movement. than 30 nurses’ flats, some of which had been decisions are only made by consensus. Various It has only recently been established that ‘housing thieves’ and made the usual attempt to Squatting has been most prevalent in empty for over two years. The hospital working groups exist to deal with particular police do need a court order to evict, and since split the badly housed against each other: Catholic areas, particularly in Belfast and, to a authorities took the case to court, but the court aspects of community life like information, 1976 there have been a few squats in Paris and ‘How did they get their flats in the inner city? lesser extent Derry, as the shortage of housing is Denmark ruled that the squatters could remain until such cleaning up, tree planting, fire protection, festival other French cities – Tours, Lyon, Lille, Not by standing in the housing queue and greater in Catholic areas. Squatters occupy all There were one or two isolated squats in Denmark time as the nurses wanted the flats. organisation and so on. Strasbourg, Grenoble, Caen and Toulouse. In waiting their turn. They by-passed all the types of property both old and new. Their motive in the mid-sixties.Then with the student uprisings Copenhagen is the scene of Christiania, Christiania has become so well known in 1978 there were many squatters in Paris, mostly loyal tenants who have waited for their worn- is often to stay in an area in which they feel safe at the end of the decade, groups of ‘slumstormers’ Denmark’s most spectacular squat. It is in the Denmark that at weekends coaches of tourists to the south of Montparnasse in a decaying area, out flats to be replaced by modern ones. rather than to avoid homelessness. started occupying empty privately-owned centre of the city just a few minutes walk from pull up outside and disgorge their occupants to or in the east around Belleville. Clenched-fist politics on the housing front Recently the para-military groups have been buildings in Copenhagen in protest against the Stock Exchange and Danish government ‘see how the hippies live’. The impression that Many Paris flats have been taken over in can never be accepted.’6 less involved, and people squatting tend to do it property speculation. Later on the movement buildings. This 54 acre site used to be a naval many of them take away is quite misleading decaying blocks where tenants were in the process However the Mole squat fought back. It became on an individual unorganised basis. Recognising spread to other towns like Aalborg, Aarhus and barracks until it was abandoned in 1970 and because the first people to greet visitors are of being evicted.4 Squatters also played a part in a centre to help the homeless and drug addicts its inability to cope, the Executive has legalised Randers.There has never been much homelessness soon taken over by squatters. There are about usually drug dealers. As in many British helping neighbourhood groups oppose and even- as well as a part of the struggle against wanton many squatters by giving them licensee status in Denmark, and squatting has been integrated 175 buildings ranging from large barrack blocks squatting communities, the freedom and absence tually defeat plans to build a new urban motorway demolition. The ‘Mole’ squat was evicted in and issuing them with ‘use and occupation’ rent into other environmental and housing campaigns. and halls with space for hundreds of people of controls attracts drug addicts, alcoholics and from the south into the heart of Paris. In the south August 1978 in a typically Swedish liberal way. books. Eviction of squatters in many areas is In the spring of 1980 one such campaign down to small huts. The squatters have criminals and at times the problems created by of France,six farms have been squatted and farmed The police surrounded the building and gave the difficult because of fear of violence. Out of 3,781 reached a climax. For several years an adventure gradually expanded their territory to include them have been in danger of swamping the more for years as part of the massive non-violent cam- occupants two days to leave. They refused and Executive properties squatted in July 1980, court playground had been set up on a former car park both banks of a beautiful lake which used to be creative aspects of the community. Various paign to save 42,000 acres of the Larzac plateau the police eventually moved in amidst a massive action had only been started against 315 and in Noerrebro, a district of central Copenhagen. part of the defences. attempts were made to overcome these from being used as an army training camp.5 Else- demonstration of thousands of supporters. only 89 of these were awaiting eviction by the Several attempts to evict were resisted by Many of the buildings have been brightly pain- difficulties and in October 1979, 3,000 people where squatters have attacked redevelopment In Finland squatting has been growing. In bailiffs.9 Under current legislation, the Executive thousands of local residents and sympathisers. ted and trees and grass have been planted where turned up to Christiania’s Great Hall to launch a plans and property speculation. In 1979 most Helsinki the Lepakko hostel was squatted in the is obliged to rehouse most evicted squatters, a Although the police were eventually successful, formerly there were concrete parade grounds. People’s Movement Against Hard Drugs. Dealers squats were evicted and the absence of any real summer of 1979. Eventually the authorities further deterrent to evicting them. riots continued for several days; eight buses were Most of the structures have been care-fully of hard drugs were banned and addicts told to go squatters organisation or coherent strategy meant agreed to the occupation and gave funds for Technically, squatting is illegal in Northern used as barricades, and hundreds of people were repaired using second-hand materials, and some to special houses made available in the country that by 1980 there were only a few left. However, repairs. Encouraged by this, other occupations Ireland under an act passed in 1946 in response arrested. new dwellings have been built. It is a haven for for a period of at least six months. Those who the Paris community centre and workshop squat in have taken place, and some politicians now to a wave of squatting initiated, as in England, In Denmark, from 1966 onwards, various Acts artists and musicians and many businesses have objected were banished. The Movement subs- Rue des Pyrenees and other related buildings had believe they miscalculated when they legitimised by returning soldiers (see Chapter 9). It enables of Parliament relaxed controls and removed other sprung up, e g furniture restorers, a blacksmith, equently spread to other parts of Denmark. wide support and may be the centre of a new wave. the Lepakko occupation. courts to give a maximum of three months restrictions on landlords with the result that rents a large theatre group, restaurants, a bakery and Public reaction to Christiania was initially

212 213 hostile, partly because it was hard to find out Wates Nick about what was really happening there. But support grew steadily. During 1976 for instance Danish television arranged for a trade unionist and his family to live for a week in Christiania. The resulting programme influenced many Danes to re-examine the previous hostile press which Christiania had received, because it showed the family gradually being won over to the qualities of the place. The traditional political left has om Burrows Nick Wates Nick T Wates Nick Wates Nick tended to dismiss Christiania as ‘escapist’ and Building homes from waste materials. Restaurant/bar in a bunker Cars are not allowed irrelevant to the class struggle, but has increa- Christiania, a 54 acre singly found it hard to ignore the Free Town. squat near the centre The Danish authorities have been divided in of Copenhagen, their attitude to Christiania. For three years Denmark. from 1973 to 1976, it was accepted by the government as a ‘temporary social experiment’ in recognition of the fact that many refugees from modern life and problems were finding a haven there. On 1 April, 1976, this agreement expired and Christiania was threatened with eviction. A ‘rainbow army’ was organised in defence, so called because of the use of colours to symbolise different activities which people could put their energies into, and 30,000 people demonstrated in Nick Wates Nick the city centre. View from a neighbouring church spire. Using the lake and the bars. Bottom right: Badge from the ‘people’s campaign against hard drugs’. Lengthy court cases delayed eviction for two Clothes are unnecessary in warm weather years and when Christiania finally lost in court, an elaborate defence strategy was prepared based on openess and non-violence. In the event of an eviction attempt a rather ambitious Mark Edwards scenario was envisaged: •Church bells would be rung and sirens set off •A sophisticated telephone network would spread the alert throughout the country in minutes •Copenhagen’s bridges would be blocked by demonstrators •Trains would be halted by people lying on the tracks •Football matches would be played on airport

runways Wates Nick •Bonfires would be lit in the streets Bicycle workshop A homeopathic clinic Christiania’s Santa Claus army •Pirate radio stations would intervene on local broadcasting stations •Traffic would be disrupted throughout the city •All taxis would immediately be asked through their radios to converge on Christiania Mark Edwards This co-ordinated plan for social disruption throughout the country was described by a former chief of the NATO Defence College in Rome on Radio Denmark as ‘sound, extraordinarily intelli- gent, and strategically well-thought through.’ Faced

214 Mark Edwards 215 with increasing public support for Christiania, the lords to declare their vacant houses. Most have the power to evict squatters immediately, Government agreed to allow it to remain until landlords evaded the law. therefore squatting has usually been on a very eystone plans for the area have been drawn up. At the In spite of military and police repression the big scale, large groups of people occupying empty K time of writing (summer 1980) it appears as occupation movement continued to expand. By blocks of flats. Squatters have often been though Christiania will remain indefinitely, but the beginning of 1975 it had become a national supported, for the first few days at least, by large Christianites fear that the Government will movement. Some organisations of the revolu- numbers of sympathisers. In Italy there is little impose conditions and restrictions which tionary left started supporting it and were public sector housing and, even more than in effectively will destroy it. themselves responsible for several occupations other countries, luxury flats rather than cheap in order to set up popular clinics, cultural housing have been built. It is common for these centres, nursery schools etc. The big political flats to stand empty for months or even years Spain parties, including the Socialist and Communist before tenants who can afford the rent are found. One of the centres of squatting in post-Franco Parties, condemned the occupations as being A day in a squatting struggle in Rome, 28 April Spain has been El Ferrol, ironically the late “anarchic” and “adventurist” behaviour.’ 1971, is described here by some of those involved: General Franco’s home town. An official report in In 1975, buildings were occupied both for ‘Very early in the morning a group of families October 1977 reported 404 squatted dwellings residential and communal purposes ranging from take over another block of flats. Nobody knows there, and 1754 in the whole of Spain. The report hotels used as meeting places to big houses used yet whether the flats belong to the council or recommended strategies which British readers for children’s play centres. The squats that were not. People begin to organise, staircase by Squatting in Italy. may find familiar: promises of action to lived in were generally larger than those in staircase, while other families continue to Left: Occupying a church, Rome, requisition empty property, regularising the Britain and were taken over as mass collective arrive. In the afternoon there’s a festive mood 1974 situation of ‘deserving’ squatters and strong squats. Olivais Square in Lisbon, for example, about the place; a turntable with loudspeakers Top right: Home in a grandstand action against squatters who were not ‘deserving’ was taken over by a group of 500 people has been installed on the balcony of one block, at the Parioli Racecourse, Rome, or refused to be ‘regularised’.11 organised by left wing militants. and all the other balconies are crowded with 1955. In that exciting post-revolutionary atmosphere, people who’ve come to take a look round, or to Middle and bottom right: Mass Universita Architettura the obvious next step was to expropriate property see friends or families who are squatting. occupations of flats in Milan, 1968-1972. Portugal owned by the rich. Consequently many empty The first assembly takes place with a In Portugal, squatting was an important houses and vast amounts of land owned by hundred squatters present. There’s a general component of political developments after the affluent landlords were taken over and other consensus of opinion: “If the flats are private, overthrow of the fascist regime on 25 April 1974. struggles on housing developed. For example, in then the council should buy them and give Within a year of the coup there were 5000 Setubal, groups of tenants banded together and them to us.” The first police begin to arrive. squatted houses in the Lisbon area alone.12 By paid half their normal rent. They received such Nobody takes any notice. Workers from other 1976 there were an estimated 80,000 squatters strong support in the factories that the areas arrive to talk about the problems in the whole country.13 In the words of a government found it difficult to evict them. they’re having. They promise to do the same, Portuguese sociologist:14 Some squatters had their occupation and encourage people not to give in. By about ‘Though the occupation movement started legitimised. They had to find the owner, get an 8pm every block (about 400 flats) in the Via rather spontaneously and lacked organisation evaluation from the tax department and negotiate Angeli is occupied. And as other families at first, soon commissions of slum residents a rent based on it. Neighbourhood associations arrive they occcupy neighbouring blocks of were created to structure the movement and co-ordinated this process. The other side of this flats. People arrive with frying pans, control the occupations, to defend them and to coin was that squatters who did not do this were mattresses, cookers. They mean to stay.’16 fight against opportunism. threatened with eviction, after the spring of In one of the most publicised squats 70 families The movement extended to include the 1976.15 The Portuguese authorities have thus occupied flats in the Via Tibaldi in Milan in June occupation of vacant houses privately owned. used the same tactic as the British and Spanish, 1971. A week of battles with the authorities In other instances, groups of tenants decided to dividing squatters into ‘legal’ and ‘illegal’. culminated in a demonstration of 30,000 people in stop paying rents considered to be speculative. In the event, most of these struggles petered support of the squatters who were finally rehoused When eviction orders were passed they refused out as the government gradually re-established by the council. Partly because of the large scale of Universita Architettura to leave the houses; when the police or the private property rights, outlawing both squatting organisation required for a successful action, armed forces were called upon to intervene, the and factory occupations. squatting in Italy has mainly been confined to the residents offered resistance and in some cases largest cities – Milan, Turin, Rome and Naples. managed to stay. The provisional government In 1974 it was claimed that there were 3000 recognised the bad housing conditions of the Italy families squatting in Rome.17 But some squatting working class, but considered the occupations Italy is probably the only European country where has been reported in smaller places such as illegal. In September 1974, a decree was passed squatting over the last ten years has been as wide- Palermo, Livorno, Salerno, Bologna, Florence and setting a period of four months for all land- spread as in the UK and Holland. Italian police Venice. In 1976 an Italian journalist estimated eystone 216 217 K that squatting ‘has already provided more than grounds that a group of women would only want Victoria Street, in the Woolloomooloo district of accusing them of stealing property and Dutch, Swedish and British squatters have 10,000 homes in recent years. Squatting no longer to live together to set up a brothel. For several Sydney in 1973 and 1974. The struggle exposed provoking ‘anarchy in society’, the squatters left several times demonstrated solidarity with one receives much coverage in the Italian newspapers years the squatted Casa delle Donne (Women’s extensive corruption, Mafia links with after a fortnight. another at embassy demonstrations. Squatters as it has become such a frequent affair, especially House) in Rome has been both a place for women speculators and extensive financial wheeling and In East Berlin there is a ‘homesteading’ from Christiania toured Europe showing films in the large cities, that it is no longer news.’18 The to live and an organising centre for the women’s dealing. This encouraging intervention by programme similar to the Greater London and slides and consequently, when the Free Town Italian Communist Party has discouraged movement. workers in wider issues has been copied in a Council’s scheme (p 89). Neighbourhood councils faced eviction, squatters from many countries squatting, even calling squatters ‘enemies of the In the late seventies there were fewer new limited way in Britain, notably over the proposed let groups of young East Berliners live rent-free travelled to support them. Coverage in the media working class’. Squatting as a decentralised activity occupations of empty buildings. Like in Germany demolition of Birmingham Post Office. in previously empty and decaying properties on has helped to spread squatting to other challenges and threatens the Party’s strategy of ‘terrorist’ outrages have made fringe activities and It is difficult to know how to categorise the condition that they renovate them. Such countries. For example, the growing movement in revolution. By contrast anarchist and revolution- alternative experiments difficult or even dangerous. roof-top squatters in Hong Kong (still a British programmes are a step towards making better West Germany was partly inspired by the sight ary left groups like Lotta Continua and Avan- colony) who numbered about 50,000 in 1972.22 use of available resources and could be on TV of Dutch squatters triumphing over the guardia Operaia have used squatting as a tactic. Squatters are defined by the authorities there as considered as an official version of squatting. authorities. Informal links such as visits abroad A recent trend has been the occupation of Other developed countries ‘occupants of any illegal structure on Crown Land, by squatting activists have also proved to be an properties more like British squats, ie decaying In developed capitalist cities outside western including pavement dwellers (but not summer important source of information and inspiration. houses and flats in residential parts of cities. Parts Europe there has also been squatting in buildings. street sleepers), occupants of caves and tunnels, Summary This brief outline of squatting around the of these have become community centres, cafes In the United States there has been very little roof-top and other squatters on private land, The pattern of squatting throughout the world is world has uncovered marked differences both and alternative shops which also act as bases for squatting in the last few years. As in some other marine squatters in derelict boats or hulks’ 23 a myriad of struggles. Each country has its own between the various movements and even within extra-parliamentary political groups. These countries where the police can evict immediately, There were almost 275,000 of these people in traditions, laws, political and social system and each country. For example, in Holland, Denmark initiatives were given a boost by the proliferation most squatting has been a tactical action to draw Associated Press 1975.24 level of economic development. Nevertheless there and West Germany, most squatters have been of ‘free’ broadcasting following a decision of the attention to housing conditions rather than a way are a few meaningful and useful generalisations. young people often with strong political motives Young couples squat in newly built empty apartment constitutional court in June 1976 which removed for people to house themselves. In 1969 and 1970 blocks in Tel Aviv, Israel, to dramatise their housing Throughout the cities of the developed world, and seeking to live in a way that only squatting the state monopoly on broadcasting. In the however, there was a wave of squatting in New difficulties, 1971. similar developments have been taking place: the enables them to do. Squatters in other countries following year, at least 1200 radio stations and 60 York. This resulted from the fact that private building of motorways through working-class like France or Yugoslavia have often been television stations were set up throughout Italy, blocks of flats are taken over by the city authori- building was worth before the city authorities neighbourhoods, the decanting of people from migrants faced with little prospect of finding many of them organised by political groups. ties if local rates have not been paid for a long confiscated it. When people realised this was their traditional communities into alienating and housing and yet others, like in the United States, Another important feature of Italian time. New York is full of privately-owned blocks happening, they would stop paying rent and isolating high-rise environments, and the began to squat virtually by mistake. Squatters in squatting is the strong link with local factories. in a bad state of disrepair. Landlords, realising squatters would occupy any empty flats. The construction of massive office developments. In Portugal were at the forefront of a revolutionary To survive initial police opposition squats have to their buildings were too expensive to repair and squatters in these “blighted’ New York blocks opposition to these and to demand adequate movement which the Western Alliance saw as a be organised in advance, and this has often been virtually worthless, would collect rent and rates were mostly blacks or Puerto Ricans. A few of housing and social facilities a dramatic upsurge of threat whilst squatters in Italy are dismissed by done from within factories. Sometimes, after from the tenants but not pay the rates to the city the occupations lasted for several years like one direct action has taken place in the last ten years the Communist Party as a trivial diversion. evictions, blocks have to be re-squatted several authorities, hoping to make more money than the in Manhattan where 80 families stayed for five with campaigns on such diverse issues as nuclear Private control of landed property is one of the 20 times until the police give up. In Milan and years. Roof-top squatters in Hong Kong, 1978. power, gay rights and high rents. Similarly, the basic features of a capitalist system; and landed Turin squatters have often been migrant In Canada between the Second World War and established orders have had to devise new property has become an increasing proportion of workers and families who have moved from the 1971 the affluent city of Vancouver cleared the strategies for dealing with the ‘threat’. Britain is wealth in capitalist countries, for example from poverty-stricken south of Italy to find work. shacks of about 20,000 squatters from the water- Communist countries one of the countries where the standard techniques 20 per cent to 26 per cent during the sixties in In 1973 in Palermo, building workers moved front. A new community has been set up on We know that there are community action has been to co-opt the activists and defuse the Britain.25 The basic drive of squatting in all with their families into a block of flats which nearby Hornby island, partly by the displaced struggles in Eastern Europe, but is there any struggle rather than confront them head-on. corners of the world has been the fight for they had just finished building! waterfront squatters. The houses are self-built seizure of property which could be described as Not only are similar battles being fought all everyone to have the use of a decent home or Trade unionists, immigrants and political from the endless supplies of driftwood which squatting? Rumours have reached the West that over the world, but in many cases they are against piece of land, and this has meant that it has parties have not been the only people to be wash up on the beaches. 21 there has been some squatting in Poland, but in the same enemy. For example, during the 1950s, exposed bad housing conditions and the unjust involved in squatting. The rapidly expanding In Australia, the law on squatting is similar to the USSR authorities have consistently denied the British property developers evolved a particularly distribution of housing resources. In London, Italian women’s movement has established femin- that in Britain. In the North Fitzroy area of existence of squatting in their country. In Yugo- brutal and effective technique of making vast Milan, Buenos Aires and Lagos, there is a vast ist centres in several cities by squatting. In Milan Melbourne there was some squatting by a women’s slavia, however, there has definitely been some profits from office building. Neither the declining disparity between good housing and bad housing, for example, the Teresa Batista Commune of about group during 1975 and 1976. In Canberra, in 1974 squatting. In Ljubljana most squatters are British economy nor public outrage over the sparking off the demand that housing should be 50 women was set up in a disused palazzo in the a disused barracks was squatted, and squatters in migrants from the south of the country who occupy effects on the environment stopped them; they allocated not on the basis of private wealth and centre of the city in May 1976. The women Sydney have benefitted from the support of the publicly-owned empty flats. They maintain a low simply moved on to new pastures – first to other economic power, but according to need. Squatting explained to journalists ‘we have seized the local building workers. Going beyond traditional profile and have not organised collectively. European countries like the Netherlands, and by itself does not do this – it cannot because it is housing which this city denies us because we make preoccupations of pay and working conditions, the In the winter of 1977-8 there was a well- more recently to Australia and South America. arbitrary and piecemeal – but it is a step towards om Burrows a living from precarious jobs at low salaries and T unions there imposed ‘green bans’ whereby they publicised squat. A group of 25 young people, It has been difficult enough for squatters to reasonable conditions for some of the poorest because we are the worst hit by unemployment.’19 The authorities in Vancouver, Canada, end a long battle refused to take part in demolition or construction mainly students, took over a large house in the organise on a national basis let alone an inter- people. Squatting is only a temporary solution They pointed out that landlords sometimes with a squatter on the seashore by burning down the which they regarded as environmentally damaging. centre of Ljubljana. Following critical articles in national one. Yet, some links between squattings but as a component of progressive change in late refused to let flats to groups of women on the house while the squatter is out 1974. Thus building workers supported squatters in the media which tried to discredit the action by campaigns in different countries have been made. capitalism it will continue to be significant. •

218 219 The background

The housing crisis A short summary Empty property Facts and figures Myth and fact Statistics on squatting and squatters

220 221 As was noted above, in a sense we’ve never had or renovated is another important indicator of been accepted as homeless by a council and offered The housing crisis it so good. The massive post-war building whether housing conditions are improving. Indeed, accommodation (table 3). These figures completely programme brought reasonably decent housing the improvement rate increased during 1979 and ignore those people who are not normally eligible to a lot of people who had hitherto lived in 1980 after a decline for several years but it is for council housing – single people, childless A short summary squalor. In 1951 there were just over eight hardly keeping up with the rate at which houses couples and those with no children under the age million households living in unfit, substandard are becoming unfit. In 1979 160,000 houses were of 16. Indeed, CHAR, the campaign for the single or overcrowded conditions. In 1976 this number renovated and 30,000 demolished in England7 but homeless, estimates that there are at least 100,000 had fallen to 800,0003. In the mid-sixties the it is estimated that 150,000 per year are becoming people sleeping rough or in hostels, lodging houses number of homes became greater than the unfit8 making the net gain quite small (table 2). and resettlement units (‘spikes’) or living in insti- number of households for the first time in living Also, once the cuts implemented by the Conserva- tutions like mental hospitals and prisons for no memory (probably since the plague). The tive Government start to affect the number of other reason than they have nowhere else to go. difference has gradually increased and by 1977 renovations, the result may well be that more hous- CHAR admits that this figure is a ‘guesstimate’ ‘The government has failed to accept the principle Labour years, the supply will soon dry up. We What is clear from available information is that there were 20.8 million homes and yet only 20m es start to become unfit than are being repaired. which, if anything, errs on the conservative side. that everyone has the right to a home and as a will then enter a ‘new housing crisis’ whose overall there is a shortage of housing. The last households, a surplus of 800,000. Surprisingly, A new law, the Housing (Homeless Persons) Act, result has not given the provision of housing for dimensions we can only estimate. The facts comprehensive assessment of housing need was this does not mean that there is no overall came into force at the end of 1977 and made it a everybody the priority it requires. In our view in a presented in this brief summary must be viewed produced by the Labour Government in its Green shortage, nor does it mean that there is no Table 2 duty for councils to take in certain categories of in the context that things are going to get worse. Paper on Housing1 published in 1977. It estimated civilised society one of the essential rights of every homelessness. Therather rosy statistics have to Renovations with the aid of a homeless people: families with children, pregnant They refer to England and Wales only, except that a programme of about 300,000 new homes in person should be the right to a decent home. This be qualified in a number of ways: grant or subsidy in England women, old people and people vulnerable through where otherwise indicated. England and Wales per year was needed to ensure right has not been recognised by our society and so • It has been variously estimated that there (both public and private) age or health. As can be seen from table 3, the a continued improvement in housing conditions. 4 people have been forced into squatting. Squatting are between 550,000 and 770,000 homes empty (thousands) number of homeless leaped in 1978, the first full is not separate from the housing problem but part That year the target was already well out of reach (see next chapter on empty property). year of its operation. This can be partly explained of it and can only be solved with it.’ with 267,000 homes in Great Britain (236,000 in • There are almost 150,0005 second homes 1974 270 by a change in the procedure of collecting statistics (Squatting, trespass and civil liberties National England and Wales) being started. But by 1980, which are used only for holidays and week-ends. 1975 126 but it also shows a real increase in the number of Council for Civil Liberties, January 1976). construction levels were running at only about • There are an unknown number of ‘hidden 1976 121 homeless, many of whom might have been rejected 1977 113 Cartoon 160,000 new homes per year and the Green Paper’s households’ – people living with friends or by councils before the Act came into force. How- from figure appears to be an impossible dream (see 1978 134 relatives who would prefer to have their own 1979 160 ever, far from guaranteeing housing for all, the Act There is no date to which the start of the housing “The table 1). A report by a Parliamentary Committee2 accommodation if it were available at a price excludes not only people without children but also Star” crisis can be traced. Ever since our ancestors published in the summer of 1980 estimated that they could afford. (Source: Housing and Construction Statistics DOE) families who are deemed to have made themselves Sept 18 by the mid-eighties, there would be a shortfall of moved out of their caves and jumped from their 1946. • Many houses are in the wrong place as people ‘intentionally homeless’ (ie those who in the coun- trees, there has probably been a shortage of decent half a million homes in England and Wales. don’t want to live there as there are no jobs. cil’s view, have left accommodation by choice). accommodation in Britain. Certainly, in modern The condition of the housing stock must also All these facts present a sad indictment of the The exact definition of intentionality is open to a history, there is no year which can be selected as a be considered when looking at the balance failure of successive governments to meet housing variety of interpretations and some councils have period when there was not a shortfall of housing. Table 1 between demand and supply. According to the need. The situation they present was accurately used it to exclude people evicted because of rent Indeed, by most criteria, the inhabitants of our latest statistics available6 there are: summed up in the Green Paper: ‘One in ten arrears, those who have moved to look for employ- densely populated island are better housed now Housing starts 1945-1980 in Great Britain • 900,000 homes officially categorised as ‘unfit (households in England and Wales) are living in ment, people sacked from jobs with tied accomm- than at any time in recent history. There are fewer (1,000s) for human habitation’, 700,000 of which are circumstances which are just not acceptable by odation, etc. This explains why a large proportion houses in disrepair, a higher proportion of more Council* Private Total occupied. contemporary standards. This is the hard core of of squatters are people with children (see p 233) modern housing and less overcrowding. Yet, there 1951 192 27 219 • Over one million homes officially catesorised housing need, and it shades into housing despite the existence of an Act which would is no doubt that there is still a terrible housing Housing need 1955 185 128 313 as fit but needing at least £1,000 (1976 prices) conditions which though less unsatisfactory are appear to give them a right to council housing. crisis. There is a large unmet demand for good It is difficult to obtain an accurate picture of the 1960 126 183 309 spent on repairs to bring them up to standard. not good enough and ought to be improved.’9 clean, dry, well-designed housing in the right nature of the housing shortage without going into 1965 181 211 392 • Almost one million homes lacking at least It would be appropriate to have statistics for places. There is too, a seemingly endless stream of a lot of technical detail that would be inappropriate 1970 154 165 319 one or more basic amenities like hot water or a the number of people actually homeless. There are Table 3 homeless and badly housed people whose needs here. To give one example, it is actually very diffi- 1975 174 149 323 bath. two problems here First, it is almost as difficult are never likely to be properly met even if most cult to assess housing need. The sort of questions 1976 171 155 325 to define homelessness as it is to define housing Number of homeless households accepted by 135 • Even a lot of the housing built since the war do, eventually, end up under some type of roof. that have to be asked are: What amount of space 1977 132 267 need. All people living in intolerable conditions councils (England) 1978 107 157 265 is in a bad condition. Tower blocks in particular As this book goes to press, we are at a water- should each person/family have? Where do people 1979 80 140 220 have degenerated quickly and several have are in a sense homeless. People living in bed and 1976 33,720 shed. Whilst the Labour Government of 1974-9 want to live? Are people who are currently sharing 1980 (prediction) 50 110 160 already been demolished less than 20 years after breakfast hotels and hostels as well as those 1977 31,810 substantially cut spending on housing, the Tories with another household doing so voluntarily or construction. Many new council estates have literally tramping the streets can also be consider- 1978 53,110 elected in 1979 are now paring it down to a bare do they want their own accommodation? Is the (Source: Housing Statistics, Housing and ed homeless. Secondly, no statistics covering all 1979 56,020 Construction Statistics, DOE) been so badly designed that dampness develops minimum virtually putting an end to the building population increasing? There are numerous other as soon as they are built. homeless are available. The only ones that are * including housing associations of council houses. So whilst we are still reaping questions that have to be answered before any The construction rate has already been examined produced cover only a fraction of the homeless – (Source: Housing and Construction Statistics DOE) the benefits of housing schemes started during the firm statements can be made. above but the rate at which houses are improved namely families and other households who have

222 223 The housing crisis cannot be conceived only in most people in middle, let, alone low, income tant rents just to get a place to live. Private Table 4 9,000 terms of numbers. Too much housing is designed, brackets. landlords normally only let to people without regulated and managed by people who have little • Renting from a council. People covered by the children so renting privately is not an option Government spending on housing (at 1979 prices) in common with those who live there and even Housing (Homeless Persons) Act who are homeless open to families. less understanding of their needs. Except for the have a right to a council home. Yet, thousands • Other types of housing. There are a few (actual) £ million very rich, there is not much opportunity for who should be taken in are refused because, for other types of tenure which form a tiny percentage 1974/5 7,154 8,000 people to influence the nature of their housing example, they cannot get a job in the area where of the housing stock and normally require a lot of 1975/6 6,299 defence and provision is only made for people who are the council has offered them a home or they are effort (and luck) to get a home. Self-build is ruled 1976/7 6,262 1977/8 5,519 happy to live in privatised and standardised judged to be intentionally homeless. And, although out as an option for those in greatest need by high £ million (1979 prices) 1978/9 5,256 units designed for nuclear families. As there is councils usually accept single people and childless land costs, rigid planning laws and lack of finance. 1979/80 5,372 still so much homelessnes, it is hardly surprising couples onto their waiting lists, they house very (Nevertheless, one company specialising in the that most attention is focused on the quantity of few people who are not covered by the Act. Also, management of self-build schemes estimated that (projected) 7,000 housing. But, even if there were ‘housing for all’, councils do not generally take in people who are 215 self-build houses were completed in 197914.) 1980/1 4,700 there would still be a housing crisis, albeit of a living in overcrowded or bad conditions who, if a A group of seven or more people can form a co-op 1981/2 3,840 different kind – one of quality and control. wider definition of homelessness is accepted, to house themselves and while the number of 1982/3 3,250 1983/4 2,790 should have a right to be housed. These people people doing this has increased over the past few can only sign on a waiting list and hope to reach years, it is still extremely difficult to overcome (Source: Government Expenditure Plans 1980/1 – 6,000 the top of it. But waiting lists are increasingly the bureaucratic hurdles and obtain the finance. 1983/4) becoming a mere bureaucratic device to trick people into believing that they have a hope of a It is clear that one of the main options for the decent house. In 1978, a million households had badly housed and the homeless is a council or These figures are the annual spending on signed on to a waiting list12 but only a tiny housing association home. But far from housing except for mortgage tax relief. Most of 5,000 proportion could expect ever to obtain a council recognising that need, successive governments this money is spent on repaying debts, interest house. Most council houses that become available have reduced spending on housing (table 4). charges, rent rebates and other non-building are let to homeless people who get priority or to housing costs. Only a small proportion is spent those ‘decanted’ from development areas. Most on bricks and mortar (and this proportion will be councils operate points systems based on the even smaller as total spending falls because most 4,000 state of the applicant’s present housing and only of the non-building spending like rent rebates and people with lots of points (ie those in the worst debt and interest charges cannot be reduced). housing) will stand a chance of being rehoused. The effect of these cuts on an already gloomy • Renting from a housing association. situation hardly needs to be spelt out. Waiting Housing associations experienced a rapid growth lists become even more of a sick joke than they 3,000 in the second half of the seventies thanks to already are. Many councils, particularly in large The options massive injections of government money. Most of towns, are already at the point where they can Homelessness can best be brought into focus by the people accepted by housing associations have only cope with the demands of those they considering the options, or rather the lack of been referred to them by councils and consider to be homeless. The needs of the badly housing them, for people without anywhere to live. Just associations operate very similar allocation housed remain unmet and soon, councils might 2,000 over half the population live in owner occupied policies. With the exception of a few housing decide to shirk their responsibilities with the houses in this country, a third are in council associations which specialise in housing single result that, once again there will be homeless housing and most of the rest rent privately or people, a liousing association tenancy is not children walking the streets. from housing associations financed by normally an option open to people who are not This brief section demonstrates that however government subsidy. Can homeless people get covered by the Housing (Homeless Persons) Act. much propaganda has been produced by 1,000 access to any of these types of housing? The • Renting from a private landlord. There is successive governments implying the housing options open to them are extremely limited: very little private rented accommodation. Although crisis has been consigned to history, the reality of • Buying. An average house or flat in the sum- in 1914, 90 per cent of the population rented that crisis is still with us. Lack of adequate mer of 1980 cost £23,00010 (£29,000 in London) housing has always been the underlying cause of privately, now only just over 10 per cent of the Financial year whilst the average wage was £6,00011 per year. 13 squatting. Housing is one of the most important population live in this type of accommodation. Al- 0 Since the maximum mortgage granted by building though the Rent Act is supposed to protect people basic needs and it is difficult to lead a happy and 1974/75 1975/76 1976/77 1977/78 1978/79 1979/80 1980/81 1981/82 1982/83 1983/84 societies is between 21/4 and 23/4 times the lender’s who rent privately by giving them security of ten- fulfilling life without a decent home. That so income (depending on the mortgage rate), and ure and controlling the rent level, in practice there many people are still denied access to one is a Government spending 1975-1984 the societies require a substantial initial deposit, is so much demand for it that people are often national scandal and the best possible argument (Source: The Government’s Expenditure Plans, 1980/81 to 1983/84, HMSO, 1980. Note: Figures from 1980 onwards house purchase is clearly not an option open to prepared to sign their rights away and pay exorbi- in favour of an organised squatting movement. • are estimates. Total government expenditure is expected to be at the same level in 1983/84 as it was in 1974/75.)

224 225 20,000 The cost of empty houses ones and they become damp. They are a cause of Empty property Empty property costs money in a number of worry and concern to local people as a fire 16,000 ways. There is a loss of rent income, and usually hazard and they attract vandals and thieves. 12,000 a reduction or loss of rates revenue too. It was Where many houses are empty in the same area, Facts and figures 8,000 estimated in 1980 that Islington Council was shops and other community facilities may be private sector losing at least £45,000 per week in rent and forced to close because of dwindling custom.

Number of houses How long empty – months 20 4,000 public sector rates from its 3,000 empty dwellings. 0 Empty houses also have more direct costs. It Why property is empty - public sector Table 1 – Empty property surveys in England and Wales ‘The best way of preventing a property from being Local surveys, often undertaken by voluntary 3-6 6-12 12-24 over 24 is expensive to board up empty properties, to se¬ Of course a certain amount of empty property is squatted is to see that it is occupied, and that the groups are the only more recent source of data, Empty property in London (GLC figures).3 cure them after vandals or thieves have broken inevitable when houses are rehabilitated or people Area Number of empty homes Date period for which any property has to be empty is though some information on regional variations in, to clear away rubbish that is inevitably move. Councils reckon that a vacancy rate of four 1 England1 and 2 550,000 – 770,000 1977 kept to a minimum.’ (Department of the has become available. Some examples are given in dumped in gardens, and to ‘gut’ them to prevent per cent is reasonable in their own property, Environment Consultation Paper on Squatting, table 1, and table 2 shows that a large proportion Greater London3 72,000 (houses empty 1975 number of empty houses in London. Of 72,000 squatting. If it is intended to use them again, though with efficient management and quicker for three months) August 1975). of empty homes are vacant for long periods. homes empty for over three months, 60,000 were there is the cost of deterioration while they stand lettings, a much lower rate could be achieved. 3 Cambridge4 300 (within a mile of the 1977 Surveys by voluntary local groups tend to privately-owned. According to these figures, empty. In many urban areas, houses left empty There are three major categories of empty proper- city centre) understate the number of empty homes, mainly there were five times as many privately-owned for more than a few weeks have windows ty in the public sector: properties purchased for Cardiff5 725 1977 How many? because the people doing the survey are unable empty dwellings as publicly-owned ones. smashed by kids and wiring and piping stolen by slum clearance, road schemes or other forms of Official figures consistently show the existence of to gain access to property. Many owners disguise However, it is difficult to take these figures at Kensington and thieves. Lead flashing is stolen from roofs and redevelopment; properties awaiting improvement Chelsea6 (London) 3,557 (floors) 1978 substantial amount of empty property. There has their empty property, say by putting up curtains, face value in view of the local authorities’ rain then causes severe damage. Holloway or renovation; and properties between lettings. been no comprehensive survey since the 1971 in order to deter squatters and vandals. North Wiltshire7 794 (private property only) 1974 tendency to underestimate their own empty Tenants Co-op estimated the cost of keeping a There are a variety of reasons why all these Census which identified 675,000 vacant homes. Nevertheless, figures from local groups are more dwellings. Other surveys have painted a rather house in Hornsey Rise Gardens, Islington, empty categories of property are left empty for long Nottingham8 4,400 (4.5 per cent of housing 1977 stock) More recent estimates range from the 1977 likely to produce accurate figures than those different picture. For example, for 22 months (October 1976 – August 1978) as periods. Here are a few of them, some of which Labour Force Survey’s figure of 770,0002 to 550,000 provided by local authorities as the latter tend to • One survey found that while Southwark and £2,400, over £40 per week. This was made up by apply to all types and others which are specific to Sheffield9 2,561 (central area) 1976 given in the Vacant Property Survey1 which used be obtained from the rating list or are pure the GLC combined owned 60 per cent of the the costs of securing the house, vandalism and some of the categories outlined above. South Brent10 1,621 1977 a tighter definition of ‘empty’. The National guesswork. The rating list is notoriously houses in three wards, they owned 75 per cent rates. Similarly, Islington Council found that two 18 Southwark11 1,066 1975 Dwelling and Housing Survey also carried out unreliable because many owners do not notify the of the empty dwellings.17 flats left empty for four years cost over £9,000.20 Lengthy purchase periods (London) (three wards only) in 1977, gave a figure of 750,000 vacant homes. council when their property is empty (particularly • Of 2,561 empty houses in the Sheffield And while properties stand empty, both local In large redevelopment or renovation schemes, All three surveys relate to England only. if the council charges the same rates on empty survey, no less than 2,414 were owned by the and central government spend fortunes on houses are normally purchased by councils over Whatever the precise figures, there has and occupied property) and because many empty local council.9 running hostels and other unsatisfactory a period of years and problems over buying certainly been a large rise in the number of properties, eg those awaiting demolition, are • 32 per cent of dwellings identified as empty accommodation for homeless people. The average individual dwellings can hold up an entire Table 2 – Length of time property was left empty empty homes during the past 25 years. The taken off the list entirely. in Kensington and Chelsea were publicly- cost of running hostels and reception centres for scheme, particularly because of the lengthy graph below shows this for Birmingham. Local authorities are also very unreliable when Area Survey results Date owned and only 11 per cent of property in the the homeless in 1977 (excluding capital costs) procedures attached to compulsory purchases and The Census showed that empty homes were estimating the number of their own properties borough is owned by the Council and the was approximately £30 per week for each appeals. Since councils do not find it convenient 1 England 66 per cent of dwellings had 1977 concentrated in certain areas, notably remote rural 3 21 been empty for more than 3 months, which are empty.For example, in the 1975 London GLC. family. The cost of putting homeless families in to manage property on the basis of short- or 21 per cent for more than 2 years and regions (e g Cornwall where 7.4 per cent of homes Boroughs Association survey, Lewisham council Obviously in rural areas the vast majority of bed and breakfast hotels is still higher. In 1974, medium-term lettings, houses acquired during the 7 per cent for more than 5 years were empty) and some inner city areas (such as claimed to have only 27 empty properties.Yet,Ron empty property tends to be in private hands according to DHSS returns, it was £40 per week, beginning of the purchase period tend to remain England12 100,000 empty of which 22,000 1979 Lambeth, Islington and Lewisham in London). Bailey19 was able to list 34 properties in a handful which is more a reflection of ownership patterns and it is now likely to be over double. empty until the whole area is ready for demolition. had been empty a year previously of streets that had been empty for over three than anything else. During the period 1970-76, 15,538 children Exeter13 177 properties empty for 6 months, 1976 years and it is obvious that for a large authority a third of which had been empty for 4 The balance of ownership of empty property were taken into care because of their parents’ Policy and planning changes 2 years like Lewisham with a lot of redevelop-ment work varies greatly according to local conditions, but homelessness. Since the weekly cost of keeping a These have been particularly significant in recent

Islington14 2,262 dwellings empty for 6 months, 1975 in progress, such a low figure is plainly ridiculous. while the GLC figures give a distorted view of this child in care was around £36 per week, and assum- years due to different approaches to planning or 805 of which had been empty for 3 This type of underestimate puts into question the balance, there is little doubt that the belief that ing an average stay of seven weeks, the total cost changes in political control at both national or 2 years value of such surveys. Neverthe-less, although local authorities are the worst offenders in keeping over the period was £4 million quite apart from local levels. In particular, the widespread switch North Wiltshire7 550 of the 794 houses were still 1974 empty property statistics vary in reliability, they property empty is a misconception. Private owners the traumatic effect on both parents and children. from wholesale redevelopment towards rehabili- empty 18 months later 2 paint an overall picture that demonstrates one of are worse as shown by the Vacant Property Keeping property empty, then, is a significant tation has resulted in extensive delays while plans Oxford15 Of 40 empty properties, 16 had 1976 the main causes of the prevalence of squatting. 1 been empty for a year and 5 Survey which found that although only 13 per drain upon funds, since public bodies must use are redrawn. Cuts in public expenditure have also for 5 years 1 cent of the housing stock is rented privately, 40 more expensive alternative accommodation. led to schemes being scrapped or delayed, and Paddington16 3,048 empty properties of which 953 1974 Who owns empty homes? per cent of empty homes came from that sector. In addition to the financial cost of empty those councils which purchased large numbers of had been empty 2 years before empty ercentage of housing stock Date Unfortunately the Census data does not distin- P Councils owned only 21 per cent of empty homes houses, there is an enormous social cost. Empty substandard properties following the election of 0 17 guish between the public and private sectors. The while owning 31 per cent of occupied dwellings. houses are unpleasant for neighbours; they the Labour Government in 1974 found them- Southwark 86 per cent of empty houses had 1955 1960 1965 1970 1973 been empty 6 months previously GLC figures for 1975 suggest that the private 28 The equivalent figures for owner occupied homes attract vermin which once established do not selves unable to meet their rehabilitation prog- Empty property in Birmingham, 1955-1973. sector is overwhelmingly to blame for the large were 32 per cent and 56 per cent. differentiate between empty houses and occupie rammes because of subsequent cuts. On a local

226 227 level, specific circumstances can bring about Bradford is empty for so long is not a reflection ‘Maximum use should be made of short-life Why property is empty – private sector as maintenance is not done. liquidation or inheritance disputes. The Exeter changes of plan which lengthen the time for which of letting problems per se, but the time taken to property acquired for such purposes as redevel- Public sector empty property naturally arouses Housing Action Group, for instance, found one property lies empty.Road schemes are particularly identify empty property. In other words, the opment or roadworks . . . Authorities should most concern, simply because it is public Security of tenure house that had been empty for 20 years because susceptible to frequent alterations according, for council allocations section is not aware of when not abandon or board up properties premature- resources which are being wasted, but, as shown Security of tenure and statutory rent control its owner was in an old people’s home.13 example, to the financial situation, the compo- flats become empty. It is a common problem, and ly or leave them for vandals . . . [They should] earlier, the private sector is probably more at have undoubtedly been responsible for some sition of local or central government and environ- there are even cases of councils not being aware use properties awaiting development on a fault. Private owners often claim that their empty property. Landlords who, finding it mental lobbying. Some schemes are planned years that they own a particular house at all! temporary basis . . . [andl work with local property is empty for reasons beyond their uneconomic to rent out their property decide to Prior demolition in advance of money being available to finance housing associations or voluntary bodies control, and occasionally this may be true. But sell it. Individual flats may then remain empty One alternative to leaving houses empty is to them or permission being granted. According to Power structures including reliable squatter organisations.’ again the absence of any determination by owners for years while the landlords try to persuade or knock them down. There is not a single town in the National Empty Homes Campaign, for ex- The decision-making structure of local This was reinforced by a Labour Government to make the best use of their property and the harass the remaining tenants to leave in order to the UK which does not have its share of derelict ample, some houses in Birmingham remain empty government is extremely cumbersome and circular24 in 1977 which stated: lack of any effective legislation to make them do sell the whole building with vacant possession. It land, on which homes were demolished long in preparation for road schemes planned in 1946. confused. Sometimes, it is not clear in which ‘Whenever a local authority holds or acquires so are the major underlying causes. Here are the is worth noting that contrary to what is often before the sites were needed. Graffiti on committee a decision should be taken and, on residential property for redevelopment . . . main reasons for private property being empty. suggested, official figures show that only between corrugated iron around one derelict plot in The building industry other occasions, relatively minor decisions have this property should be used as living 8,000 and 31,000 homes are vacant because of Brixton Road, Lambeth, tells its own story: Apart from technical difficulties which can waste to be ratified by a number of different people or accommodation for the longest possible time.’ Speculation the ‘impact of the Rent Acts’, much less than is • Jan 1975: 19 adults and 8 children living here time, the chaotic state of the building industry by committees which meet only infrequently. In Too little attention has been paid to either Speculative motives have always been at the root usually claimed.25 • Mar 1975: evicted to build a footbridge results in extensive delays. A typical construction turn, these decisions may then have to be agreed circular. The over-riding problem is the lack of of much property lying empty, reflecting the • Sep 1975: £12,000 paid to demolition firm project will involve dozens of sub-contractors, each upon by a full council meeting or even referred to will or determination of elected councillors and increasing role that property plays as a financial, Red lining • Dec 1975: footbridge plan dropped dealing with specific tasks and all dependent upon central government. There is little room for council officers to ensure that property is used to rather than a social asset. Speculators come in Building societies ‘red line’ certain areas in which The site was still derelict at the beginning of 1980. the efficient operation of the others. A strike or a flexibility or personal initiative. Successful the maximum extent possible, and the absence of different sizes. At one extreme there are the they refuse to give mortgages. This has the effect Then there was the case of the Totterdown supply problem affecting one sub-contractor can careers are had by local government officers who legislation to make them do so. giant property development companies which of increasing the number of empty properties as district of Bristol: hold up the work of the others. Because local do not make mistakes or take controversial buy up large areas of housing in the hope of sellers are unable to find buyers in those areas. ‘Here both the County Council and the local authorities are compelled to accept the lowest decisions, not by those with a flair for experiment Councils are not the only public bodies with redeveloping or refurbishing for a more council acquired properties for road schemes tender for any job, they often have to deal with or imagination. Keeping property empty is safer, empty property. Public bodies such as health and profitable use. In the process of assembling land, Closing orders and listed buildings and other development . . . a total of 479 firms who bankrupt themselves in the process of and the outcome, unless squatters move in, more education authorities sometimes own property property can be left empty for years, both Property owners with closing orders on their properties were purchased. A question to Avon trying to meet the tender. These difficulties not predictable and manageable. which is empty pending schemes that have had to because companies are not equipped to manage dwellings because of unfitness are often unwilling County Council and Bristol Council asking only result in property due for renovation being be scrapped or postponed due to public spending housing, and because they deliberately leave it or unable to bring them up to the necessary “How many empty houses do you own in the empty for long periods, but also lead to delays Allocations systems cuts. In addition, public corporations, like British empty to hasten the decline of the community standard. These houses therefore remain Totterdown area?” would produce the answer between demolition and redevelopment. Bureaucratic rigidity is added to by the inflexibility Rail, the Post Office and British Waterways, own and deterioration of the buildings. Permission for unoccupied, often indefinitely or until bought by “Seven”. However, the question, “How many of council allocation systems. Many properties are large amounts of property for future development redeveloping may then be easier to obtain from the council.A similar situation occurs with certain occupied houses do you own in the Totterdown Scale empty because of the refusal of local authorities which they are unwilling to let. Other public the relevant authorities. Then there are the listed buildings whose owners do not want to area?” would produce the answer “Two”. The The large scale of projects is a key factor in to acknowledge that housing which is unsuitable bodies own large amounts of empty housing. The speculators who own property which they keep spend money on renovation. They leave them other 470 properties were demolished between properties remaining empty for long periods. A for normal categories of waiting list applicants Ministry of Defence has thousands of units of empty until the market is right for selling or empty, hoping they will deteriorate sufficiently one and three years ago; half of Totterdown London Boroughs Association paper commented would be gratefully accepted by other people. For accommodation for servicemen which are kept in letting. The constant changes in the property for permission to be granted for demolition. has been razed to the ground. in 1975 that management problems ‘multiply example, young, childless people are frequently reserve for any future evacuation of forces person- market encourage this by making it beneficial for The development schemes are not due to exponentially with the size of programmes being willing – and may even wish – to live in housing nel from overseas and left empty in the meantime. the seller sometimes to withhold sale despite Second homes commence for at least five years.’26 mounted’.22 The financial (let alone social) cost of which is unsuitable for people with children. A These public bodies frequently suffer from the high interest rates. Speculation is not the Particularly in tourist areas, many houses are ‘Prior demolition’ is even worse than keeping lost accommodation due to the size of schemes is Shelter survey in 1980 revealed that according to same bureaucratic organisational problems as prerogative of property companies; trade union left empty because they are owned by rich people property empty, because it removes the seldom taken into account when discussing their the councils’ own estimates, they owned 250,000 councils, referred to above. In addition, having no pension funds, insurance companies and building who live in the cities elsewhere for most of the possibility of putting pressure on owners to use so-called ‘economies of scale’. difficult-to-let homes.12 statutory responsibility for housing they have little societies all invest their money in this way. Even year. There are 200,000 second homes in the UK the houses. Local authorities sometimes even incentive to use their empty property efficiently. individual owner occupiers get caught up in the and the number is increasing by around 12,000 demolish houses in a neighbourhood before the Bureaucracy Lack of will Housing associations, though, are probably the upward spiralling value of property. Estate each year. These are not included in statistics for public inquiry into its future, thereby presenting Delays result from the division of responsibilities While it is inevitable that a small proportion of worst offenders in the public sector after councils. agents will advise sellers that their property is empty homes. residents with a fait accompli.27 in council bureaucracies between different officials property will always have to be empty at any One survey16 by tenants of Paddington Churches worth more than it really is, and sellers may and offices, aggravated by a lack of detailed local given time, there is little excuse at a time of Housing Association found 49 per cent of the wait for years in the hope of realising the Bureaucratic delays knowledge. Responsibility for repairs, allocations, housing shortage for the large amount of empty association’s property in Paddington to be empty. inflated prices. Delays in obtaining planning permission and home Solutions to empty property maintenance, rent collection, evictions and other property, or the length of time for which much of Inefficiency and the rapid growth of some improvement grants are a frequent cause of A vast number of ‘solutions’ have been put tasks are frequently in the hands of separate it stays empty. Government policy has been associations are to blame as well as other factors Planning blight property remaining empty longer than necessary. forward for reducing the amount of empty officials and departments possibly located in made clear on a number of occasions. For mentioned above as causes of empty council Private property is frequently left empty because property, ranging from requisitioning to speeding offices far from the properties concened. The instance, under the Conservatives in 1974 the housing. Housing associations also suffer from planners have indicated that it may be needed Owners unknown and inheritance disputes up bureaucratic procedures. Although some have Bradford Housing Action Group has even shown Department of the Environment issued a the lengthy bureaucratic procedures they have to for future development. People then become un- A few buildings are empty for long periods because been tried half-heartedly, there has never been that the reason housing on some estates in circular23 which stated: fulfil before obtaining grant approval for projects. willing to invest in it and areas gradually decline owners cannot be traced or are involved with the political will to make them effective. •

228 229 have consistently underestimated the number of structural condition and likely to remain empty of 122 squats, only three were required by the Myth and fact their properties occupied by squatters. for some time. Areas where large-scale Council as part of its permanent housing stock For instance, when the Greater London Council redevelopment or rehabilitation is planned often (ie ready to let) . Over half were privately owned gave an amnesty to all its squatters (p 89), it contain large numbers of houses well-suited on and those owned by Haringey were either Statistics on squatting and squatters conducted a detailed survey which revealed all these counts and likely to attract squatters. awaiting renovation or demolition. The squats 1,438 squatted properties. In fact, during the These districts also tend to be areas of housing had been empty, on average, for over six months. month it gave squatters to register, a further 400 stress where homelessness and overcrowding are And a survey in 1975 of squatters in council squats were made known by the occupiers common. Empty houses are likely to prove property commissioned by the Department of the What is a squatter? mission to occupy empty homes on a temporary After 1977, the year in which a new law, the coming forward to sign up for the amnesty. In attractive to local people living in bad housing Environment (DOE) found that only one sixth of A squatter is a person who occupies land or empty basis. They may be people who took over a house Criminal Law Act, was passed in an attempt to other words, it underestimated the number of conditions particularly once a few of the most the sample was in permanent stock and that buildings without legal title and without paying as squatters but were given permission to stay reduce the number of squatters, there was a squats in GLC property by almost a third.3 desperate have taken the plunge and started even much of this was regarded as ‘difficult-to- rent.1 Most recent squatting in Britain has consist- by the owner or they may belong to a short life downturn until 1979 when squatting started to Or, in another example, in 1976 Haringey squatting. There is a snowball effect. As more let’.8 The reality is not that squatters jump the ed of people occupying buildings although there housing group which manages houses given to it increase again. The graph shown here is a Council supplied a supposedly comprehensive people squat in a particular street, locality or housing waiting list or deprive others of a home have been some land squats,particularly by gypsies on licence by the local council or a housing necessarily tentative attempt to plot the course list of its squatted properties to assist a survey4 town, the stronger they become as a group, and but rather that they opt out of the queue and other travellers. In legal terms squatters are association. Licences may have various of squatting since 1969.2 of squatting in the borough. On investigation, it the less likely they are to be harassed or evicted. altogether and make use of houses that would trespassers. This does not mean they are commit- conditions attached to them and some licensees Any estimate of the number of squatters is turned out that of the 22 addresses supplied, 11 Information about how to squat, the location of otherwise be empty. ting a criminal offence as trespass is a civil matter even pay rent (though they are not covered by inevitably a matter of educated guesswork. Squats were empty or demolished and one was tenanted. suitable property and how to get services and the concern of the owner and the trespasser the Rent Act) to the owner or the housing group are constantly being opened up or evicted; some The survey revealed a further 21 council-owned connected becomes easier to obtain. The lack of rather than the police (except in Scotland, p 158). managing the property. Licences need not be in last for several years and others for only a few squats of which Haringey was unaware. such effective information and support networks Holiday squatters The term ‘licensed squatter’ is used many times writing and have sometimes been given hours and this makes it difficult to keep count of The graph of the growth of squatting is based is partly responsible for the small amount of A lot of publicity has also been given to the tale in this book. A licence means permission or autho- inadvertently by an owner who says, for them. Also it can be in the best interests of squat- on estimates from organisations closely involved squatting in many towns outside London. But of squatters who take over homes whilst the rity to do something so, in fact, the term is a mis- example, ‘You can stay until the summer’. ters to keep their presence secret from people in squatting, the limited number of available the main reason for the heavy concentration in inhabitants are on holiday or even just out nomer; either people are squatters without per- carrying out surveys or asking for information. surveys and court records of possession orders (p the capital is the peculiar nature of its housing shopping. Again, this myth has generated a mission to be in the property or they are licensees Extent and growth of squatting Therefore property owners, particularly large 160). One other ‘guesstimate’ helps to provide an problems, and its unique role in attracting so many fantastic amount of public hostility towards who have been granted the right to be there by the After a slow growth initially, the number of companies or councils, may well be unaware of insight into the scale of the phenomenon of people seeking a better life and employment. squatting. Yet, there is no substantiated report of owner. So what is a licensed squatter? The term people squatting increased dramatically between their existence. There is no system for recording squatting. If the graph is at all accurate, then, Also, the size of the housing problem in London it ever happening although many journalists and is used in a specific way in this book (reflecting 1971 and 1975. It stayed constant for several the number of squats in private property, and assuming an average length of a squat is three is, in terms of absolute homelessness (as opposed researchers have tried to find examples. common usage) to refer to people who have per- years at the peak level of around 50,000 people. even councils, when they have estimates at all months, over a quarter of a million people to housing conditions), the worst in the UK.7 Both at a local and a national level, the idea squatted at some time in the seventies. has been largely discounted except by a few 50,000 sensation-seeking politicians. For example, the Who owns the houses? London Boroughs Association reported in Where people squat Although there is always more empty privately- September 1975: ‘The Association has had no The majority of both unlicensed and licensed owned than publicly-owned property (see p 227), genuine cases of squatting in occupied property 40,000 squatters since 1969 have been in London. By most squatting has taken place in publicly-owned drawn to its attention and is forced to regard 1975, for example, there were over 2,000 houses housing and, in particular, council property. This this particular area of discussion as a red herring, licensed to squatters in London compared with is not because public bodies have shown any if not deliberate scare-mongering.’9 And in parlia-

Number of squatters under 500 outside5 and this imbalance has been sympathy for squatters but because of their ment, Home Office Minister Brynmor John said in 30,000 a consistent feature of squatting throughout the public accountability. Squatters can embarrass June 1976, in reply to a question about squatters present wave. them by highlighting the existence of council- in occupied property: ‘The limited evidence Squatting is a mainly urban phenomenon. owned empty property. The fear of bad publicity available suggests that instances of this kind of 20,000 Even within towns, squatters have tended to can make them unwilling to evict squatters from squatting are rare.’10 In fact squatters taking over concentrate in specific districts. A survey6 in houses for which they have no plans and make occupied property would receive short shrift from 1977 found that most squatting in London them unwilling to attempt strongarm tactics. the law as the Metropolitan Police Commissioner occurred in 10 boroughs and in another 10 there The vast majority of squatted property is Sir Robert Mark made plain in 1975: 10,000 was hardly any. Within boroughs too, there has awaiting demolition or renovation. The much ‘In order to relieve any ill-founded public frequently been a marked concentration as in the publicised notion of squatters jumping the anxiety resulting from recent press publicity Haringey survey mentioned above where over housing waiting list is therefore largely without about squatting, I wish it to be known that Date half the squats were in three wards. foundation but remains the root cause of much the Metropolitan Police will have no 0 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 There are good reasons for this concentration. resentment against squatters. Indeed, even if hesitation in assisting the lawful occupiers of The most suitable properties for squatting are they do take over property that is about to be let, furnished accommodation to eject anyone in Extent of squatting in Britain, 1968-1980.2 those owned by local authorities or other large they can be evicted very quickly. unauthorised occupation of it.’11 institutions. They must also be in reasonable The Haringey survey, for instance, found that Nevertheless, Parliament felt it necessary to

230 231 include in part of the Criminal Law Act, passed in of this have in fact been very rare. More typically have been put into expensive hostels or bed and Table 2 they could not find other accommodation at a For example, there were only 11 children out of 1977, a section which made it a criminal offence squatters have greatly improved the houses they breakfast hotels which are subsidised by price they could afford (table 2). Although some 186 squatters in Tolmers Village, Camden in Reasons for squatting to squat occupied property. Needless to say, no- occupy. For example, the DOE survey found that councils, the amount of money squatting has people squat because it provides more 1975.13 But most squats have had a high propor- one has ever been charged with that offence. Yet, 71 per cent of squatters claimed to have made saved councils is immense. In response to the question ‘Which of the opportunities for independence and communal tion of people with children. In the Haringey and following do you consider to be your main the Automobile Association continues to have as some kind of improvement to the property they reason for squatting?’ (DOE Survey)8 living, and others have squatted for political DOE surveys, 51 per cent and 54 per cent respec- part of its standard ‘five star’ insurance for occupied and other surveys have confirmed this. Who are the squatters? reasons, they form a tiny minority of the squatter tively of the houses visited were occupied by motorists touring abroad, a clause which promises Indeed, the very presence of squatters often ‘The word ‘squatter’ is often used as though it is a Percentage population. Surveys show that a high proportion people with children. Surveys in Lambeth14 (over 15 to refund expenses caused by ‘unauthorised prevents damage as empty houses are an easy single genus. In fact, about the only safe statement I wanted to live communally of squatters are unemployed (27 per cent and 23 60 per cent) and Cardiff (77 per cent) revealed occupation by squatters’. There appears to have target for lead thieves, totters and vandals. Much in this field is that one cannot generalise about with other people 9 per cent respectively in the Haringey and DOE even higher figures.The disparity can be explained 12 been no claims for such expenses.’ of the damage attributed to squatters is usually squatters’. (Report by GLC Acting Head of the I couldn’t find anywhere at a surveys). This is a huge proportion even by the partly in terms of the respective areas covered by There have been some instances of squatters done before they move in or after they have gone. Housing Department, 28 May 1974) rent I could afford 59 standards of a depressed area. These figures can the surveys. Central London is traditionally an moving into local authority or housing On several occasions, councils have blamed I wanted to make a protest be partly explained by the fact that squatters area where single people form a high proportion association property already allocated to squatters for damage done by their own work- ‘Squatters are not a homogenous group. Some, about houses being left tend to be young and unskilled. For example, the of the population whereas Haringey isn’t. But permanent tenants. This is inevitable given that men. Indeed, any damage squatters may have whether families or single people, have a genuine empty 13 DOE survey found that ‘three-quarters of the more important is that squats like Tolmers Village it is normally impossible for a would-be squatter caused pales into insignificance when compared need for housing . . . Some have political I wanted to leave money for respondents were aged under 30 and only 10 per with a long history of struggle against the owners to find out whether a home is empty for a valid with the deliberate destruction of habitable objectives – either to influence central and local other things than rent 3 cent were over 40’. Surveys also show that a tend to attract young single people who are better reason or not, or how long it is likely to remain houses (‘gutting’) by property owners, especially government housing policies, or to bring about I wanted the freedom that ) disproportionate number of squatters are able to cope with living under the permanent empty. Indeed, it is often impossible even to find councils, in trying to prevent squatting (p 52). more far-reaching changes. Others may prefer the squatting offers ) unskilled or semi-skilled workers with low threat of eviction and who want to live in the out who owns an empty property as the Land When both the cost of deterioration in empty life-style of squatting and its cheapness; or they I wanted to be able to spend ) incomes, little savings and few educational or sort of community that is created in these mass Registry is not open to the public and inevitably houses (p 227) and the improvements made by may be existing council tenants trying to force the my time as I like without ) 8 vocational qualifications. In the DOE survey, 75 squats. Most of the people covered in the surveys having to earn money to ) property owners will claim that their empty squatters are taken into account, it is evident coucil into giving them a transfer, or the children pay rent ) per cent of the squatters had finished their formal lived outside such communities, isolated from any property is about to be used. Most squatters have that squatters have added millions of pounds to of tenants trying to obtain their tenancy. Yet education before reaching 18. In Haringey, 60 per other squatters and are a more representative moved out willingly when they have discovered the value of the houses they have occupied. others may be disaffected groups or individuals All others 11 cent of the respondents had no educational or sample of the overall squatting population. that the home they have just moved into is about who welcome the freedom and anonymity of In response to the question ‘Which of the vocational qualifications and in the DOE survey One more myth needs to be blown – the to be let and squatting organisations have squatting, may be passing through or tourists. following correspond with your own only 13 per cent of the males working full time notion of squatters as being mainly outsiders or criticised people who failed to do so (p 86). This The list could go on.’ (DOE Consultation Paper reason(s) for squatting?’ (Haringey survey)4 earned over £50 weekly in 1975. It is important foreigners. The Lambeth survey found ‘two-thirds is now covered by the Criminal Law Act which A burden on the ratepayer? on Squatting, August 1975) to note that many of the squatters who are of the squatters came from within the borough’ Percentage makes it an offence not to leave council-owned In addition to allegations that squatters damage technically counted as unemployed in fact spend and similarly, in Haringey, almost half the property about to be let when asked to do so. property, councils often attribute other costs to ‘The squatting population is largely composed of I couldn’t find any rented their time engaged in long-term projects or learn respondents (47 per cent) were born in London. accommodation which was them such as lost rates or rent revenue. Yet, those to whom access to local authority housing is suitable and cheap enough 96 skills which stand them in good stead when Those who have come from outside the area have Builders or wreckers? since most of the squatted houses would have barred, for whom ownership of their own home is looking for employment in the future. usually moved in search of jobs, something that Squatters are frequently accused of causing dam- otherwise been empty, they would not have impossible or unsuitable, and for whom the I wanted to live communally While most squatters are naturally pleased has been encouraged by successive governments. with others age to properties that they occupy but instance generated any income.Most squatters,particularly private-rented sector is no longer a source of not to have to pay rent, this is not a major Yet, when they leave their home town, they find those who manage to stay for some time, pay cheap, adequate housing.’ (A survey of squatters, I wanted to live cheaply so as reason why they choose to squat. Many squatters that councils tend to discriminate against people rates and that money more than offsets the loss Mike Kinghan, August 1976) not to have to work 11 offer to pay rent but this is normally refused by from outside their area and squatting becomes Table 1 of rent in those rare cases where squatters have I couldn’t be bothered to owners as they fear – frequently with the only possibility. Major repairs by squatters moved into property about to be let. A great deal of opposition to squatters has been look for other justification – that acceptance would turn the The message from the surveys is clear. The Work carried out on squats (DOE survey)8 accommodation 7 Many of the real administrative costs attached founded on ill-informed generalisations about the squatters into tenants with the right to stay standard stereotypes of squatters created by their Percentage to squatters moving into council properties are sort of people who squat. For example, it is often I wanted better housing than permanently. Other bills like rates and services opponents and perpetuated by the media do not would otherwise be available Wiring 35 avoidable. The cost of eviction proceedings, for suggested that they are different from the to me 16 are normally paid by longer-term squatters hold water on closer examination. Yet, they live on Plumbing/gas 32 example, could be greatly reduced by flexible deserving homeless. It is implied that their need although councils sometimes refuse rate payments thanks to the vast amount of publicity they have Roofing 15 policies whereby squatters would be allowed to is not genuine and they are typecast as middle- I did it as a protest 8 from squatters, and gas and electricity boards been given. The truth, as usual, is much less re- Replacing windows 38 remain in property until it was required and class rebels living off the state. I wanted to get involved in some may refuse even to supply squatters (p56). markable. Squatters are not articulate scroungers Replacing floorboards 12 then offered alternative short-life housing. In fact, squatters no more form an easily kind of social or political It is unfair to condemn squatters as the only or hippy drop-outs.They are a fairly random cross- Repairing ceilings 8 If the cost of alternative accommodation in identifiable group than owner occupiers or council action 3 people who get a free ride when it comes to section of the population who, in times of high Redecoration 55 I will not be in the area long Removing rubbish 25 hostels, resettlement units or bed and breakfast tenants. A wide range of different kinds of people housing. Many owner-occupiers with mortgages unemployment, expensive rents and widespread hotels is taken into account, it is clear that with a variety of beliefs, ideas and lifestyles have enough to make it worth- effectively get free housing (or even make a housing shortage have squatted out of need. • Plastering 13 while looking for some- Other 1 squatters have actually saved councils large squatted. Generalisations are difficult to make where else 3 profit out of it) thanks to generous tax None 23 sums of money. The majority of squatters have but surveys do provide some of the basic concessions and to the rapid rise in house prices. been people with children and virtually all of information needed to get an overall picture. In each case, some people gave more than Some squats, particularly those in central Many squatters had undertaken more than one one reason, so totals add up to more than these people should have been housed by Both the DOE and Haringey surveys found that 100. London have been heavily dominated by single of these repairs. councils were they not squatting. Since they would most people claimed they were squatting because people.

232 233 London – Aden Kelly. Collective, Tolmers Village Action 4 Squatters here, there and Squatting Seminar as per previous mental Studies Workshop, 21 Truth about Cottages by John Wood- 11 R v Kamara (1973) 3 WLR 198. section was written by Christian 8 Roof,July 1979, p 110. 3Westboume Park Road, West London Group, Union Place Collective, Villa 1 The Guardian, 28 June 1972. reference. October 1977. forde, Routledge and Kegan Paul, 12 For instance, Warwick University v Wolmar. 9 As reference 1, p 12. Notes – Philip Wolmuth. Road Street Group, Westminster Empty 2 Quoted in Slough Evening Mail,4 17 8 June 1975. 18 Private Eye, 18 January 1980. London,1969. De Graffand Cros field Electronics v 2Figures from M Juppenlatz, Cities in 10 The house price figures relate to the 4 and 6 Cumberland Road, Portsmouth, Property Action Group and others who April 1973. 18 6 August 1975. 19 Housing Emergency Office, Dictators 22 From Lord Onslow’s records, Surrey Baginsky (1975) 1 WLR 1135. Transformation, University of first quarter of 1980 and are taken 1978 – NickWates. are unknown. 3 Author’s estimate (probably low) 19 14 July 1975. in the Town Hall, Shelter, 1980. County Council Record Office. 13 GLC v Jenkins (1975) 7 WLR 155. Queensland Presss, 1970. from a DOE press release, 4 August 7 Great Western Road, West London – based on squats reported in East 20 The Times,15 July 1975. 23 From Hertfordshire County Council 14 Woodcock v South Western Electricity 3Jockim Neander of Die Welt, writing 1980, No 318. Philip Wolmuth. 1979-80 squats Anglian Daily Times,May 1973. 21 Brian Winterbotham, ‘The change in 8 The early squatters Record Office. Board (1975) 1 WLR 983. in The Times,3 February 1976. 11 New Earnings Survey,a monthly 8 Hornsey Rise, North London – 1975. Credits f or p 100 and p 101 4 Essex County Standard,25May 1973. the presentation of squatting, 1969- 1 Thomas Spence:‘A lecture Read at the 15 Re Briant Colour Printing Company 4 Le Nouvel Observateur, 25 publiscation obtainable from HMSO. 9 West London – International Times. Medway: South Eastern Newspapers; 5 People’s News Service. 75’, M Phil thesis, Exeter University, Philosophical Society in Newcastle on 9 The postwar squatters (1977) 1 WLR 942. December 1977. 12 Shelter Election Manifesto, Shelter, 10 Burton Street, Central London, 1979 Harrogate: Ackrill Newspapers Ltd; Old 6 See NickWates,The Battle for 1976. November 8th 1775, for Printing of 1 Quoted in Peter Dickens, ‘Squatting 16 Judgement in Re Albany Street,11 5 Peace News, 15 December 1978. 1979. – Ray. Street: Ray; Dorset: Reg Vincent; Kings Tolmers Square, Routledge and 22 16 August 1975. which the Society did the author the and the State’, New Society,5 May December 1974. 6 Dagens Nyheter,4 November 1977. 13 As reference 1, p71. 11 North London, 1973 – Aden Kelly. Cross: London News Service; Cambridge: Kegan Paul, 1976. 23 16 July 1975. Honour to expel him.’ Reprinted in M. 1977. This article contains a more 7 Northern Ireland Housing Executive, 14 Local Government News,August Who said what, when. 12 Westboume Grove, West London, London Squatters Union; Chislehurst: 7 Prince ofWalesResidents’Association 24 19 August 1975. Beer (ed). The Pioneers of Land detailed account of the Vigilantes. 19 From skippering to squatting Sixth Annual Report. 1980, p25. 1 Ron Dinsey, Brent Councillor, quoted 1977 – Philip Wolmuth. Dave Walkling; Hackney: Mike statement to public inquiry, 1973. 25 30 July 1975. Reform,G Bell & Sons 1920. 2 Reynolds News, 12 October 1945. 1 P Phillimore, A Dosser’s World: A 8 Jenny Smith, ‘Keeping roofs over in the Kilbum Times, 14 November, 13 Prince of Wales Crescent, North Goldwater; ‘Nice house’ banner: Mike 8 Local newspaper cutting, undated, 26 ShelterInformationBulletin,19-25 2 W G Hoskins and L Dudley Stamp, 3 See Colin Ward, Housing: an study of a Vagrant Population in troubled heads’. Municipal Review, Empty property 1975. London, 1976 – Kevin Tilfourd/ Wigg; Badge: London Squatters Union; available at Self Help Housing February 1976. The Common Lands of England and Anarchist Approach,Freedom Press, London, MA dissertation. University May 1973. 1 Margaret Bone and Val Mason, 2 Douglas Eden,Vice-chairman, GLC Time Out. ‘Whoops’ cutting: East London Resource Library. 27 Monica Ferman, Squatters as Neigh- Wales, Collins 1963. 1976, p.20. This book contains of Edinburgh, 1973,p50 9 Figures from Northern Ireland Empty Housing in England – a Housing Development Committee, 14 Elgin Avenue, West London, 1974 Advertiser, 23 May 1980; ‘Its curtains’ 9 TheGuardian,21September 1975. bours, discussion paper published for 3 The Limitation Acts. several contemporary articles. 2 Under the Vagrancy Act 1824 Housing Executive spokeswoman, Report on the 1977 Vacant Property Daily Telegraph,4 April 1975. – London Express. cutting: Islington Gazette, 7 September 10 The Bristol figure is an author’s Fairhazel Tenants Association. 4 M Dorothy George,England inTransi- 4 News Chronicle, 20 August 1946. Section 4 (amended by Section 1 of September 1980. Survey, Office of Population 3 George Tremlett, GLC housing chair- 15 St Agnes Place, South London, 1977 1979; ‘We are still winning’: Yona Kroch. estimate based on local press 28 Wandsworth Borough News, tion,1931,reprinted by Penguin 1953. 5 Daily Mail, 27 August 1946. the Vagrancy Act 1935), a person can 10 Figures from Kai Lemburg, Two Case Censuses and Surveys, HMSO, 1980. person, quoted in Evening News, 13 – Nick Wates. coverage of squatting; the February 1975. 5 ChristopherHill (ed),Gerrard Win- 6 This is a summary of various contem- be arrested if he persistently Studies in Management of Publicly 2 Department of the Environment December 1978. 16 and 17 Prince of Wales Crescent, 1 Introducing squatting Portsmouth figure is from Squatters 29 27 September 1976. stanley’s The Law of Freedom and porary local newspaper reports, all of wanders abroad and persistently Owned Land in Copenhagen’. (DOE). Labour Force Survey, 1977. 4 Ron Bailey, The Squatters,Penguin London, 1975 – Mike Goldwater. 1 Except where indicated, evidence for News No 2; Brighton Evening Argus, 30 Evening Courier,19 March 1976. other Writings,Pelican Classics 1973. which are available at the Self Help refuses to go to an accessible place of 11 Report by the Ministry of Public 3 Greater London A nnual A hstract of 1973. 18 Great Western Road, West London, the influence of squatting is based on 29 April 1975; Surrey Daily 31 14 May 1976; see also Peace News, See also P Bowden in J Thirsk (ed), Housing Resource Library. free shelter to which a constable has Works, Madrid, October 1977. Statistics,annual. 5 Greater London Council Conservative 1977 – Philip Wolmuth. ‘off the record’ discussions between Advertiser,7 March 1975; The 21 May 1076. The Agrarian History of England, Vol 7 D Murray Hill, ‘Who are the directed him. ‘A place of free shelter’ 12 Information from Phil Mailer, 4 Cambridge Empty Property Action Party Manifesto, 1977. 19 Villa Road, South London, 1977 – the author and Department of the Swansea figure is from Squatters 32 Director of Housing, ‘Squatting in the IV,Cambridge University Press,1967. Squatters?’ Pilot Papers, November usually means a Government Portugal, the Impossible Revolution, Group, Another Empty Home, 1977 6 Under Sheriff of London Alistair Philip Wolmuth. Environment officials. News Bulletin, No 2; Cambridge Council’sDwellings’,20January1976. 6 Lewis H Berens,The Digger Movement 1946. Reception Centre. The suspected Chapter 9. and follow up report, 1979. Black, quoted in Evening Standard, 20 Villa Road, South London – 2 See for instance the following reports: Evening News, 25 March 1975; and 33 The original – and clearly absurd – in the Days of the Commonwealth, persons law (Sus) is also contained in 13 The Times,1 September 1976. 5 National Empty Homes Campaign, 15 July 1975. Union Place Collective. London Boroughs Association, 2.5 Leicester Mercury,29 July 1975. claim for rent-a-kid was in an 1906, reprinted by Holland Press 12 Victoiy Villa Section 4 of the 1824 Act. A person 14 Boaventura de Sousa Santo,‘Law and Summary of Empty Property Surveys 7David Stimpson, Leader of Lambeth 21 Cumberland Road, Portsmouth, 1973; Greater London Council, 28.5. article by Corina Adam in the New and Merlin Press 1961. 1 The Brixton Plan, Second report of is guilty of the offence if he is a sus- Revolution in Portugal’, a paper from throughout Britain,1977. Council, letter to The Guardian, 20 1978 – Nick Wates. 1974; Lambeth Council, 11.11.1974 5 Mounting opposition Statesman,18 July 1975, entitled 7 S Baring-Gould, Dartmoor Idylls, the working party of officers to the pected person or reputed thief in a delivered at the conference on 6 Kcnsington and Chelsca Empty December 1978. and IslingtonCouncil, 20.2.1975. 1 East London Advertiser, 21 February The Politics of Squatting’,but it was a 1896; Robert Burnard, Dartmoor Development Committee of the public place intending to commit an ‘Economic Change and Social Homes Group, What Housing?, 1978. 8 Charles Abrams in Housing in the These clearly indicate that squatting 1975. press statement by the GLC in Pictorial Records, 1932. London Borough of Lambeth,June 69. offence. It is used primarily against Control’, Vienna, 10-13 September 7 As reference 5 above. Modern World,p 12. provided the basis for reforms. 2 Department of the Environment January 1976 which attracted the 8 William Hepworth Dixon, Royal 2 Cynthia Cockburn’s book The Local young blacks, people with criminal 1976. 8 Figures reported to Nottingham 9 Under Sheriff of London, Michael 3 Department of the Environment (DOE), Consultation Paper on media’s attention. Windsor,Vol 4,Hurst & Blackett 1879. State, Pluto Press, 1977, gives a records, and homeless people. Drunk- 15 Peoples News Service,8 December Council Housing Committee in report Harris, 28 April, 1976, at the eviction Press Release, 28.7.1977. Squatting, August 1975. 9 H Askew in Notes and Queries, 30 detailed account of these proposals enness is an offence under section 12 1975. by housing research officer,June 1977. of squatters in Hornsey 4 Self Help Housing Resource Library 3 Greater London Council (GLC), 6 Squatters organise July 1932. and the All Lambeth Squatters of the Licensing Act 1872. See 16 Take Over the City, Rising Free, 9 Sheffield Community Action, Why Rise, London. figures. Housing Management Committee 1 Mark Phillips, Same Old Struggle, 10 Katherine Lloyd,‘Poachers Pockets in campaign against them (pp 76-87). Drunken Neglect - the failure to 1973. Empty?,1976. 10 Jack London, ThePeople of the Abyss, 5 See Myth and Fact, p 230-233. Report, April 1974; Tower Hamlets Self Help Housing Resource Library, her skirts’. Country Life,11Oct 1973. There is also a valuable analysis of provide alternatives to prison for the 17 Lotta Continua,9 February 1974. 10 Harlcsden Advice Centre and Brent 1903. 6 Labour: see for instance The squatters contained the highest number (120) 1978. 11 Raphael Samuel, ‘Quarry Roughs’: the Neighbourhood Councils scheme homeless alcoholic, CHAR 18 Emilio Pucci of La Stampa, writing in Community Housing, Empty Homes 11 Anarchy no 16, 1975. by Ron Bailey, p 189; Liberal: see for followed by Hammersmith (55), life and labour in Headington Quarry, in Lambeth (pp 139-57). publication, July 1974. The Times,3 February 1976. in South Brent,1977. instance p 139; Conservative: see Islington (45) and Hackney (40). 7 A Whole New Ball Game 1860-19 20’, in R Samuel (ed). Village 3 Myatts Fields South Public Open 3 The Mental Health Act 1959 which 19 Quoted in a report by Campbcll Page 11 Southwark Forum, Empty Property Demonstrations Squatters brighten up the Evening News, 4.8.1975. 4 Report by Acting Head of Housing, 1 Steve Platt, Squatting in Haringey, LifeandLabour,RoutledgeandKegan Space, London Borough of Lambeth, aimed at ‘community care’ resulted in in The Guardian, 23 May 1976. in Southwark,CHAR, 1975. The pastiche on pages 66 and 67 is made environment. GLC,28 May 1974. 1976, reprinted by SHHRL, 1977. Paul 1975. See also Illustrated Guide June’ 74. the discharge of many patients into 20 Peoples News Service,26 June 1975. 12 Roof, March 1980, pp 52-4. up of photographs from Cambridge, Location and credits for photos on 2 The squatters 5 As previous reference. 2 Time Out, 30 April 1976. to the New Forest,Ward Lock, 1925. 4 ‘The £100,000 footbridge to nowhere’, homelessness. See H R Rollin, The 21 For a fuller account of this sec 13 Exeter Housing Group, Why Empty? Guildhall, 1972 – Cambridge Evening pages 78 and 79. 1 London quotes are from A Survey of 6 Hansard, 24 November 1975. 3 EveningStandard,10December1976. 12 P-J Proudhon, What is Property?, Evening Standard, 28 October 1975. Mentally Abnormal Offender and Architectural Design, October 1976. Housing in Exeter,1976 and Why News; Canterbury. Longport Court,1974 1-6 Villa Road, Lambeth – Union Place Squatters by Mike Kinghan. Those 7 DOE, Consultation Paper on 4 Sunday Times,12December 1976. Dover edition 1970. Critical articles also appeared in the the Law, London, Pergamon, 1969, 22 Hong Kong’s Resettlement still Empty?, 1978. and Municipal Buildings, 1975 – Kentish Collective. from out of London are taken from Squatting (as reference 2 above). 5 As reference 2 above. 13 Ronnie Wharton, The Girlington local press. pp 118-9. Programme,July 1972. 14 As reference 3 above. Gazette;Cardiff, 1975 – John Sturrock/ 7-11 Villa Road, Lambeth – Self Help unsolicited letters sent to the 8 The case was heard in the High 6 Quoted by Bernard Levin in The ‘Klondike’, Roar projects, Bradford 4 Third Class Claimants, CHAR; No 23 Report of the 1963 Working Party on 15 Oxford Shelter Group, Empty Report; London: CACTL march, 1977 – Housing Resource Library. Advisory Service for Squatters with Court at Leeds on 17 June 1975. Times,11 January 1977 from official 1978 (obtainable from 132 Upper 14 The erosion of squatters’ rights Fixed Abode, Kingsway; Catering for Government Policies and Practices Property Survey, 1976. Nick Wates; Centre Point, 1974 – Martin 14 James Street, Covent Garden the exception of those from Hebden 9 Memo from Camdcn Libraries council minutes. Woodland Road, Bradford). 1 Fourth edition, volume 2, para 863. Homeless Workers?, CHAR and the with regard to ‘squatters, 16 Paddington Federation of Tenants Slavin; High Court, 1975 – Liz Jellinek – Nick Wates. Bridge which were taken from a Department to all branch libraries, 7 Sunday Times,5 December 1976. 14 M Dorothy George, London Life in the 2 Pennycuick V–C in Re 9 Orpen Road Low Pay Unit. resettlement and government low and Residents Associations, Empty and AndrewWiard/Report;Islington 12-13 Tolmcrs Square, Camden – Lwin. report prepared by squatters there September 1973. 8 Christian Wolmar, Homes or Jails, Eighteenth Century,1925, reprinted (1971) 1 A11ER 944. 5 Sec M Drake and T Bicbuych, Policy cost housing’. Properties in Paddington,1976. Town Hall, 1975 – Lawrence Fecht- for Calderdale Council. Some of the 10 Report by Co-ordinator of Housing on Release Publications, 1976. by Penguin 1965. 3 London Borough of Southwark v and Provision for the Single 24 Hong Kong Government, Official 17 As reference 11 above. wanger and John Sturrock/Report; letters have been abridged. Squatters, 20 February 1975. 9 Squatters News No 10. 15 For the Land Registry Act and the law Williams (1971) Ch 734; the quote is Homeless: a position paper.Personal Report 1976, page 98. 18 DOE, National Housing and Dwelling Islington gas showrooms, 1975 – John 11 Not to be confused with the 10 The quotes are taken from the GLC of ‘adverse possession’ see Ruoff and from Lord Denning’s judgement. Social Services Council, 1977. 25 Figures given by R M Cox in ‘Land Survey,1977. Rasmussen/Report;Marylebone Magi- 3 Setting the stage Elizabeth Garrett Anderson Housing Policy Committee Report, Roper, Registered Conveyancing, 4 McPhail v Persons Unknown (1973) 6 Ted Eagle’s unpublished writings Nationalisation’, a thesis for 19 Ron Bailey, The Homeless and the strates Court,1974;Olympia,1975(?) – 1 Skelmersdale and Holland Reporter, Hospital, Euston Road, also the 24 October 1977 and from advertise- Sweet and Maxwell 1972. See also 3 WLR 71. have been heavily drawn upon. University College, London, 1974. Empty Houses,Penguin, 1977. Aden Kclly; Prince of Wales Crescent, 22 May 1974. scene of an occupation. ments placed in various publications Diana Brahams, ‘Adverse Possession: 5 Law Commission, Report on Con- 7 For instance at St Oswald’s Place, 20 Islington Gazette,8 August 1980. 1973 – Time Out; Sunday People picket, 2 Ron Bailey, The Squatters,Penguin, 12 Peace News, 21 September 1973. by the GLC during November 1977. The Squatter’s Title’, Estates Gazette, spiracy and the Criminal Law, 1976, Lambeth. The housing crisis 21 As reference 19 above, pp 56-7. 1975 – Chris Davies/ Report;Tower 1973. 13 As per reference 4 above. Examples 11 Mike Kinghan, London Squatters, 22 Oct and 29 Oct 1977. p50. 8 Compare Jeremy Sandford’s Edna the 1 Department of the Environment 22 London Boroughs Association, Hamlets council cham-ber – Tony Bock/ 3 Sunday Times, 18 May 1969. quoted were Mercers Estate (Tower Shelter 1977. 16 Colin Ward, ‘Lost Freedom in 6 Warwick University v De Graaf (1975) Inebriate Woman with his Cathy, (DOE), Housing Policy, a Consultative ‘Observations on DOE Consultative Time Out;Tower Hamlets, 1973 – Martin 4 Ron Bailey, The Homeless and the Hamlets), Poynings Road (Islington) 12 Daily Telegraph,9 February 1977, Housing’, New Society, 12 May 1977. 1 WLR 1130. Come Home. Document,HMSO (Cmnd 6851),1977. Document: Squatting*, September Slavin, and 1974–PeterHarrap/Report; Empty Houses,Penguin, 1977. and Walterton Road (Westminster). contained an article by Steve Platt. 17 George Woodcock, Homes or Hovels?, 7 Burston Finance Limited v Wilkins, 2 The First Report of the environment 1975. Swansea, Skctty, 1975 – Western Mail; 5 See Housing Emergency Office.Dicta- 14 Kentish Times, 29 August 1974. 13 Steve Platt, Self Help, Squatting Freedom Press, 1944. The Times, 16 July 1975. 20 Everybody’s doing it Committee, HMSO. 1980. 23 DOE, Circular 18/74, February 1974. York, 1975 – Northern Echo, Darlington. Squatters’ posters tors in the Town Hall, Shelter, 1980. 15 Article by George Tremlett and Public Policy, SHHRL, 1978. 18 Peterlee Artist Project Report, 8 R v Wandsworth County Court ex 1 The sections on West Germany and 3 House Condition Survey. 1976, 24 DOE, Better Use of Vacant and The posters on pages 74 and 75 were 6 The People, 21 September 1969. published as part of a collection of 14 Housing Review, August 1974. Northern Arts, 1976. parte London Borough of Wandsworth Sweden and the last part of the HMSO, 1978. Under-occupied Property,Circular Graffiti produced by the Campaign Against the 7 26 September 1969. papers in Squatting Seminar,School 15 SHHRL survey of co-ops listed in the 19 Reproduced from The Prodigious (1975) 1 WLR 1114. section on Netherlands were written 4 Marparet Bone andValMason,Empty 76/77, July 1977. Location and credits for photos on pages Criminal Trespass Law, Freston Road 8 Fulhamchronicle,26September1969. for Advanced Urban Studies, Bristol Co-operative Housing Agency’s 1978 Builders by Bernard Rudofsky, 9Law Commissionm Report on by Piers Corbyn.NickWateswrote the Housing in England,HMSO,1980,p3. 25 As reference 1 above, p 60. 72 and 73 squatters, Chris Harper, Huntley Street 9 Quoted in West London Observer,2 University, 14 April 1974. Directory of Housing Co-operatives. Secker and Warburg, London, 1977. Conspiracy and the Criminal Law, first part of the Netherlands section 5 DOE, Housing Policy, Technical 26 As reference 19 above, p 157. 1 Shirland Road, West London – squatters, Islington Single Homeless October 1969. 16 Chris Whitehouse, ‘A Survey of 16 DOE, Better Use of Vacant and Under- 20 Daily Telegraph,6 Sept 1963. 1976. and the First and last parts of the Volume No 1, HMSO, 1977, p76. 27 Shelter, Buy up. Brick up and Westminster Empty Property Action Campaign, Isling-ton squatters, Lenthall 10 ‘What Squatting Means’, an article Squatters in Central Twickenham’, occupied Property, Circular 76/77, 21 Drawing by Bertha Stamp from The 10 Law Commission’s Working Paper, section on Denmark. The Ireland 6 As reference 3. Demolish,1979. Group. Road Work-shop, Paddington Print Shop, in Deptford Comment, 1971. September 1973, published in July 1977. Criminal Law: Offences of Entering 7 DOE press release. 7 Aupust 1980, 2 Prince of Wales Crescent, North the Poster Collective, Red Dragon Print 17 Paper delivered to Centre for Environ- andRemainingonPropertyp2,June‘74. No 325.

234 235 28 Morcton C and Tatc J, ‘The Vacancy Town, NW5 Neighbourhood Centre, Parliament. References were made to Chronicle, 29 August 1975. ‘Squatters’ Community’, The Observer,4 Times, 19 February 1975. Tomorrow the City, Community Press, mins, from Contemporary Films, 55 Reserve’, Town Planning Review Vol 1972. squatters on the following dates Franey R, ‘AA’s Premium on Mythology’, March 1973. Numerous squatting groups have at 1972, in English. Greek Street, London W1V 6DB. 26 No 1, 1975. Bibliography Rudofsky B, The Prodigious Builders, between 1974 and 1976: 22 May 1974; Roof,May 1979. New Society,To squat or not’, 29 May times produced newssheets on a regular Dekker A, ‘Older Women – We Live Elgin Avenue,1974, 15 mins, b/w, video, Seeker and Warburg, 1977. 13 February 1975; 14 July 1975; 22 July Freeman L, ‘Squatting Within the Law’, 1969. basis. For example Maida Hill Squatters Here’, Spare Rib,July 1980. from Squatters History Group, 55 Innis Myth and fact St Agnes Place Squatters, History of St 1975; 31 July 1975; 15 October 1975; Municipal and Public Services Journal, Paris C and Popplestone G, ‘Squatting produced over 100 editions of EASY, and Protestante Stichting Bibliotheekwezen, House, East Street, London SE17 (tel; 1 In Australia, squatters are large Agnes to November 1976, 1976. 16 October 1975; 20 November 1975; 9 July 1971. and the Criminal Law Act: Problem or Villa Road Squatters produced 30 issues Kraken in Nederlands,1978. 01-701 5691). scale farmers who are tenants of the Self Help Housing Resource Library, 24 November 1975; 25 November 1975; Gansell N, ‘Squatting: A Home of Your Solution’, Centre for Environmental of Villain. There have been several PORTUGAL Winstanley, about the Diggers crown. Typically wealthy and Squatters – Myth and Fact, 1977. 1 May 1976. The Criminal Law Bill Own’, East London Advertiser,14 Studies Review, 1977. squatters periodicals aimed at a wider Even geduld, deze straat is gekraakt, occupation of common land in the influential, they have been Seymour Housing Co-op, We Refuse to which changed the law on squatting March 1975. Peace News has had a number of audience of which the most important a photo-book on the Vondelstraat squat. seventeenth century, directed by nicknamed the squattocracy. Accept the Squatters’ Traditional Role, was introduced in the House of Lords Geddes D, ‘Should Squatting be a articles on squatting. are Squatters News published by the Handleiding voor krakers, Dutch Brownslow K and Mollo A, 95 mins, b/w, 2 Sources for the graph: 1969 and 1971, 1976. on 1 December 1976 and eventually was Criminal Act’, The Times, 28 January Perry D, ‘Experience of Squatters at London Squatters Union (1977- ); SAC squatters handbook. from Contemporary Films (see above). author’s estimate; 1973 and 1974, Shearer J, Squatting in Bristol, Student passed on 29 July 1977. Between these 1976. Redbridge’, Housing, September 1969. News published by the Squatters Action Mailer P, Portugal, the Impossible Whose building is it anyway?, about Family Squatting Advisory Service Community Housing, 1975. two dates there were numerous debates Gimson M, Lwin C and Wates N, Pettit A and Wade B, ‘Good Squat Guide’, Council (1975-7) and Squatters News Revolution, Solidarity, 1977, chapter 9, Seymour Building squat becoming a co- estimate; 1975, Advisory Service for Shelter, Buy up. Brick up and Demolish, on the squatting provisions in the Bill. ‘Squatting: The Fourth Arm of Housing’, Undercurrents 21, April/May 1977. Bulletin published by the Family in English. op, directed by Ellis G, 1978, 30 mins, Squatters estimate; 1977-1980, Self Only material specifically relating to Decent Housing for all, Maida Hill 1979. Architectural Design, April 1976. Platt S, ‘Squatters: The New Criminals’, Squatting Advisory Service (later MISCELLANEOUS video from Self Help Housing Resource Help Housing Resource Library squatting is listed in this bibliography Squatters, 1973; Housing, Squatting Solidarity South London, The Squatters Newspapers and periodicals Gray B and Booker C, ‘Councils of Hampstead and Highgate Express and Advisory Service for Squatters) (1975). Hollister R, Squatting – the Library. estimate. As explained in the text, and no attempt has been made to cover and the Urban Crisis, International – A Report and Critique of Ilford, 1969. This is a selection of the most important Wreckers’, Sunday Times, 12 May 1973. News,5 April 1976; ‘In Defence of Comparative Effectiveness of a Housing Cumberland Road and the fight against the figures are only estimates but wider aspects of housing, empty property, Marxist Group,1975. Squatters Action Council, Squatting – material published on squatting, most Green M, ‘Belfield: A Powder Keg Ready Squatting’, Daily Telegraph,February International Protest Tactic in Britain, Ireland and demolition,Portsmouth, 1978, 35 mins, 1 they have not been seriously direct action etc. The bibliography has Dancing House Squatters, Dancing what’s it all About?, 1976. of which is available from the Self Help to Explode’, Rochdale Observer,8 March 1977. This selection of material is necessarily the US,1972. b/w, Sony ⁄2 inch high density reel-reel, challenged and have been widely been compiled by the Self Help Housing House Squat, Nottingham People’s Stepney Squatters, Flashpoint, 1975. Housing Resource Library. 1975. Pollard J, ‘Squatting in the City’, brief and is a ‘taster’ rather than a See also SAC News and Squatters from Southsea Self Help Housing, 81 accepted by the media. Resource Library whose address can be Centre, 1975 Turner C, London Squatter Groups Absolon P, ‘Meditation on Squatting’, Griffith J, ‘Squatters as Criminals’, New Architectural Design, August 1973. comprehensive bibliography. Titles are News. ‘Cumberland Road, Southsea, Hants. 3 Squatters News, No 10. found in the section on information Dobson E, Squatting: the Last Becoming Housing Co-operatives,Poplar Crucible, March 1973. Statesman,2 April 1976. Private Eye, ‘Harris greed’, 18 January in the national language except where Huntley Street: a housing struggle, about 4 Steve Platt, Squatting in Haringey, centres. The Library holds most of the Alternative in this Jubilee Year, West Housing Co-op, 1977. Adam C, “The Politics of Squatting’, Grimes A, ‘Squatters’, Manchester 1980. indicated. A comprehensive bibliography Information centres the Huntley Street squat 1978, 28 mins, 1 1976. A borough-wide survery of 150 material listed here and has a large Middlesex Polytechnic, 1978. University of Bristol, Squatting New Statesman,18 July 1975. Evening News,17 April 1975. Radford J, ‘Squatting Prospects’, New on land squatting – which has been Advisory Service for Squatters, 2 St b/w, Sony ⁄2 inch high density reel-reel squatters in Haringey carried out collection of leaflets, newssheets and Ferman M, Squatters as Neighbours, Seminar,School for Advanced Urban Albert T, ‘Why they Became Squatters’, Hamilton A, ‘Squatting’, The Times,25 Society, 30 July 1970. excluded here – can be obtained from Paul’s Road, London N1 (tel: 01 359 and in Umatic Cassette, from Squatters with the co-operation of Haringey other material produced by squatters. Fairhazel Tenants Association, 1975. Studies, 1975. Times Educational Supplement,1 and 29 March and 6 and 9 April 1976. Righter R, ‘73 Families could Live in this the Architectural Association, 34-6 8814). History Group (see above). housing department officials. Not all material has been fully Gimson M, Without Colour of Right: Ward C, Housing: an Anarchist February 1974. Hanson A, ‘Squatters Law’, The Street’, Sunday Times,1November 1976. Bedford Square, London WC1. AHAS, 5 Dryden Street, London WC2E Woolloomooloo, about a struggle against Available from the SHHRL. It is referenced because of the failure of Squatting in Britain, 1976. Approach,Freedom Press, 1976. Baily M, ‘Squatters Want to Borrow Guardian, 30 July 1975. Sigal C, ‘144 Piccadilly’, New Society, AUSTRALIA 9NW (Community initiatives) redevelopment in Sydney, Australia in referred to numerous times in this publishers to provide detailed Haldane Society of Socialist Lawyers, Wates N, Squatting at Arbour House, £500,000’, The Times, 14 October 1975. Harmer H, ‘No Place Like Home’, New 1969. Sydney Squatters, The City Squatter, London Squatters Union, 48 King which squatters played a part, 1978, appendix. There have been about information. For reference material on Criminal Law Bill, 1977. Bartlett, University College London, Balfe R, ‘Squatter Bashing: Symbol of Statesman, 21 February 1975. Sims L, The Squatters’, International Sydney,1975. William IV Street, London WC2. directed by Fiske P, Gailey P and White half a dozen surveys of squatters squatting before 1968 see the notes to Ingham A, Self Help House Repairs 1973; Squatting as a Force in Planning, Crisis’, Sunday Times,2November 1975. Harrison P, ‘Squatters’, New Society,25 Socialism, No 41. CANADA Self Help Housing Resource Library, D, 75 mins, b/w. and most are quoted in this section. chapters 8 and 9 (p 235). Manual,Penguin, 1975. Bartlett, University College London, Barker D, ‘Squatters Serenade the January 1973. Smith C, ‘Elgin Avenue Sit-Out’, The Hogan I, ‘Self-Help/Squatting’, Polytechnic of North London, 2-16 Eden Wreckers in the town hall, about 5 SHHRL, Squatting, Empty Property Islington Squatters, Squatters 1973; The Battle for Tolmers Square, Bailiffs Men’, The Guardian, 13 October Help,‘Anatomy of an eviction’, August Observer, 20 July 1975. Architectural Design, October 1976. Grove, London N7 8DB (tcl: 01 607 2789 wrecking and prior demolition by and Public Policy,a survey of local Books, pamphlets, studies and surveys Handbook,first edition, 1973. Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1976. 1973. 1969. Time Out has consistently given DENMARK. x 2065). councils, 1979, 30 mins, colour, video, authorities, 1977. Advisory Service for Squatters, Squatters Jackson C, Lambeth Interface, 1975. Watkinson D, Eviction Procedures and Barstow A, ‘Squatting’, Morning Star,6 Hopkin A, ‘Squatting is not a Soft extensive coverage to squatting Blum J, The Free Town of Christiania, International from Housing Emergency Office, 157 6 As previous reference. Handbook, sixth edition, 1979. King N, Huntley Street, GLCA the Law Relating to Squatting, Legal and 22 November 1974. Option’, Over 21, September 1977. throughout the current wave. See National Museum of Denmark, 1977, Denmark: Stot Christiania, Waterloos Road, London SE1 8UU. 7 Statistics on homelessness published Bailey R, The Grief Report, Shelter,1972; European Urban Term, 1979. Action Group Guide No 1, Law in a Black Dwarf, ‘Squatters’, July 1 969; Hughes W and Humphry D, ‘Counter above, Paris C and Poppleston G, available in English and Danish. Dronningsgade 14, 1420 Copenhagen. Bloomsbury Square, the squat and its regularly by the DOE in Housing The Squatters,Penguin, 1973; Squatting Kinghan M, A Survey of Squatters, Housing Crisis, 1975. ‘The Quiet Squatters of Arbour Square’, Squatting’, The Spectator, 21 February Squatting: A Bibliography. Edwards M, Christiania, Experiments Italy: Unione Inqilini, Florence. life, directed by Ibarra G, 1979, from and Construction Statistics. Tactics,Wildcat Supplement No 3, 1974: Institute of Community Studies, 1976; Winterbotham B, The Change in Press 23 March 1970. 1976. Underwood J, ‘Squatters’, Housing in Living, Thule Press, to be published Netherlands: Woongroep Squatters History Group (see above). 8 Mike Kinghan, Squatters in London, Squatting, Trespass and the Law Squatters in London, Shelter, 1977. Presentation of Squatting, 1969-75, Boston R, ‘Homing In’, New Society’, 6 Islington Squatters Group, ‘Occupation Monthly,July 1975. in 1981 in English (Danish and German Staatsliedenbuurt, v Hogendorpstr, Squatting – life and times, the history Shelter publication 1977, A survey Commission Report, Heretical Laing A, The Criminal Trespass Bill – thesis, Exeter University, 1976. March 1969. Diary’, Inside Story, September 1972. Walker M, ‘Rent a Squatter’, The editions already in print). 124/73, Amsterdam (tel: 860994). of squatting up to 1979, Film Work commissioned from the Institute of Publications, 1976; The Homeless and Law in a Capitalist Society, 1977. Wolmar C, Homes or Jails, Release Bradney D, ‘Family Shuttle’, The Jordan P, ‘Councils House New Guardian,22December 1972; ‘Squatters Editions Alternatives et Paralleles, West Germany: Burgerinitiativc S036, Group Production, 1980, 51 mins. Sony Community Studies by the DOE of the Empty Houses,Penguin, 1977; Who Lambeth Self-help housing. Annual Publications, 1976. Guardian, 26 August 1975. Weapon’, The Guardian,15 July 1975. Paint a Festival Red’, The Guardian,7 Christiania,Paris 1979, in French. Sorauer Str 28, 1 Berlin 36. Umatic Cassette, from Squatters 160 squatted dwellings in the London Controls County Hall, Thicket Housing General Report: Squatting in Lambeth, Brittain V, ‘Squatters Rights and Keyworth F, ‘And Squatters Went on May 1973; ‘No Place Like Home’, The Support Christiania England Group, History Group (see above). boroughs of Lambeth, Camden, Co-op, 1977; Dictators in the Town Hall, 1972-3; A Report from Lambeth Self- Official and Parliamentary Reports Wrongs’, Illustrated London News, Trial’, Morning Star, 14 January 1977. Guardian, 10 September 1975. Freetown Christiania, Self Help Housing Films and videos A Vondelbridge too far, about the no go Southwark, Tower Hamlets, Waltham Housing Emergency Office, Shelter,1980. Help Housing Association, 1975. This is only a selection of the large August 1975. Kinghan M, ‘Squatting in London’, New Walter N, ‘The New Squatters’, The Resource Library, 1977, in English. This list does not include material area inAmsterdam,1980,49 mins,colour. 1 Forest and Islington. The survey was Bailey R, Mahoney T and Conn M, London Squatters Campaign, The number of reports on squatting by local Camden Tenant, ‘Up against the Law’, Society,2 May 1974; Tenant Self- Listener,15 May 1969. FRANCE made for television. Sony ⁄2 inch Umatic Cassette, from carried out in early 1975. It is referred Evicted, London Squatters Campaign, Thuggery of Redbridgc Council, 1969; authorities, central government and summer 1977. management: The Experience of Family Ward C, ‘Direct Action for Houses: The ‘Les Bulldozers du Quatorzieme’, Le Living Free, about Prince of Wales Squatters History Group (see above). to numerous times in this appendix. 1969. Squatting in Ilford, 1969. other official bodies. Chippindale P, ‘A Dog’s Life for the Squatting Associations’, Housing Story of the Squatters’, Anarchy 23. Nouvel Observateur, 25 December 1977. Crescent, 1973, 20 mins, b/w, video, A kingdom for a house, about the 9 London Boroughs Association reply Beam A, Rehearsal for the Year 2000, Mahoney T, Squatting,Idiot Department of the Environment, Property Men’, The Guardian,5 October Review,July/August 1974. Watts N, ‘Squatting: Born of an Over- ‘L’Hiver des Squatters’, La Gueule from Fantasy Factory, 42 Theobalds squatter-lcd riots against the coronation to DOE Consultation Paper on Revelaction Press, 1976. International 1970. Consultation Paper on Squatting, 1975. 1973; ‘Centre Point’, The Guardian,22 Kingsgate Squatters, ‘What’s organised Society’, Municipal Journal, Ouverte, Combat Non-Violent, 8 Road, London WC1. in Amsterdam 1980, 60 mins, colour, Squatting published in August 1975. Blake M, Study of Squatting in Tower National Council for Civil Liberties, Greater London Council, Report by January 1974. Revolutionary about Squatting?’ 25 July 1975. December 1977. ‘Squat’, about a family squatting in 16mm. from Squatters History Group 10 Hansard,21 June 1976. Hamlets,Polytechnic of North London, Squatting, Trespass and Civil liberties, Acting Head of Housing Department, Clare J, ‘Council Damaging Houses’, Anarchy 16, 1975. Weightman G, ‘Varieties of Squatting’, GERMANY Bristol, directed by Malir G, 1974, 44 (see above). 11 The Times,8 August 1975. 1975. 1976. ‘Squatting’, 28 May 1975; ‘Offences of The Times,7 July 1969; ‘Squatters with Laurance R, ‘A Look at the Outside New Society,23 June 1977. Roth J and Wenzel A, Frankfurt, Zerstor- 12 Roof,May 1979, p 72. Bromley Family Squatters Association, O’Malley J, The Politics of Community Entering and Remaining on Property’, a touch of the Forsytes’, The Observer, World’, Times Educational Supplement, White D, The New Settlers’, New ung-Terror-Folter, In Namen des 13 Nick Wates, The Battle for Tolmcrs Squatting in Bromley, 1972. Action, Spokesman Books, 1977. 2 January 1976; ‘Squatting in the 12 January 1975. 1 March 1974. Society, 14 December 1972. Gesetzes, an account of squatting in Square, Routledge and Kegan Paul, Campaign Against A Criminal Trespass Paris C and Poppleston G, Squatting: a Council’s Dwellings; Reappraisal of Corbyn P, ‘Squatting and Social Work’, Laurence P, ‘Priest Held at Squatter White M, ‘Roof Justice’, The Guardian, Frankfurt, Megapress, Frankfurt, 1974. ‘76. Law, Trespass Laws – an Attack on Bibliography, Occasional Paper No 3, Policy’, 20 January 1976; ‘Squatting – Community Care, 1975; ‘The Squatting Camp’, The Guardian, 12 August 1977. 26 May 1973; ‘Cornwall Terrace’, The IRELAND 14 Unauthorised Squatting in Council Direct Action, 1977; The Secret Rent Centre for Environmental Studies, 1978. a proposal for future action to attack Movement’, Labour Monthly, 1980. Laurie P, ‘Squatters – People of the Guardian, 22 February 1975. Northern Ireland Community Relations Dwellings,ALambeth Council survey Act, 1977; Workplace Occupations and Phillips M, Homelessness and Tenants’ the problem’, Housing Committee Coggan D, ‘The Politics of Squatting’, Abyss’, Sunday Times,7December 1969. Wilcox D, ‘The Squatter; Who’s he Commission, Intimidation in Housing, of 150 squatted council homes, 1974. the Law, 1978; The Huntley Street Control: Struggles for Council Housing report, 24 October 1977. Police Review, 25 February 1977. Levin B, “They certainly know how to Squeezing out?’, Evening Standard,13 1974, Chapter 10. 15 Before You Open Your Big Mouth,a Eviction, 1978; Whose Law and Order?, in Tower Hamlets 1974-6, Dame Colet Islington Council, ‘Squatters’, Housing Davies T,‘Boom in New-Style Squatting’, let the grass grow down Lambeth way’. January 1975. ITALY survey of 17 squats in Cardiff, 1979. House, 1977. Committee report, 20 February 1975. Sunday Telegraph,2 February 1975. The Times, 11 January 1977. Windsor J, ‘Siege of Parfett Street’, The Daolia A, Le Lotte per la Casa in Italia, Cardiff Housing Action, 1976. Campaign for the Homeless and Platt S, Squatting in Haringey, 1976; Self Lambeth Council, ‘Unauthorised Dickens P, ‘Squatting and the State’, Litterick I, ‘Group Squat’, New Society, Guardian,1 March 1973. Feltrinelli, Milan, 1974. Rootless and others. Empty Property, A Help, Squatting and Public Policy, 1977. Squatting in Council Dwellings’, New Society,5 May 1977. 17 February 1972. Wolmar C, ‘Squatters’, New Society,1 Lotto Continua,a daily Italian Late credits Guide for Local Action, 1975. Pollard J, Squat, September 1972. Housing Committee, 10 January 1975. Economist, ‘Less Welcome Guests’, 25 Longley C, ‘Success story of the August 1975; ‘Psychology of the newspaper, has consistently covered Thanks are due to Atalia Avrahami, Cant, D H, Squatting and Private Radford J, Squatting Report,Offbeat Law Commission, Offences of Entering January 1975; ‘On The Move’, 27 squatters’, The Times,9 November Criminal Trespass Law’, Roof,January squatting. Peter Bishop, Community Press, Property Rights,Town Planning Publicity Service, 1969; Squatting and Remaining on Property,Working September 1975. 1970; ‘The changing face of squatting’, 1979; There’s no Place like Home’, Rising Free, Take Over the City,1973 Morning Litho Printers, John Owen, Discussion Paper No 24, University Association,Fabian Tract 400, 1970. Paper No 54, 1974; Conspiracy and Foot P, ‘Good Buy Piccadilly’, Private The Times, 10 November 1970. The Leveller, April 1979. (in English). Jonathan Reid, Colin Smith, Bernard, College, 1976. Cardiff Housing Action, Release, Entering and Remaining on Criminal Law Reform, 1976. Eye, 10 October 1969. Marks S, ‘Squatting at the Crossroads’, Woolley T, ‘Squatting under Attack’, NETHERLANDS Joanna, Oliver and Rosalind Wales, Before You Open Your Big Mouth, 1976. Property, 1974. London Boroughs Association, Forgan L, ‘Too easy to Dismiss them as Municipal and Public Services Journal, Architectural Design, November 1975; Bijlsma A and Salverda F, ‘De Paul Webster and Werner Ullah. Cockburn C, The Local State, Pluto Rough Theatre, Rough Theatre Plavs, ‘Observations on DOE Consultative a Damn Nuisance’, Evening Standard, 20 September 1974. ‘Politics of Housing’, Architectural Nieuwmarkt als Wingewest’, Vrij The Index was compiled by Phil Jeffries. Press, 1977. Open Head Press, 1977. Document: Squatting’, September 1975. 27 January 1977. Morris R, ‘Squatter Crisis Gettting Design, April 1976. Nederland, 20 May 1978.

The photo on page 111 by JohnTopham. Corbyn P, Students and the Struggle for Robinson D, Wasted Houses in Kentish Foulkcs C, ‘Fulham’s Squatters’, Fulham Worse’, The Observer,4 February 1973; Young J, ‘Dangerous Fallacies’, The Davidson and Tijen, Today this House, International Times

236 237 Watford 6 Harrow Westminster Halifax 40 Epracent Ltd 123-9 Paddington Law Centre 134 Langley Way 112 Eastcote 50 Abbey Lodge 115-7 Harrogate 40, 100 Ernest Cook Trust 32 ‘Persons Unknown’ theatre group Index KENT Hounslow Belgravia 109 Hebden Bridge 9, 11, 39, 174 Exeter Housing Action Group 229 182 Canterbury 66-7 Heathrow Airport 41 Bravington Rd 53 Queens Tce 40, 63 Fairhazel Tenants Association 62 Police 19, 23-4, 48, 57-9, 89, 94-6, Chislehurst 100 Islington 29, 48, 56, 65-7, 69, 134, Bristol Gdns 39, 57, 91, 197 Royal Tce 56 Family Squatting Advisory Service 110, 113-7, 125-9, 131, 133-4, Cox Hall 106 226 Bruce Ho 198 Huddersfield 40 (FSAS) 28-31, 69-70, 131-2, 140-1, 158, 183 Deal 58 Athelstane Rd 181-3 Canal Flats Harrow Rd 134, Leeds 17, 40,107-9 see also ASS Association of Chief Police Gillingham 32 CharterisRd 63. 181-5 151 Sheffield 40, 111 Federation of Short-Life Housing Officers 161 Isle of Sheppcy 32 EmmalisaCt 57 Carlton House Tee 71 Firvale (workhouse) 112 Groups 94, 101 Metropolitan Commissioner Little Stoke 100 Finsbury Park 39, 180-5 Cleveland St 65 Manor la 112 Fire Brigades Union 34 231 Sevenoaks 50 Harecourt Rd 180 Cornwall Tee 40, 44, 65, 90, York 66-7 Forcible Entry Acts 18, 25, 105, Metropolitan Police Solicitor 59 Union Row 50 Highbury Fields 99 ,. 151,197 OVERSEAS 159-61 Mounted 117 West Mailing 15 Hornsey Rise 40, 53, 65, 72-3, Dover St 70, 134 Denmark 39, 205, 213-6 Gay centres 40, 57 Police spies Kings Hill Hostel 15 89 Elgin Ave 59, 62, 64-69, 72-3 France 104, 207, 212 Gerson Berger group 33 Special Branch 116, 127 LANCASHIRE 14, 57, 68 Hornsey Rise Gdns 227 121, 130-41, 145, 158 Guatemala 207 ‘Goodbye Longfellow Road’ 90 Special Patrol Group 57, 71, Place Index Birkenhead 17 Lesly St 31, 33 Fountain Ct, Pimlico 114-5 Hong Kong 205 Goodhew Developers Ltd 40 96, 134, 137 Liverpool 11, 110, 119 Kensington and Chelsea 227 Greek St 40 India 207 Government Departments: Prebbles 33 For England, Scotland and Wales, Sefton General Hospital 6 Arundel Ct 16 Hyde Park-White Cottage 10 Indonesia 206 Board of Trade 119 Preservation of the Rights of towns are listed under counties and Oldham 11 Camelford Rd 17 Lancaster Rd 192 Ireland 205, 212-3 Dept of Energy 56 Dossers (PROD) 203 streets under towns. For London, LEICESTERSHIRE Duchess of Bedford Ho, Leicester Sq 117 Italy 205, 216-8 Dept of Environment (DOE) Press, attacks on squatters 3, 26-9, streets are listed under boroughs. Bosworth 106 Campden Hill 114-9 Piccadilly (No 144) 22-5, 107 Malaya 207 46, 51, 53, 56»90, 99-100, 58-63, 110-1, 114-6, 135-8, AVON Leicester 9, 41 Holland PR Rd 114 Pimlico 109 Netherlands 205, 208-212 147-8, 150-6, 228, 231 Press, use of by squatters 123 Bath 56 LINCOLNSHIRE Kensington Gdns 134 Queens Park Estate 135 Peru 206 Exchequer 119 129, 131, 189 Bristol 35, 39-41, 48, 56, 99, 110, Scunthorpe 111, 113 Kensington High St 44 Regents Park 40, 44, 50 Philippines 207 Home Office 119, 231 Property Owners Protection 112-3 LONDON Kensington Town Hall 115 Seymour Buildings 90, 121, Portugal 205, 216 Ministry of Defence 112-3, 228 Society 27 Ashley Rd 56 Barnet 106 Notting Hill Gate 44 150-5 Scandinavia 205, 212 MinistryofHealth113,115,119 Prudential Assurance Co 114 Totterdown 229 Brent 29, 57 Palace Gdns 44 Shirland Rd 72-3 Spain 216 Ministry of Housing and Radio Concorde 137 BEDFORDSHIRE Brondesbury 54 Upper Phillimore Gdns 114 Trafalgar Sq 200 Turkey 206 Construction 152 Ravenseft Ltd 142, 147 Dunstable 106 Bromley 28 Westbourne Grove 72-3 Walterton Rd 133, 137 West Germany 207-8 Ministry of Information 110 Release 158 BERKSHIRE 112 Crystal Palace 54, 74 Kingston-upon-Thames 46 Warrington Cres 133 Zimbabwe 207 Ministry of Works 114-9 Rents Project Campaign for Amersham 112 Farmbridge Rd 168 Lambeth 29, 40-3. 48, 55. 68, 226, Westbourne Park Rd 72-3 Grandiose Properties Ltd 33 Better Housing 17, 26 Bracknell 46 Thicket Rd 167 233 LOTHIAN Greater London Council (GLC) Rochdale Equitable Pioneers Slough 32, 89 Camden 16, 29, 33-8, 41, 50-1, Angell Town 142, 149 Edinburgh General Index 18,29,40-1,48. 51, 53, 56, 58-9, Society 152 Windsor Castle 107 56-8, 62, 65, 82, 94, 133 Brixton Rd 142-6 Royal Mile 17 Advisory Service for Squatters 63, 82, 88-94, 96-9, 121-2, Rough Theatre 69, 76 Winnersh 17 Bishops Ave 44 Brixton Towers 42-3 MANCHESTER 4, 17, 40-1, 107-9 (ASS) see also FSAS 130-142,189, 226-7, 231 Ruff, Tuff, Creem Puff Estate BUCKINGHAMSHIRE 32 Bloomsbury Square 99-100 Brixton Town Centre 142, 144 NORFOLK 48, 70-1, 87, 99-101, 158 ‘Hard-to-let’ scheme 89 Agency 69, 192-8 Iver 106 Burton St 72-3 Heath Rd 149 Fakenham 4 All Lambeth Squatters 82, 144 ‘Homesteading’ 88, 90 Secret Committee of Ex- CAMBRIDGESHIRE 14 Camden High St (No 220) 33-5, HerneHill 33 Norwich 40 All London Squatters (ALS) 57, asLondonCountyCouncil117-9 Servicemen, see Vigilantes Cambridge 41, 66-7, 99 57, 132-4 Myatts Fields 142, 144 Sotterley 41 69-71, 87, 132-7 Squatters’amnesty’ 89,115 Self-Help Housing Resource CHESHIRE Camden House 71 Priory Grove 171-2, 176 NORTHAMPTONSHIRE 105 Area Health Authorities 54, 94, 99 ‘Harper’ letter 59, 138 Library 94, 99, 101 Hyde 4 Centrepoint 35-7, 66-7, 70 Radnor Tce 53,146 Wellingborough 106 Artisans and General Workers Hell’s Angels 23-4 Shelter 15, 29, 70, 192 CORNWALL 226 Charrington St 39, 56 Railton Rd 33 NOTTINGHAMSHIRE 106 Property Co 151 Holloway Housing Aid Centre 56 Sierra Leone High Commission Liskeard 11 Drummond St 74-5, 190 Rectory Gdns 149 Rainworth 47 Automobile Association 59, 232 Homeless at Xmas 32 161 St Ives 41 Elizabeth Garrett Anderson St Agnes Place 52, 72-5, 82-5, OXFORDSHIRE Bailiffs and Sheriffs 1, 18-20, 24-6, Housing Action 96-101 Skippering 14, 198-203 CUMBRIA Hospital, maternity home 57 145-9, 186-191 Coxwell 32 34, 59, 80-1, 87, 96,98, 125-9, Convention 96 South East London Squatters 26 Kendal 51 Endell St 22-5 St Alphonsus Rd 149 Headington Quarry 107 131,134, 140, 159, 183 Housing associations 54, 58, 94, ‘Squat’ (bi-monthly magazine) 29 DEVON Euston Centre 33 St Johns Cres 144-5, 229 POWYS Barricades 80-1, 112-3, 122, 125-9, 149-155, 228 ‘The Squatter’ 184-5 Dartmoor 107 Huntley St 64, 74-5, 94-6, 99, Stockwell Park Estate 142-3 Hay-on-Wye 11 136, 138-141, 146, 148 Housing co-operatives 2, 47, Squatters Action Council (SAC) Exeter 11, 229 158, 162 Villa Rd 72-3,82,91,121,142-9, SOMERSET 51 BIT 192, 196 80-90, 94, 148-155, 227 71, 87, 94, 155 DORSET Ivanhoe Hotel 115 158, 160,167-8, 175-6, 190 Shepton Mallet 41 Bovis Construction 58 Housing Corporation 90, 94, ‘SAC News’ 201 Bournemouth 4 James St 64, 74-5, 100 Wiltshire Rd 149 Taunton 32 Brixton Women’s Centre 33, 40, 48 149-155, 189 Squatters Charter 86-7 Portland 100 Kentish Town 57 Lewisham 26-8, 94, 226 STAFFORDSHIRE Broadway Market Squatters Housing Emergency Office (HEO) Squatters Conference (April 1977) DURHAM Kingsway Day Centre 198 Newham Stoke-on-Trent 14, 29, 99 Association 184 94 87, 155 Blackball 109 Marsden St 58 Plaistow 107 Stone 41 Camberwell Squatting Group 57 Ideal Home Exhibition 66-7, 96-7 Squatters Convention (May 1975) Easington Colliery 109 Prince of Wales Cres 38-9, Redbridge 25-6, 29, 98-9,122-3,159 STRATHCLYDE Cambodian Embassy 162 Islington Community Housing 90 71 Elizabethville, Birtley 109 65-8, 72-3, 76, 168 All Saints Vicarage, Leyton 16 Blantyre 110 Campaign Against Criminal Lambeth Self-Help Housing Squatters Handbook 69-71 DYFED Russell Sq 22 Audrey Rd 19 Glasgow 40, 113 Trespass Law (CACTL) 57, 144-5, 148, 189 ‘Squatters News’ 86, 89 Talybont 32 Sandringham Flats Ilford 18, 21 SUFFOLK 66-7, 87, 156-7, 161 Lambeth Trades Council Inquiry Squatters Protection Societies 112 ESSEX (Charing Cross) 53 Lockwood Rd 55 Mildenhall 47 Campaign for the Homeless and 145-7 ‘Squatting is Still Legal’ campaign Borehamwood 89 Tolmers Sq 33-5, 39, 65, 74-5, Woodland Rd 19-21 SURREY Rootless 192, 223 Law Commission 57, 87, 160-1 87 Colchester 32-3, 68 91, 233 Richmond Chertsey 41 Campaign to Clear Hostels and Lewisham Family Squatters Stepney Squatters 135 Bellevue Rd 32 Trentishoe Mansions 65, 163 Palm Court Hotel 40, 196 Cobham Heath 106 Slums 122 Association 27, 29, 68, 90, 94 Stepney Trades Council 124 Woods Sports Club 32 West Hamstead 57 Southwark 27, 57, 89, 227 St Georges Hill 106 ‘Cathy Come Home’ 15 Licence, definition of 162 Stock Converson Ltd 33-5 Snaresbrook (The Hollies) 15 Winchester Rd 91, 166-7, 178-9 Camberwell 131. 141 Walton-on-Thames 106 Child Poverty Action Group 123 Living Theatre (London) 33 Stop the Blitz Campaign 98-9 GLAMORGAN City of London Elephant & Castle 50, 142 SUSSEX Chiswick Women’s Aid 40, 196 London Boroughs Association 41, Student Community Housing Cardiff 66-7, 233 Carmalite St Fire Station 135 Tower Hamlets 29, 48, 64 Brighton 17, 32, 39, 41, 56, 63, Church Commissioners 133,197 228,231, (SCH) 29, 31, 69-71, 90, 131-5 Swansea 41 St Pauls Cathedral Arbour Sq 122 110 Comittee for the Faceless London Electricity Board (LEB) Tarmac Ltd 142 Oystermouth Rd 56 Chancellery 99 Constant Ho, Harrow Lane 41 Church St 26 Homeless 90 56,133-4, 163, 166 That Tea Room 137-8 Sketty 66-7 Croydon 142 Longfellow Rd 39, 90, 190 Queens Sq 26 Committee of 100 15 London Squatters Campaign 15-8, Tower Hamlets Squatters Union 41 GLOUCESTERSHIRE 106 Ealing 29, 114 Mercer’s Estate 53 Terminus Rd 81, 134 Community Help and Information 21,25,27,69 Trades Union Congress (TUC) 87, Cheltenham 59 Enfield 106 Mile End 40 WykehamTce 26 Project (Chip) 29 London Squatters Union (LSU) 96, 161 Whiteway 107 Greenwich 29 Myrdle St 121-7 WEST MIDLANDS Co-operative Housing Agency 91 86-7, 94, 101 Travellers 47, 100, 230 Wotton-under-edge Hackney 100 Parfett St 33, 121-9 Birmingham 47, 99, 110 Criminal Law Bill/Act 1977, 3, 85, London Street Commune 22-5 Trespass, Conspiracy to. 117-9, 161 HM Prison 6 Bishops Way 90, 168 Pelham Ho 89 Coventry 87-9,94, 96, 151, 155, 161, 189, London Tenants Organisation 96 Trespass (Scotland) Act 1865 113, GWENT Broadway Market 184 Spitalfields 41, 68-9 Hillman Ho 35 203, 230, 232 Maida Hill Squatters and Tenants 158 Blackwood 6 Old St 100 Stepney 33, 47, 53, 58 WILTSHIRE ‘Criminal Trespass Law’ 71,119, Association 132-7 Vagrancy Acts 23, 57, 111, 199, 203 HAMPSHIRE Hammersmith Sumner Ho 47, 90, 152 Salisbury 46 and see Criminal Law Bill National Empty Homes Campaign Vietnam Solidarity Campaign 15 Guildford 41 Bramley Rd 49 Twickenham 57-8 Stonehenge 46 Cromdale Holdings 34-5 228 Vigilantes Petersfield 6 Cumberland Hotel 62 BusheyPark 112 YORKSHIRE Crown Estate Commissioners 40, National Front 19, 57, 193 Brighton 110 Portsmouth 41, 94 Gt Western Rd 72-3 GrosvenorTce 58, 176 Airton 105 53, 71, 163 National Union of Students (NUS) Oakley 32 Cumberland Rd 72-3, 94, 99 Olympia 66-7, 96 Radnor Tee 40 Barnsley 40 Demolition Decorators 69, 76 47, 161, ‘Villain’ 145 HERTFORDSHIRE Rumbold Rd 26 Waltham Forest Batley 40 EASY (Elgin Avenue Struggles? One-O-One’ers 137 Warwick University 160 Burnham Green 107 Haringey 29, 40. 82, 231-3 Stratford 111 Bradford 40, 56 Yes!) 131-3, 136, 138-141 Paddington federation of Tenants Westminster Trades Council 131, Hoddesdon 14 Ferry Lane 76, 98-9 Wandsworth 29, 62, 68 Girlington ‘Klondike’ 107-9 Electricity cut-offs 56, 99, 133-4, and Residents Associations 135 St Albans 9, 197 Finsbury Park 57 Battersea 50-1, 87 Calderdale 56, 63, 174 162-3 (PFTRA) 131, 133, 135, 141 Wiltshire Wallies 46

239 Ann Pettitt, born 1947, tried unsuccessfully to find squatting when a student in Bristol. The contributors But squatting found her when she moved to live in the East End of London round the corner from Arbour Square squat. Lived in London (1969-1977) and worked as a teacher and solicitor’s clerk. Now a semi self-sufficient housewife living on an intensively cultivated ‘tinyholding’ in Wales where she feeds, kills and eats lots of animals. Is involved in the local anti-nuclear and disarmament campaign.

Tom Osborn, born 1931, has owned a house on a mortgage and presented a five hour objection at a compulsory purchase inquiry. In the course of a varied middle class life, has been a doctor, psychiatrist, stage director, translator, group leader, polytechnic Nick Anning, born 1942, formerly lectured at Nottingham University in Russian lecturer and teacher of massage. Squatted in St Agnes Place, Lambeth from 1976 to (1966-76), now a freelance writer and translator. Lived in Charrington Street squat in 1978. Camden in the spring of 1973 and has been squatting in Villa Road, Brixton since the end of 1974. Steve Platt, born 1954. has lived in squats and licensed property since moving to London in 1973. Carried out a research project on squatting in Haringey (1976). Worked Celia Brown, born 1954, squatted briefly in an ‘anarchist’ squat in Lewisham in 1972 for the Self Help Housing Resources Library for several years and is now a co-ordinator while still at school and more recently in Vauxhall, Lambeth and Huntley Street, central of Islington Community Housing, a short-life housing group. London. Spent four months as an uneasy ‘do-gooder’ with the St Mungo Community Trust for the homeless. Met Ted Eagle an ‘ex-dosser’ who had worked for ‘single Jill Simpson, born 1949, came to Villa Road, Brixton, in December 1974 through a homeless charities’ and who wanted to start something different. Consequently, started desire to live in a communal house and because she felt that what was happening on a research degree on ‘dossers’ in order to be able to help him with PROD – Preservation housing issues in Lambeth was important. Currently works for a solicitor’s firm in of the Rights Of Dossers. Brixton as a clerk.

Piers Corbyn, born 1947, is a ‘squatting, Trotskyite astrophysicist’ who was involved in Colin Ward, born 1924, is the author of Anarchy in Action,Tenants Take Over the Elgin Avenue squat and in the development of the Squatters Action Council and the (Architectural Press), Housing: An Anarchist Approach,(Freedom Press) and The London Squatters Union. Had tea with the Queen when president of Imperial College Child in the City (Architectural Press). Worked for the Town and Country Planning students union. Member of International Marxist Group since 1970 and still active in Association until recently. squatting and physics. Works as a teacher in London. Nick Wates, born 1951, squatted in Tolmers Square, Camden between 1973 and 1979. Andrew Friend, born 1952, has been a housing worker at Release and a researcher at Wrote The Battle for Tolmers Square (Routledge & Kegan Paul) and was assistant news Garratt Lane Law Centre in Wandsworth. Lived for four years as a licensed squatter in editor of Architects’ Journal for two years. Now working as a freelance journalist. Brixton and is at present co-authoring a book on the urban crisis to be published by Pluto Press in the spring of 1981. Now works as a researcher for the Catholic Housing David Watkinson, born 1947, is a barrister who has represented and advised squatters Aid Society. on numerous occasions during the past six years both inside and outside his practice. Member of the Campaign Against A Criminal Trespass Law and a founder member of Mark Gimson, born 1951, has been squatting in the Regents Park area of London since the first barrister’s collective in Britain. Co-author of Squatting, Trespass and Civil 1974 in property owned by the Crown Commissioners. Travelled widely throughout liberties,a pamphlet published by the National Council for Civil Liberties and is a Europe, Africa and China and is now working on community projects with Support, a contributor to Civil Rights Guide (NCCL). group of radical architects and builders. Heathcote Williams, born 1941, is a playwright and his plays include AC/DC, The Andrew Ingham, born 1945, worked as a graphic designer before studying architecture Immortalist, Hancock’s Half Hour, and The Speakers. Squatted in Notting Hill for and being introduced to ‘housing problems’ and squatting. Has lived in licensed squats several years during which time he founded the Ruff Tuff Creem Puff Estate Agency in Crystal Palace and Stockwell since 1971. Author of Self Help House Repairs Manual which provided free accommodation for the homeless. (Penguin). Christian Wolmar, born 1949, has been a journalist for most of his working life except Caroline Lwin, born 1952, squatted in Tolmers Square, Camden between 1973 and for a three year period as a housing adviser with Release. Squatted in Villa Road, 1979. Is an architect and graphic designer and is currently working with a community Brixton for four years. Was a member of the Advisory Service collective for several development group in London’s docklands where she now lives. years and helped to produce the two most recent editions of the Squatters Handbook. Co-authored Trouble with the Law, the Release Bust Book (Pluto Press) and currently Andy Milburn, born 1951, squatted in 1973 near Tolmers Square, Camden. After works for Roof, Shelter’s housing magazine. studying architecture, for the past six years has worked as a bricklayer and general builder in Sheffield. Tristan Wood, born 1950, trained and worked as a journalist in the West Country contributing to several ‘underground’ papers. Moved to London in 1974, squatted in Pat Moan, born 1950, lived in various squats in Islington and Hackney since 1974. Seymour Buildings in January 1975 where he still lives. Former secretary of the Was involved in the successful campaign to stop the redevelopment of the Charteris Road Seymour Buildings Residents’ Group and of Seymour Housing Co-operative. For the area of Finsbury Park, Islington. Works for the Lenthall Road Workshop which produces past four years has worked for housing associations and is also a teacher of re- graphics, posters and photos to publicise squatting and other community campaigns. evaluation counselling.

240