Forced Labor and Humanitarian Ideology in Kenya, 1911--1925

Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports 2002 Forced labor and humanitarian ideology in Kenya, 1911--1925 Opolot James Okia West Virginia University Follow this and additional works at: https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd Recommended Citation Okia, Opolot James, "Forced labor and humanitarian ideology in Kenya, 1911--1925" (2002). Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports. 2427. https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd/2427 This Dissertation is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by the The Research Repository @ WVU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Dissertation in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you must obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Dissertation has been accepted for inclusion in WVU Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports collection by an authorized administrator of The Research Repository @ WVU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Forced Labor and Humanitarian Ideology in Kenya, 1911-1925 Opolot Okia Dissertation submitted to the: Eberly College of Arts and Sciences at West Virginia University in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History Robert M. Maxon, Ph.D., Chair Steve Zdatny, Ph.D. Amos J. Beyan, Ph.D. Rodger Yeager, Ph.D. Katherine Bankole, Ph.D. Department of History Morgantown, West Virginia 2002 Keywords: Colonial Kenya, Intellectual History, Power and Ideology, Post Colonial Studies, Imperial History Copyright 2002 Opolot Okia ABSTRACT Forced Labor and Humanitarian Ideology in Kenya, 1911-1925 Opolot Okia This dissertation research examines forced labor in colonial Kenya from 1911 to 1925 and the critique of this institution from various humanitarian organizations in Britain and subsequent changes in colonial policy regarding forced labor. The theoretical ideas of contradiction and power provide the backdrop for this study and help to illuminate the relationships between forced labor, ideology and control. The British administrators in Kenya used forced labor as a means of accumulation for the European settlers but also for the state itself. However, forced labor for European settlers impinged upon the ideals of trusteeship. Moreover, the justifications for some forms of forced labor rested upon an amorphous idea of African communal duties that was often false. This dissertation examines the contradictions of this policy. Humanitarians criticized certain aspects of forced labor in Kenya. Certain elements of the coercive labor regime, like forced labor for private purposes and forced labor for state purposes, were described by the humanitarian lobby in Great Britain as new forms of slavery. The colonial administration in Kenya responded by extirpating forced labor for private purposes eventually curtailing forced labor for state purposes. Significantly, though, humanitarian criticism did not address “communal” forced labor for state purposes because it was deemed a continuation of traditional duties. Consequently, the humanitarian critique of forced labor, as opposed to mitigating colonial power, instead helped to solidify colonial control in Kenya by reemphasizing the trust principle. Humanitarian criticism of forced labor in Kenya created a moral atmosphere that allowed the administration to denounce some objectionable forced labor practices, like forced labor for private purposes, while reinforcing communal labor. This strengthened the ethical power of the colonial state as a munificent apparatus working for the benefit of African progress. PREFACE The idea for this dissertation came together during a seminar on East African history. I was originally drawn to the activities of the Anti Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society regarding the issue forced labor in colonial Kenya in 1914. As a vestige of the anti slavery movement of the late 18th early 19 th century in England, their activities against colonial policy relating to forced labor intrigued me as an embodiment of their traditional anti slavery role. Even before the forced labor controversies of the early twentieth century, humanitarian groups like the British and Foreign Anti Slavery Society had been protesting against British policy pertaining to the East African slave trade and slavery in Britain’s East African Protectorate since the late nineteenth century. The issue then of anti slavery and free labor was at the heart of humanitarian concern with forced labor under the British flag and subsequently honed my initial research questions. However, as I waded through the archives of the various humanitarian groups and the colonial office records, I reached a point where the documents met. They were conveying similar information and, on the surface, leading me no further. But, there was a conspicuous silence or for that matter agreement on one problem. The question of communal forced labor was a lacunae in both the archives. In rereading the texts, the agreement on communal labor highlighted that it was a mild almost essential form of forced labor, purely an extension of traditional duties. This finding led me to question the previous assumptions laid forth by historians of imperial relations between Kenya and the metropole and the humanitarian lobby concerning the forced iii labor issue and in general the whole question of the progressive nature of colonial rule in Kenya. Older colonial historiography of Kenya emphasized the progressive nature of colonial rule and the ameliorative impact of the humanitarian lobby. Later scholarship contradicted this older viewpoint of the humanitarian lobby as a powerful interest group strong enough to influence colonial policy. With a recognition of communal forced labor, this dissertation, ironically, returns to the older position but interpreted in a different way. Relying mainly upon humanitarian records and Colonial Office records, we posit that humanitarian initiative was not as essential in directly influencing the Colonial Office regarding forced labor issue. However, it was instrumental in creating a moral climate that influenced the course that the CO took regarding forced labor. Furthermore, the silence on communal labor in both the CO and humanitarian archives indicates that the impact of humanitarian initiative coupled with the response from the CO resulted in a normalization of forced labor under the rubric of community. The colonial state, which previous historians had described as progressive because it responded to humanitarian outcries over abuses, was in reality exploiting Africans even more through communal forced labor. In response to the outcry over forced labor, the state would proscribe and disavow certain forms of forced labor but would retain communal forced labor justified in the interests of the African community. As in any work of “art,” the dissertation is a constituted process that reflects the myriad inputs of more than the author. First of all, I give credit to my dissertation advisor, Professor Robert Maxon. His kindness and patience have been instrumental in allowing my the space to grow as a scholar and complete this project since the many years ago when I first arrived on the doorstep of the Department of History. His attention to detail, expertise and advice were very iv important in helping me avoid pitfalls along the way. The members of my committee have equally been important in honing the scope of this dissertation. Professor Robert Yeager’s African politics courses helped me in conceptualizing the importance of the state in using forced labor. Dr. Amos Beyan’s courses on the trans-Atlantic slave trade fashioned my interest in bonded labor in all its forms. Dr. Steven Zdatny’s course on European social history introduced me to some key theoretical concepts in social history. I would also like to extend a special thank you to Dr. Katherine Bankole for agreeing to join my committee at the latter stage. Research for this manuscript was conducted at the School of Oriental and African Studies in London, University of Birmingham Library in Birmingham, Rhodes House Library in Oxford and Syracuse University Library. Consequently, I would like to thank the Department of Social Justice at West Virginia University for receiving a doctoral fellowship during my tenure at West Virginia University and for funding my research trips to England and Syracuse. In particular, I would like to thank the present director of Social Justice, Jennifer McIntosh and the previous director, Dr. Nithi Sivanneri, for supporting me. A dissertation fellowship from Ohio University was also very helpful in allowing me to do further research and to begin writing. Consequently, I would like to thank the Dean’s Office at Ohio University and Dr. Stephen Howard, the head of the Department of African Studies. A project of this magnitude is nothing without the loving support of family. I would like to dedicate this dissertation to my parents. I especially thank my father, Nathan Okia, for reading through the manuscript, but also for providing much needed understanding of what it takes to complete the dissertation process. I especially dedicate this dissertation to my mother, Martha Okia, who had to surrender her life before her son matriculated. My siblings, Aminat Okia, v Zelda Okia, and Kassaja Okia have also

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