Deppe Eng Layout 1 24/11/2014 3:45 Μ.Μ

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Deppe Eng Layout 1 24/11/2014 3:45 Μ.Μ deppe eng_Layout 1 24/11/2014 3:45 μ.μ. Page 1 deppe eng_Layout 1 24/11/2014 3:45 μ.μ. Page 2 deppe eng_Layout 1 24/11/2014 3:45 μ.μ. Page 3 Seventh Annual Nicos Poulantzas Memorial Lecture deppe eng_Layout 1 24/11/2014 3:45 μ.μ. Page 4 EKΔOΣEIΣ νήσος – Π. KAΠOΛA 14 Sarri, 105 53 Athens tel./fax 210 3250058 e-mail: [email protected] www.nissos.gr Publishing Director: Pola Kapola Scientific Director: Gerasimos Kouzelis Since 2007, the Nicos Poulantzas Institute has established an Annual Lecture in memory of Nicos Poula ntzas, where distinguished figures from different countries elaborate on their issues of interest, linking theory to political practice, in the broad sense. © Nicos Poulantzas Institute Proof reading: Τereza Bouki Printing: Quick Print Center ISBN 978-960-9535-97-7 deppe eng_Layout 1 24/11/2014 3:45 μ.μ. Page 5 Frank Deppe Authoritarian Capitalism Seventh Annual Nicos Poulantzas Memorial Lecture Athens, 4 December 2013 nissos | Nicos Poulantzas Institute | transform! europe ATHENS 2014 deppe eng_Layout 1 24/11/2014 3:45 μ.μ. Page 6 Frank Deppe is Professor of Poltical Science at the University of Marburg. deppe eng_Layout 1 24/11/2014 3:45 μ.μ. Page 7 FOREWORD Gerassimos Kouzelis* Our professor and our comrade Frank Deppe was and is one of the most important political scientists in Germany. He has signed a great part of the theoretical and research work that shaped the Marxist thought in the then West Germany, and in what today counts as left political theory. He was and is the emblematic figure of what is called the ‘Marburg School’. He was and is a theorist and a fighter, active both in the lecture halls and in the meeting rooms - formulating critique but also for- mulating politics. Born in Frankfurt in 1941, he studied Sociology, Political Science and Economics both at the University of Frankfurt and the Univer- sity of Marburg. I should note - and please forgive my personal tone - that this is one of the four things that we have in common: first, we studied the same things; second, we went to Marburg for the same purpose, to find ourselves in a department that, at the time, bore the stamp of the great sociologist and left fighter Wolfgang Abendroth who, I should remind you, went to the island of Limnos as a member of a German battalion. There, he cooperated with, and eventually de- fected to, ELAS in 1944. He joined the ranks there, and was later ar- * Professor of Philosophy of Science and Sociology of Knowledge. 7 deppe eng_Layout 1 24/11/2014 3:45 μ.μ. Page 8 rested by the British and sent to exile in Egypt. In 1968, Frank Deppe submitted to Abendroth his doctoral dissertation on Blan- qui, and received his readership at Marburg in 1972. He went to Marburg in 1964 in order to study next to Heinz Maus [my own professor - a third coincidence], the student and ed- itor of Horkheimer’s work, a special personality of the then crammed Critical Theory. It was crammed because the dominant - at that decade in Marburg - Marxism did not have space for a lot of criticism and too many openings, in the context of correctness set somewhat absolutely by DKP. And this is the fourth coincidence: I started studying in the year and the institute where the thirty-year old Deppe had just become a professor, giving ground and oppor- tunities to a more dialectical, more western version of Marxism, as we somewhat stubbornly followed, influenced by Poulantzas, Euro- communism and the renewing left. From my then teachers, well- known names of the orthodox communist intelligentsia at the time, board members of the famous IMSF, the Institute for Marxist Stud- ies and Research of the German Communist Party, a body that was too dogmatic towards the Marxism that I then and now support or rather exercise, Deppe, perhaps together with Dieter Boris and Georg Fülberth and of course Abendroth himself, was one of the few who taught social theory from a perspective of fertile activation and critical control of Marxist conceptions and notions. It sounds of minor importance, but it is not. Because this was an era when, in this bastion of left theory and politics, you would not easily pass the course of Reinhardt Kühnl - also an assistant of Aben- droth - if, following Poulantzas, you distinguished fascism from dic- tatorship or if you recommended an Althusser-inspired reading of Rousseau to the famous and otherwise refreshing and Gramscian Marxist historian of philosophy, Hans Heinz Holz. The climate, therefore, that started to grow thanks to teachers like Deppe, and 8 deppe eng_Layout 1 24/11/2014 3:45 μ.μ. Page 9 of course with the moral support of an anti-dogmatic and anti-com- formist attitude such as the one of Maus, allowed the post-1968 generation of Marburg to play a role outside the orthodox, Soviet- like, critical discourse. I shall limit myself to what may be somewhat familiar to our dis- cussions here. To this intellectual climate, we should attribute the development of informal research and discussion groups, out of which the critical reading of the French and Italian Marxism in Ger- many began (I remember Professor Alex Demirovi and the con- troversial election as a full professor of the then director of the Gramsci Institute, which ultimately was not accepted by the educa- tion minister of Hessen), a core nucleus of ‘Class Analysis Program’ [Projekt Klassenanalyse] that nurtured the hegemonic project of the VSA publishing house (which of course was located in Hamburg and Berlin), as well as the stormy debates on the contribution of other poststructuralist approaches and particularly the Foucauldian theory, as advocated for example by our then classmate Ulrich Raulff (a recognized translator of Foucault, Castel and Deleuze). In this theoretical and political context, we owe to Frank Deppe and the company of the younger former assistants of Abendroth the development of a theoretical current that, on the one hand con- verses with Frankfurtian critical theory and, on the other hand - apart from whatever was inherited from Horkheimer (more than the other school members, as Deppe notes) - kept intact the task of class analysis and the interest in the structural element, beyond the individual, and in the confrontational element of Marxian theory. We owe this to them, and this is why I, at least, went to study in Marburg. We owe to them a robust defence of the practical - po- litical dimension of theory, which is what allows us to understand social reality, and when the flow of time brings twists, it shuffles the ground of historical developments and blurs clear analyses. I am trying to say - and my peers know this all too well - that in the wake of 1968 and with fresh images from the uprising in Prague, 9 deppe eng_Layout 1 24/11/2014 3:45 μ.μ. Page 10 amid a cold and a hot war - remember Vietnam -, with a Europe built as a union, a social democracy that was dominant by exploit- ing what was built as a welfare state, an economy becoming global- ized at an unprecedented rate, with trade union demands and ini- tiatives on the agenda, in the orgasm of asymmetric development of the ’70s and ’80s, the theory, Marxist theory and left-wing thought were tested on a daily exercise of interpretation and policy-making. There was no protected non-practical space, as there was no po- litical practice independent of the use of concepts, with universities and social sciences at the forefront. The fact that Frank Deppe belongs to those who opened and en- riched the field of critical social research in those decades is not unrelated to his political activities. Besides, critical theory is an at- titude according to our Frankfurtian teachers. So, having embraced such a conception of theory as practice, through his engagement with the work and teaching of Adorno and Horkheimer, but also under the influence of Marcuse in Frankfurt, Deppe - still a student at the time - turns to politics while at Marburg. Already in 1964, he joins the famous SDS, the socialist German student union which, though founded under the umbrella of social democracy, had al- ready breached its relations with SPD and had become the pole of attraction of the ‘new Left’. He joined there before well-known leaders like Dutsckke did, in the organization that was about to play a catalytic role in the German May of ’68, with headquarters in Berlin, Frankfurt and Marburg. And he is in the leadership of this organization during the critical years from 1965 to 1967, thereby coming into contact with the Institute of Abendroth, who at the time played a leading part in the theoretical work of SDS, among others as editor of his journal, ‘Neue Kritik’. Academic and political collaboration in the years of his thesis completion leads Deppe to participate in the establishment of the 10 deppe eng_Layout 1 24/11/2014 3:45 μ.μ. Page 11 Socialist Centre and the Socialist Office [Sozialistisches Büro], which published the famous links magazine, as well as in a number of ini- tiatives geared towards democracy and disarmament. Action, this time, is both movement-inspired and theoretical, and the connec- tion between practice and research work will remain in the subse- quent period. [I should note, anecdotally, that the slogan circulated among Marburg students at the time was “Marx an die Uni, Deppe auf H4!” (Marx at the university, Deppe as first-grade professor)]. A member of the Scientific Council of the Institute of Marxist Stud- ies and Research, IMSF, until 1989, he is currently a member of the Scientific Council of Attac and a member of Die Linke (becoming a member of a political party for the first time) while, markedly, his farewell lecture as professor emeritus at the University of Marburg was titled ‘Crisis and Renewal of Marxist theory’ [Krise und Erneuerung marxistischer Theorie].
Recommended publications
  • Bibliographical Essay
    Bibliographical Essay Below is a working bibliography of the most important books and artides that have been particularly useful to the editors and that complement the essays contained in the volume. Since we focused on the structural, i. e., economic, dass, and power dimensions that largely led to the collapse of the Weimar Republic and the successful ascension to power of the Nazi party, most of the items listed reßect that ap- proach. Although not exhaustive, this list indudes some of the most significant works in the field and those which have shaped our thinking. For a discussion of the emergence of fascism and its relation to dass, economics, and political development, see: Nicos Poulantzas, Fascism and Dictatorship (London: NLB, 1974); Renzo De Felice, Fascism: An Informal Introduction to lts Theory and Practice (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1976); Stanley Payne, Fascism: Comparison and Definition (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1980); Stein Ugelvik Larsen, Bernt Hagtvet, Jan Petter Myklebust, eds., Who Were the Fascists: Social Roots of European Fascism (Bergen: Universitetsforlaget, 1980); Peter Stachura, ed., The Shaping of the Nazi State (London: Croom Helm, 1978); Walter Laqueur, Fascism: A Readers Guide (London: Wildwood House, 1976); Ernst Nolte, Three Faces of Fascism (London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1965); Barrington Moore, Jr., Social Ori- gins of Dictatorship and Democracy (Boston: Beacon Press, 1966); Eugen Weber, Varieties of Fascism (New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold Co., 1964); Francis L. Carsten, The Rise of Fascism (London: Batsford, 1967); John Weiss, The Fascist Tradition (New York: Harper & Row, 1967); Hans Rogger and Eugen Weber, eds., The European Right (London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1965); George L.
    [Show full text]
  • Beyond Social Democracy in West Germany?
    BEYOND SOCIAL DEMOCRACY IN WEST GERMANY? William Graf I The theme of transcending, bypassing, revising, reinvigorating or otherwise raising German Social Democracy to a higher level recurs throughout the party's century-and-a-quarter history. Figures such as Luxemburg, Hilferding, Liebknecht-as well as Lassalle, Kautsky and Bernstein-recall prolonged, intensive intra-party debates about the desirable relationship between the party and the capitalist state, the sources of its mass support, and the strategy and tactics best suited to accomplishing socialism. Although the post-1945 SPD has in many ways replicated these controversies surrounding the limits and prospects of Social Democracy, it has not reproduced the Left-Right dimension, the fundamental lines of political discourse that characterised the party before 1933 and indeed, in exile or underground during the Third Reich. The crucial difference between then and now is that during the Second Reich and Weimar Republic, any significant shift to the right on the part of the SPD leader- ship,' such as the parliamentary party's approval of war credits in 1914, its truck under Ebert with the reactionary forces, its periodic lapses into 'parliamentary opportunism' or the right rump's acceptance of Hitler's Enabling Law in 1933, would be countered and challenged at every step by the Left. The success of the USPD, the rise of the Spartacus move- ment, and the consistent increase in the KPD's mass following throughout the Weimar era were all concrete and determined reactions to deficiences or revisions in Social Democratic praxis. Since 1945, however, the dynamics of Social Democracy have changed considerably.
    [Show full text]
  • BIBLIOGRAPHY General Issues
    IRSH 56 (2011), pp. 165–191 doi:10.1017/S0020859011000046 r 2011 Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis BIBLIOGRAPHY General Issues SOCIAL THEORY AND SOCIAL SCIENCE LEYS,COLIN. Total Capitalism. Market Politics, Market State. Merlin Press, London 2008. 144 pp. £10.95. Professor Leys brings together in this collection three previously published essays that analyse contemporary capitalism. In ‘‘The Rise and Fall of Development Theory’’ (1996) he inventories how the rise of neo-liberalism has impacted upon critical development theory; in ‘‘Market-Driven Politics’’ (2001), the author explores how the end of capital controls from the 1980s affected the policies of ‘‘once-sovereign states’’, in particular the United Kingdom; and in ‘‘The Cynical State’’ (2005) he analyses what happens to policy- making and the quality of public debate under what Professor Leys labels as ‘‘total capitalism’’. MARX,KARL. La guerre civile en France. ARRIGO CERVETTO. La forme politique enfin de´couverte. [Bibliothe`que jeunes.] E´ ditions Science Marxiste, Montreuil-sous-Bois 2008. xiv, 146 pp. h 5.00. This is the French version of a new, originally Italian, edition that appeared in 2007. It opens with an introduction by the French editors and translated texts by Arrigo Cervetto, which were first published in Lotta Comunista in the 1980s. Metamorphosen des Kapitalismus und seiner Kritik. Hrsg. Rolf Eickel- pasch, Claudia Rademacher, [und] Philipp Ramos Lobato. VS Verlag fu¨ r Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2008. 254 pp. h 24.90. The thirteen contributions to this volume, by critical German sociologists, address recent shifts and developments in the critical discourse and analysis of modern capitalism and its transformation into neo-liberalism and post-Fordism.
    [Show full text]
  • Social Democratic Responses to Antisemitism and The'judenfrage'in
    Social Democratic Responses to Antisemitism and theJudenfrage in Imperial Germany: Franz Mehring (A Case Study) PhD Thesis Lars Fischer Hebrew and Jewish Studies Department University College London ProQuest Number: U642720 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest. ProQuest U642720 Published by ProQuest LLC(2015). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Abstract This thesis examines German attitudes towards Jews in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, focusing on a dimension of political discourse typically noted for its resistance to antisemitism: Social Democracy. Most scholarship on the dealings of Imperial German society with matters Jewish tends to focus specifically on self-defined antisémites and overt manifestations of antisemitism. In contrast, this study examines how a broader set of prevalent perceptions of (supposedly) Jewish phenomena was articulated by theoretically more sophisticated Social Democrats. Their polemics against antisémites frequently used the term 'antiSemitic' simply to identify their party-political affiliation without necessarily confronting their hostility to Jews, let alone did it imply a concomitant empathy for Jews. While the party-political opposition of Social Democracy against party-political antisemitism remains beyond doubt, a genuine anathematization of anti- Jewish stereotypes was never on the agenda and the ambiguous stance of Franz Mehring (1846- 1919) was in fact quite typical of attitudes prevalent in the party.
    [Show full text]
  • Soziologie – Sociology in the German-Speaking World
    Soziologie – Sociology in the German-Speaking World Soziologie — Sociology in the German-Speaking World Special Issue Soziologische Revue 2020 Edited by Betina Hollstein, Rainer Greshoff, Uwe Schimank, and Anja Weiß ISBN 978-3-11-062333-8 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-062727-5 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-062351-2 ISSN 0343-4109 DOI https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110627275 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. For details go to https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Library of Congress Control Number: 2020947720 Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. © 2021 Betina Hollstein, Rainer Greshoff, Uwe Schimank, and Anja Weiß, published by Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston Printing and binding: CPI books GmbH, Leck www.degruyter.com Contents ACompanion to German-Language Sociology 1 Culture 9 Uta Karstein and Monika Wohlrab-Sahr Demography and Aging 27 FrançoisHöpflinger EconomicSociology 39 AndreaMaurer Education and Socialization 53 Matthias Grundmann Environment 67 Anita Engels Europe 83 Monika Eigmüller Family and IntimateRelationships 99 Dirk Konietzka, Michael Feldhaus, Michaela Kreyenfeld, and Heike Trappe (Felt) Body.Sports, Medicine, and Media 117 Robert Gugutzerand Claudia Peter Gender 133 Paula-Irene Villa and Sabine Hark Globalization and Transnationalization 149 Anja Weiß GlobalSouth 165 EvaGerharz and Gilberto Rescher HistoryofSociology 181 Stephan Moebius VI Contents Life Course 197 Johannes Huinink and Betina Hollstein Media and Communication 211 Andreas Hepp Microsociology 227 RainerSchützeichel Migration 245 Ludger Pries Mixed-Methods and MultimethodResearch 261 FelixKnappertsbusch, Bettina Langfeldt, and Udo Kelle Organization 273 Raimund Hasse Political Sociology 287 Jörn Lamla Qualitative Methods 301 Betina Hollstein and Nils C.
    [Show full text]
  • BIBLIOGRAPHY General Issues
    IRSH 56 (2011), pp. 165–191 doi:10.1017/S0020859011000046 r 2011 Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis BIBLIOGRAPHY General Issues SOCIAL THEORY AND SOCIAL SCIENCE LEYS,COLIN. Total Capitalism. Market Politics, Market State. Merlin Press, London 2008. 144 pp. £10.95. Professor Leys brings together in this collection three previously published essays that analyse contemporary capitalism. In ‘‘The Rise and Fall of Development Theory’’ (1996) he inventories how the rise of neo-liberalism has impacted upon critical development theory; in ‘‘Market-Driven Politics’’ (2001), the author explores how the end of capital controls from the 1980s affected the policies of ‘‘once-sovereign states’’, in particular the United Kingdom; and in ‘‘The Cynical State’’ (2005) he analyses what happens to policy- making and the quality of public debate under what Professor Leys labels as ‘‘total capitalism’’. MARX,KARL. La guerre civile en France. ARRIGO CERVETTO. La forme politique enfin de´couverte. [Bibliothe`que jeunes.] E´ ditions Science Marxiste, Montreuil-sous-Bois 2008. xiv, 146 pp. h 5.00. This is the French version of a new, originally Italian, edition that appeared in 2007. It opens with an introduction by the French editors and translated texts by Arrigo Cervetto, which were first published in Lotta Comunista in the 1980s. Metamorphosen des Kapitalismus und seiner Kritik. Hrsg. Rolf Eickel- pasch, Claudia Rademacher, [und] Philipp Ramos Lobato. VS Verlag fu¨ r Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2008. 254 pp. h 24.90. The thirteen contributions to this volume, by critical German sociologists, address recent shifts and developments in the critical discourse and analysis of modern capitalism and its transformation into neo-liberalism and post-Fordism.
    [Show full text]
  • First Phase: Gradual Formation, 1950 to the Mid-1960S
    chapter 2 First Phase: Gradual Formation, 1950 to the Mid-1960s 1 Social and Political Context The first phase of the Marburg School developed in the context of the recon- struction, stabilisation, and expansion of capitalist relations of property and production inWest Germany,which had initially persisted in a latent form post- 1945.1The 1948 currency reform, however, represented a measure not only signi- fying a major rupture in terms of monetary policy but also laying the economic foundations for what soon led to the political division of Germany into two independent states, albeit controlled by the respective occupying powers: the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic (GDR).The Federal Republic’s integration into the Western sphere of influence, expressed economically by its membership in the European Coal and Steel Community (a common market for coal, iron, and steel and the predecessor to today’s European Union), and militarily in its joining NATO in 1955 negated all pro- spects for the development of an independent Federal Republic outside the influence of the Western great powers. Domestically, this corresponded not only to a nearly seamless reintegration of countless former Nazis into business, politics, the courts, and academia, but also to massive repression of opposi- tional political forces. Mass movements for democratising the economy (co- determination in the steel industry in 1951, the industrial relations law in 1952) were redirected and the broad popular opposition to remilitarisation neut- ralised, while more fundamental political opposition was forcibly repressed, such as the banning of the Communist Party (KPD). The transformation of the Social Democratic Party (SPD) from a workers’ party into a cross-class ‘people’s party’ (symbolised by the Godesberg Programme in 1959) deactivated the par- liament as a potential forum for the articulation of social and political altern- atives.
    [Show full text]
  • A Short History of the European Working Class Wolfgang Abendroth
    A Short History of the European Working Class A Short History of the European Working Class Wolfgang Abendroth Monthly Review Press New York and London Copyright © 1972 by New Left Books All Rights Reserved Originally published as Sozialgeschichte der europäischen Arbeiterbewegung hy S uhrkamp Verlag, Frankfurt/Main, Germany, copyright Ο 1965 by Suhrkamp Verlag Translated by Nicholas Jacobs and Brian Trench Postscript translated by Joris de Bres Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 72-81766 First Printing Monthly Review Press 116 West 14th Street, New York, N. Y. lOOl I 33/37 Moreland Street, London, F C l Manufactured in the United States of America Foreword 7 1. The Beginnings up to the Defeat of 1848 9 2. The First International 27 3. Working-Class Parties and Trade Unions 41 4. The Second International up to the First World War 51 5. The Working-Class Movement between the Russian Revolution and the Victory of Fascism 69 6. The Working-Class Movement in the Period of Fascism 101 7. The Working-Class Movement after the Second World War 125 Postscript, 1971 157 Further Reading 198 Foreword Ever since the English Revolution of the seventeenth century and the American and French Revolutions of the eighteenth, the origin­ ally bourgeois movement for liberty and justice has changed the world. The concept of freedom has become a fundamental principle of all political organizations and ideologies, even where it was once denounced by governments and by feudal and absolutist political theorists as utopian and criminal nonsense. The working class trans­ formed this call for liberty from being a political slogan and made it a social demand.
    [Show full text]
  • The Green Party and the New Nationalism in the Federal Republic of Germany
    THE GREEN PARTY AND THE NEW NATIONALISM IN THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY Y. Michal Bodemann It is in the concept of hegemony that those exigencies which are national in character are knotted together; one can well understand how certain tendencies either do not mention such a concept, or merely skim over it. A class that is inter- national in character has-in as much as it guides social strata which are narrowly national (intellectuals), and indeed frequently even less than national: particular- istic and municipalistic (the peasants)-to 'nationalise' itself in a certain sense. Antonio Grarnsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, p. 241 When the editors of the New Left Review asked Rudolf Bahro to explain why, of the major capitalist countries, only West Germany had produced an ecology party of any importance,' his answer was strangely evasive. While Bahro correctly identified the Greens as having a much broader base than ecology alone, he on the other hand not only failed to explain the astonishing rise of the German Greens but he also explicitly refused to acknowledge its peculiarly German characteristics. Although Bahro- who officially left the party at its convention in June 1985-is certainly not representative of overall Green sentiments, the lack of reflection on the peculiarly German nature of the Greens is widespread within and outside the party. And the rise of the West German Greens is phenomenal indeed, in contrast to Green parties elsewhere: as late as 1973 or even 1974, there was not a single political observer who would have predicted the develop- ment of this party; even the movement in its pre-party stage had at that time only begun to emerge; in the federal elections of 1980, they still only received 1.5% of the popular vote, and yet in the federal elections of 1983, they nearly quadrupled their support to 5.6%, just above the forbidding 5% hurdle which no other small party had ever managed to surpass since the 5% law was passed in the fifties.
    [Show full text]
  • 1968: Memories and Legacies of a Global Revolt
    Bulletin of the German Historical Institute Supplement 6 | 2009 1968: Memories and Legacies of a Global Revolt 5 Introduction: 1968 from Revolt to Research Philipp Gassert and Martin Klimke THE AMERICAS 27 Argentina: The Signs and Images of “Revolutionary War” Hugo Vezzetti 33 Bolivia: Che Guevara in Global History Carlos Soria-Galvarro 39 Canada: 1968 and the New Left Dimitri Roussopoulos 47 Colombia: The “Cataluña Movement” Santiago Castro-Gómez 51 Mexico: The Power of Memory Sergio Raúl Arroyo 57 Peru: The Beginning of a New World Oscar Ugarteche 63 USA: Unending 1968 Todd Gitlin 67 Venezuela: A Sociological Laboratory Félix Allueva ASIA & AUSTRALIA 73 Australia: A Nation of Lotus-Eaters Hugh Mackay 79 China: The Process of Decolonization in the Case of Hong Kong Oscar Ho Hing-kay 83 India: Outsiders in Two Worlds Kiran Nagarkar 89 Japan: “1968”—History of a Decade Claudia Derichs 95 Pakistan: The Year of Change Ghazi Salahuddin 99 Thailand: The “October Movement” and the Transformation to Democracy Kittisak Prokati AFRICA & THE MIDDLE EAST 105 Egypt: From Romanticism to Realism Ibrahim Farghali 111 Israel: 1968 and the “’67 Generation” Gilad Margalit 119 Lebanon: Of Things that Remain Unsaid Rachid al-Daif 125 Palestinian Territories: Discovering Freedom in a Refugee Camp Hassan Khadr 129 Senegal: May 1968, Africa’s Revolt Andy Stafford 137 South Africa: Where Were We Looking in 1968? John Daniel and Peter Vale 147 Syria: The Children of the Six-Day War Mouaffaq Nyrabia 2 1968: MEMORIES AND LEGACIES EASTERN EUROPE 155 Czechoslovakia:
    [Show full text]
  • Birgit Mahnkopf
    Everything Must Change, so That the World can Remain the Same1 In memory of the life and work of Elmar Altvater Birgit Mahnkopf One year before the German army invaded Poland and devastated Europe for a second time - only 20 years after the end of the awful World War I -, Elmar was born on August 24th, 1938 in the mining town of Kamen in Germany's Ruhr Valley, where the iron and steel for the German Wehrmacht's war of conquest came from. No wonder he remembered his childhood as a time of hunger and fear. For immediately after the Wehrmacht's bombing of Rotterdam and Coventry in May 1940, the Allied forces began air raids on the Rhine-Ruhr region. After the invasion of the Soviet Union, the attacks were extended to aerial bombardments - with the clear aim of destroying residential areas and thus the German population's feelings about the war. Fear of night-time air raid alarms, bigoted relatives who, though hailing from catholic Poland, were members of a Protestant sect, and an overburdened mother who raised him and his younger sister through the war years by digging for leftover potatoes on harvested fields (the so-called “potato stubbles”), these were Elmar's most important childhood memories. The father, whom he got to know only when he was 12, had been a policeman before the war; after his return from Russian captivity in 1950, he became a miner. He had been a Nazi and probably remained one, despite his war experience and long imprisonment - mentally crippled like so many Germans of his generation.
    [Show full text]
  • Supplement Over 2012*
    IRSH 58 (2013), pp. 381–394 doi:10.1017/S0020859013000321 r 2013 Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis GUIDE TO THE INTERNATIONAL ARCHIVES AND COLLECTIONS AT THE IISH: SUPPLEMENT OVER 2012* In 2000 a new edition of the ‘Guide to the International Archives and Collections at the IISH, Amsterdam’ (henceforth cited as GIA) was published. A description of recently acquired archives and collections as well as major accruals to archives received by the IISH will be published annually to keep this survey up to date. Like the GIA this supplement is subdivided into the categories ‘persons’, ‘organizations’ and ‘subjects’, arranged alphabetically. As to the summaries the following components can be discerned: 1. Access: As a rule consultation is not restricted; any restrictions are indicated by * 2. Name: Names of persons include dates of birth and death when known. In the case of international organizations with names in more than one language, the name chosen corresponds to the language in which most of the documents were written. Among organizations that have changed their names, the one used most recently has been selected. Previous names of organizations are mentioned in the condensed biography or history. The names of subject collections are mostly in English. 3. Period: First and last date of the documents present. Where only a few documents are from a certain year or period, they are listed between parentheses. 4. Size: In linear metres. 5. Finding aid: Available inventories, lists, and indexes. 6. Biography/history: A condensed biography or history of the persons or organizations concerned. 7. Summary of the contents: A summary of the contents of the archives, papers, or collection concerned.
    [Show full text]