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History, Politics and National Identity in Southern and Eastern Ukraine

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History, Politics and National Identity in Southern and Eastern Ukraine HISTORY, POLITICS AND NATIONAL IDENTITY IN SOUTHERN AND EASTERN UKRAINE. by Paul Stepan Pine A Dissertation Submitted for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON (School of Slavonic & East European Studies) 1997 ProQuest Number: U111293 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest. ProQuest U111293 Published by ProQuest LLC(2015). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 ABSTRACT: This dissertation examines the interconnection between history, national identity and politics in Eastern and Southern Ukraine (with special reference to the Donbass, Odessa oblast and the Republic of Crimea). The study comprises three distinct parts: the first section (three chapters) explores the history of the region from the beginning of significant settlement in the 18th. century to the onset of the Perestroika reforms. The second part of the study (Chapter Four) considers how intermarriage as well as other demographic forces have informed the regional identity. Currently, much of the population of the region identifies as both Ukrainian and Russian; this identification is generally weak and unstable. This informs popular attitudes towards such key questions as Ukraine's statehood and its relations with Russia. Studies of national identity have tended to assume an individual belongs to only one or another ethnic group, while the process by which an individual determines his or her ethnic identity has been largely ignored. Sociological surveys carried out in Ukraine demonstrate that mixed identification is a fairly common phenomenon. It appears that high levels of intermarriage have been a leading factor contributing to this type of identification. Political life in this region mirrors the ambivalent nature of national identity; support for the Ukrainian 'national idea' has been fairly unstable and unrehable. Furthermore, the intense competition of regional economic, political and criminal elites in the sub-regions of the Fast and South have limited its political influence on the central government. There is a tendency for one influential group in each region to look to Kiev for allies and sponsors against a local opponent. This phenomenon — most clearly illustrated by the case of Crimea — has tended to neutralise latent pro-Russian movements in the region. PREFACE: I am very grateful for the patience and help of a great number of people both in London and Ukraine for their help in this project. First I would like to thank Professor Geoffrey Hosking and Andrew Wilson for supervising this thesis. I would also like to thank Jim Dingley for proof­ reading my footnotes. The co-operation of a number of individuals in Ukraine who allowed me to interview them is greatly appreciated. Among those interviewed for this study were: Volodymyr Pavlovych Shevchenko, Donets’k, February 1995. Rector, Donetsk State University; Mikhail Alekseevich Krylov, former co-chairman of the Donets'k Strike Committee; Sergei Mikhailovych Tokarev, head of the Donets'k Oblast Branch of the Liberal Party of Ukraine; Grigorii Gnezilov, the editor of the newspaper Zhizn': Dmitrii Kornilov, the editor of the newspaper Donetskii kriazh: Mariia Oliinyk of Congress of Ukrainian Nationalists; Aleksandr Filimonovich Baziliuk, Chairman of the Civic Congress of Ukraine; levgenii Golubovskii of the Worldwide Club or Odessans; a number of students from Donets'k and Odessa State University, and other public figures. The following academics and library staff were especially helpful during my research trips: the staff of the library of the Institute of Sociology of the Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, Kiev; Liubov V. Chuiko of the Institute of Demography of the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences. Oleksandr Ponomarev of the Institute of Ethnography of the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences. The public opinion research centre Democratic Initiatives, Kiev provided invaluable support and data for this 4 project. In particular I would like to thank Il'ko Kucheriv and Prof. Yevhen Golovakha for agreeing to include my questions in their survey. I am especially indebted to Tanya Harasimenko of the Institute of Sociology for compiling tables for me from the Democratic Initiatives survey data. Irina Popova and the rest of the staff of the "Pulse" public opinion research centre in Odessa were also very helpful and co­ operative. I would also like to thank the Petrovs'kyi, Henenko and Gergaia families of Kiev, Donet'sk and Odessa respectively for allowing me to "share a pud of salt" with them. Finally, I would like to thank my parents for supporting me throughout this difficult project. A NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION: Transliteration from Ukrainian and Russian in this study is done according to the Library of Congress transliteration system with the following exceptions. Where a proper name begins in lu or la this are rendered Yu and Ya respectively (i.e., Yurii, not lurii, or Yaroslav, not laroslav). Also, place names which have well accepted anglicisms, such as Kiev, Odessa, Donbass, Crimea, are used instead of the Ukrainian equivalents (i.e., Kyiv, Odesa, Donbas, Krym). The spelling Zaporozhia is a well accepted variant and will be distinguished from the modem city and oblast of Zaporizhzhia. These changes have been made simply for the sake of avoiding the jarring effect of a transliteration system which renders names in a way which deviates unnecessarily from the commonly used variants. In general, the names of individuals are translated into their Ukrainian equivalent, unless it is clear that they identify themselves as Russians. TABLE OF CONTENTS: Title Page. 1. Abstract. 2. Preface. 3-4. Table of Contents. 5. List of Tables and Figures. 6-7. Introduction. 8-24. Chapter 1 25-54. Southern and Eastern Ukraine Before 1917: Chapter 2: 55-74. Revolution and Stalinism. Chapter 3: 75-121. History And Demography Since the 1930s. Chapter 4: 122-156. Intermarriage and National Identity. Chapter 5: 157-183. The East & the All-Ukrainian Political Context. Chapter 6: 184-242. Society and Politics in Donets'k. Chapter 7: 243-306. Society and Politics in Crimea. Chapter 8: 307-342. Society and Politics in Odessa. Conclusion. 343-352. Bibliography. 353-375. INDEX OF TABLES AND FIGURES: Tables: Chapter 1: 52. Table 1.1: Population and Ethnie Composition of Kherson, Katerynoslav and Tavriia gubemii by native language, 1897. Tablel.2: Population of Simferopol' and Sevastopol' 53. regions of Crimea, by Language1897. Table 1.3: Population and Composition by Native 53. Language of Key Districts in Modem Donbass, 1897. Table 1.4: Population of Yuzivka (Donets'k) in Selected 54. Years. Table 1.5: Average Number of Industrial Workers, 1861- 54. 1900. Table 1.6: Native language affiliation of Workers in all 54. areas of industry according to 1897 census (by gubemiia). Chapter 4: Table 4.1 : Self-identification in the city of Odessa, 1991 i ca and 1993. Table 4.2: Demographic Traits and Political-territorial 155. Identification. Table 4.3: Response to Question: "What course of 156. Development do you favour for Ukraine?" List of Figures: Chapter 3: Figure 3. la: Proportion of Russians and Ukrainians in the 116. Donbass, 1926-1989 (%) Figure 3.1b: Proportions of Russians and Ukrainians in 117. the South, 1926-1989 (%) Figure 3.2: Ukrainian Language Affiliation among 118. Ukrainians, by Region, 1959-1989 7 Figure 3.3: Place of Birth of Population of Southern & 119. Eastern Oblasti, 1989 Figure 3.4: Urbanisation in the Donbass, 1926-1989 120. Figure 3.5: Index of Ethnic Diversity ("Ethnic Mosaic") 121. by Oblasu 1959, 1970, 1979, 1989 Chapter 4: Figure 4.1: Ethnic composition of families by oblast, 1989 152. Figure 4.2a: Territorial-Political identification in Eastern 153. and Southern Ukraine. May-June 1994 Figure 4.2b: Territorial-Political identification in Eastern 153. and Southern Ukraine, June 1995 Figure 4.3: Graphic Representation of Table 4.3 156. Chapter 5: Figure 5.1: Ukrainian Parliamentary Factions: Attitudes 182. Towards Reform & Russia Figure 5.2 :Parliament Of Ukraine: By Factional 182 Affiliation (1996) Figure 5.3a: Donets'k Deputies to the Supreme Rada 183. (1996) Figure 5.3b: Crimean Deputies to the Supreme Rada 183. (1996) Figure 5.3c: Odessa Deputies to the Supreme Rada (1996) 183. Chapter 6 Figure 6a: Answer to Question: "You would lend your 242. support to politicians of which {general political} orientation?" (L'viv, Kiev, Donets'k, Simferopol') Figure 6b: Answer to Question: "Do You Think Ukraine 242. Has a Future as an Independent State?" (L'viv, Kiev, Donets'k, Simferopol'). 8 INTRODUCTION: It may be said of the historian Mykhailo Hrushevs'kyi, who drew on sociology, ethnography and a wide range of other subjects in his writing of history, that he followed the common-sense strategy of a craftsman by selecting whatever tools suited the job at hand/ In Hrushevs'kyi's case, the task was to demonstrate a continuity throughout all of Ukrainian history. Where the study of Ukrainian political institutions was impossible, Hrushevs’kyi looked to sociological and ethnological analysis to find continuity in Ukrainian history. In this study, the task at hand has also defined the tools required for the job. The purpose here is to attempt to understand the evolution of national identity in Southern and Eastern Ukraine and its interconnection with politics. In doing so, the author has found it necessary to look beyond existing approaches to the study of this problem. In particular, as the research for this study progressed, it became apparent that a theoretical framework which could make sense of mixed and compound identity was necessary given the obvious complexity of national identity in a region.
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