SOUTH SUDAN UNISCI Discussion Papers, Núm

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

SOUTH SUDAN UNISCI Discussion Papers, Núm UNISCI Discussion Papers ISSN: 1696-2206 [email protected] Universidad Complutense de Madrid España de Simone, Sara POST-CONFLICT DECENTRALIZATION: DYNAMICS OF LAND AND POWER IN UNITY STATE - SOUTH SUDAN UNISCI Discussion Papers, núm. 33, octubre-, 2013, pp. 35-55 Universidad Complutense de Madrid Madrid, España Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=76728723004 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 33 (Octubre / October 2013) ISSN 1696-2206 POST-CONFLICT DECENTRALIZATION: DYNAMICS OF LAND AND POWER IN UNITY STATE – SOUTH SUDAN Sara de Simone 1 University of Naples L’Orientale Abstract: Decentralized state-building in post-conflict settings is believed to bring about a number of positive outcomes that range from increased government accountability and local participation, to internal stability thanks to higher opportunity of political engagement. South Sudan is currently undertaking a decentralization process supported by international organizations through the institutionalization of the local administration system shaped during the war in SPLM controlled areas. Through the analysis of Unity State case study, this article shows how, despite being at a very initial phase, local government reforms in South Sudan are producing new localized disputes over access to resources that articulate themselves as border disputes. These disputes ultimately revolve around the access to resources, but also keep a tribal characteristic due to the overlapping of customary and administrative domains that entrenches local perceptions of access to land and services being granted based on tribal affiliation. Keywords: South Sudan, Decentralization, Internal Borders, Resources Access. Resumen: Se cree que la construcción estatal descentralizada en escenarios post-conflicto trae consigo, gracias a la mayor oportunidad de participación política, una serie de resultados positivos que van desde un aumento de los mecanismos gubernamentales de rendición de cuentas y de la participación local hasta la estabilidad interna. Sudán del Sur está llevando a cabo actualmente, con el apoyo de organizaciones internacionales, un proceso de descentralización a través de la institucionalización del sistema de administración local configurado durante la guerra en las zonas controladas por el MLPS. Mediante el análisis del Estado de Unidad como estudio de caso este artículo muestra cómo, a pesar de estar en una fase muy inicial, las reformas del gobierno local en Sudán del Sur están produciendo nuevos conflictos localizados por el acceso a los recursos que se articulan como disputas fronterizas. Estas disputas giran en última instancia en torno al acceso a los recursos, pero también mantienen características tribales debido a la superposición de los ámbitos consuetudinarios y administrativos, lo cual afianza la percepción local de que el acceso a la tierra y a los servicios se otorga en función de la afiliación tribal. Palabras clave: Sudán del Sur, descentralización, fronteras interiores, acceso a los recursos. Copyright © UNISCI, 2013. Las opiniones expresadas en estos artículos son propias de sus autores, y no reflejan necesariamente la opinión de UNISCI. The views expressed in these articles are those of the authors, and do not necessarily reflect the views of UNISCI 1 Sara de Simone is a PhD candidate in African Studies at University of Naples L’Orientale, Department of Asia, Africa and Mediterranean. She holds a Master Degree in Development Studies and started to work on local conflict management in South Sudan in 2010. Her main research areas are: local governance, decentralization, local conflict management. She can be reached at [email protected]. Department of Asia, Africa e Mediterranean, University of Naples L’Orientale, Palazzo Corigliano, Piazza S. Domenico Maggiore 12, 5th floor -80134 Napoli. 35 UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 33 (Octubre / October 2013) ISSN 1696-2206 1. Introduction After the end of the Cold War, peace-building has increasingly been understood as a “multifaceted” liberal project, whose aim is not only to promote a “negative peace”, 2 but also to address root causes of conflicts seen as stemming from poverty, underdevelopment and the states’ lack of capacity of keeping security under control. 3 This convergence of the peace, security and development agendas 4 gained even more strength after 11/09/2001, with US pivotal role in emphasizing the importance of democracy and good governance. Literature on state failure usually assumes that a functioning state should be able to monopolize the means of violence, control its territory and population, keep diplomatic relations with other states, deliver services to its citizens and promote economic growth. 5 However, critical literature opposing what is considered to be an ethnocentric top-down approach to statehood in the developing world has emerged both in the domain of Peace Studies, with a wide number of contributions on the “local” agency and hybridization processes, 6 and in African Studies, where many scholars have claimed that this perspective fails to capture real local dynamics of organization in African States and societies whose outcome can sometimes seem at odds with western standards.7 This notwithstanding, the policy-making domain is still widely dominated by a technical approach to state-building, focusing on institution-building. During the ’90s and early 2000s, increasing awareness of the failures of central government institution-building pushed international actors to reformulate the discourse on state-building through the democracy – good governance lens. Democratic decentralization, in opposition to deconcentration brought about by structural adjustment programs (SAPs) in the 80s, gained prominence as a tool for promoting effective local governance, development and peace. 8 Notwithstanding international discourses on local participation and ownership, as well as on the importance of context-specific approaches, the focus remains on local institution- building and legal frameworks 9, again often failing to consider the socio-political realities on 2 Negative peace is generally understood as “absence of collective violence”. For an analysis of negative and positive forms of peace see Galtung, Johan (1967): Theories of Peace: A Synthetic Approach to Peace Thinking, unpublished, p.12, available at http://www.transcend.org/files/Galtung_Book_unpub_Theories_of_Peace_- _A_Synthetic_Approach_to_Peace_Thinking_1967.pdf. 3 Newman, Edward; Paris, Roland; Richmond, Oliver P. (eds.) (2009): New Perspectives on Liberal Peacebuilding, Tokyo/New York, United Nations University Press. 4 Duffield, Mark (2001): Global Governance and the new Wars: The Merging of Development and Security, London/New York, Zed Books. 5 Helman, Gerald B. and Ratner, Steven R.: “Saving Failed States”, Foreign Policy, nº89 (December 1992), pp. 3-20; Rotberg, Robert I.: “Failed States, Collapsed States, Weak States: Causes and Indicators” in Rotberg, Robert I. (ed.) (2003): State Failure and State Weakness in a Time of Terror , Washington D.C., Brookings Institution Press; Eizenstat, Stuart E.; Porter, John E. and Weinstein, Jeremy M.: “Rebuilding Weak States”, Foreign Affairs , vol. 84, nº1 (January 2005), pp. 134-147. 6 Richmond, Oliver P. (2011): A Post-Liberal Peace , Oxon/New York, Routledge; Newman E. et al., op. cit . 7 Bayart, Jean-François: “L’historicité de l’Etat importé”, Les Cahiers du CERI, nº15 (1996), available at http://www.sciencespo.fr/ceri/sites/sciencespo.fr.ceri/files/cahier15.pdf; Chabal, Patrick and Daloz, Jean-Pascal (1999): Africa Works: Disorder as a Political Instrument , Oxford, James Currey. 8 Olowu, Dele and Wunsch, James S. (eds.) (2004): Local Governance in Africa : The Challenges of Democratic Decentralization , Boulder, Lynne Rienner. 9 UNDP: “Decentralised Governance for Development: A Combined Practice Note on Decentralisation, Local Governance and Urban/Rural Development” (April 2004), available at http://www.undp.org/content/dam/aplaws/publication/en/publications/democratic-governance/dg-publications- for-website/decentralised-governance-for-development-a-combined-practice-note-on-decentralisation-local- governance-and-urban-rural-development/DLGUD_PN_English.pdf;USAID: “Democratic Decentralization 36 UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 33 (Octubre / October 2013) ISSN 1696-2206 the ground, the modes of interaction between political elites and their constituencies and the areas of tension that may (and almost surely do) exist in post-conflict contexts. South Sudan has entered the post-conflict phase with the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2005 after a decade long peace process strongly supported by the international community. International partners still have a huge presence and an important role in supporting the country’s peace-building and state-building effort in a number of sectors that range from security sector reform to the rule of law and from fiscal arrangements to local government empowerment. This paper will show that a form of decentralized state-building in a context where formal state structures at a local level did not previously exist needs to start from the delimitation of territorial units. The specific history of an area, together with legal provisions
Recommended publications
  • Power and Proximity: the Politics of State Secession
    City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 9-2016 Power and Proximity: The Politics of State Secession Elizabeth A. Nelson The Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/1396 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] POWER AND PROXIMITY: THE POLITICS OF STATE SECESSION by ELIZABETH A. NELSON A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Political Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The City University of New York 2016 © 2016 ELIZABETH A. NELSON All Rights Reserved ii Power and Proximity: The Politics of State Secession by Elizabeth A. Nelson This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Political Science in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. ______________ ____________________________________ Date Susan L. Woodward Chair of Examining Committee ______________ ____________________________________ Date Alyson Cole Executive Officer Supervisory Committee: Professor Susan L. Woodward Professor Peter Liberman Professor Bruce Cronin THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii ABSTRACT Power and Proximity: The Politics of State Secession by Elizabeth A. Nelson Advisor: Susan L. Woodward State secession is a rare occurrence in the international system. While a number of movements seek secession, the majority fail to achieve statehood. Of the exceptional successes, many have not had the strongest claims to statehood; some of these new states look far less like states than some that have failed.
    [Show full text]
  • Space, Home and Racial Meaning Making in Post Independence Juba
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles The Worldliness of South Sudan: Space, Home and Racial Meaning Making in Post Independence Juba A thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirement for the degree of Master of Arts in Anthropology By Zachary Mondesire 2018 © Copyright by Zachary Mondesire 2018 ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS The Worldliness of South Sudan: Space, Home and Racial Meaning Making in Post Independence Juba By Zachary Mondesire Master of Art in Anthropology University of California, Los Angeles, 2017 Professor Hannah C. Appel, Chair The world’s newest state, South Sudan, became independent in July 2011. In 2013, after the outbreak of the still-ongoing South Sudanese civil war, the UNHCR declared a refugee crisis and continues to document the displacement of millions of South Sudanese citizens. In 2016, Crazy Fox, a popular South Sudanese musician, released a song entitled “Ana Gaid/I am staying.” His song compels us to pay attention to those in South Sudan who have chosen to stay, or to return and still other African regionals from neighboring countries to arrive. The goal of this thesis is to explore the “Crown Lodge,” a hotel in Juba, the capital city of South Sudan, as one such site of arrival, return, and staying put. Paying ethnographic attention to site enables us to think through forms of spatial belonging in and around the hotel that attached racial meaning to national origin and regional identity. ii The thesis of Zachary C. P. Mondesire is approved. Jemima Pierre Aomar Boum Hannah C. Appel, Committee Chair University
    [Show full text]
  • Wartime Trade and the Reshaping of Power in South Sudan Learning from the Market of Mayen Rual South Sudan Customary Authorities Project
    SOUTH SUDAN CUSTOMARY AUTHORITIES pROjECT WARTIME TRADE AND THE RESHAPING OF POWER IN SOUTH SUDAN LEARNING FROM THE MARKET OF MAYEN RUAL SOUTH SUDAN customary authorities pROjECT Wartime Trade and the Reshaping of Power in South Sudan Learning from the market of Mayen Rual NAOMI PENDLE AND CHirrilo MADUT ANEI Published in 2018 by the Rift Valley Institute PO Box 52771 GPO, 00100 Nairobi, Kenya 107 Belgravia Workshops, 159/163 Marlborough Road, London N19 4NF, United Kingdom THE RIFT VALLEY INSTITUTE (RVI) The Rift Valley Institute (www.riftvalley.net) works in eastern and central Africa to bring local knowledge to bear on social, political and economic development. THE AUTHORS Naomi Pendle is a Research Fellow in the Firoz Lalji Centre for Africa, London School of Economics. Chirrilo Madut Anei is a graduate of the University of Bahr el Ghazal and is an emerging South Sudanese researcher. SOUTH SUDAN CUSTOMARY AUTHORITIES PROJECT RVI’s South Sudan Customary Authorities Project seeks to deepen the understand- ing of the changing role of chiefs and traditional authorities in South Sudan. The SSCA Project is supported by the Swiss Government. CREDITS RVI EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR: Mark Bradbury RVI ASSOCIATE DIRECTOR OF RESEARCH AND COMMUNICATIONS: Cedric Barnes RVI SOUTH SUDAN PROGRAMME MANAGER: Anna Rowett RVI SENIOR PUBLICATIONS AND PROGRAMME MANAGER: Magnus Taylor EDITOR: Kate McGuinness DESIGN: Lindsay Nash MAPS: Jillian Luff,MAPgrafix ISBN 978-1-907431-56-2 COVER: Chief Morris Ngor RIGHTS Copyright © Rift Valley Institute 2018 Cover image © Silvano Yokwe Alison Text and maps published under Creative Commons License Attribution-Noncommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International www.creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 Available for free download from www.riftvalley.net Printed copies are available from Amazon and other online retailers.
    [Show full text]
  • Conflict and Crisis in South Sudan's Equatoria
    SPECIAL REPORT NO. 493 | APRIL 2021 UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org Conflict and Crisis in South Sudan’s Equatoria By Alan Boswell Contents Introduction ...................................3 Descent into War ..........................4 Key Actors and Interests ............ 9 Conclusion and Recommendations ...................... 16 Thomas Cirillo, leader of the Equatoria-based National Salvation Front militia, addresses the media in Rome on November 2, 2019. (Photo by Andrew Medichini/AP) Summary • In 2016, South Sudan’s war expand- Equatorians—a collection of diverse South Sudan’s transitional period. ed explosively into the country’s minority ethnic groups—are fighting • On a national level, conflict resolu- southern region, Equatoria, trig- for more autonomy, local or regional, tion should pursue shared sover- gering a major refugee crisis. Even and a remedy to what is perceived eignty among South Sudan’s con- after the 2018 peace deal, parts of as (primarily) Dinka hegemony. stituencies and regions, beyond Equatoria continue to be active hot • Equatorian elites lack the external power sharing among elites. To spots for national conflict. support to viably pursue their ob- resolve underlying grievances, the • The war in Equatoria does not fit jectives through violence. The gov- political process should be expand- neatly into the simplified narratives ernment in Juba, meanwhile, lacks ed to include consultations with of South Sudan’s war as a power the capacity and local legitimacy to local community leaders. The con- struggle for the center; nor will it be definitively stamp out the rebellion. stitutional reform process of South addressed by peacebuilding strate- Both sides should pursue a nego- Sudan’s current transitional period gies built off those precepts.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 AU Commission of Inquiry on South Sudan Addis Ababa, Ethiopia P. O
    AU Commission of Inquiry on South Sudan Addis Ababa, Ethiopia P. O. Box 3243 Telephone: +251 11 551 7700 / +251 11 518 25 58/ Ext 2558 Website: http://www.au.int/en/auciss Original: English FINAL REPORT OF THE AFRICAN UNION COMMISSION OF INQUIRY ON SOUTH SUDAN ADDIS ABABA 15 OCTOBER 2014 1 Table of Contents ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ............................................................................................... 3 ABBREVIATIONS ........................................................................................................... 5 CHAPTER I ..................................................................................................................... 7 INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 8 CHAPTER II .................................................................................................................. 34 INSTITUTIONS IN SOUTH SUDAN .............................................................................. 34 CHAPTER III ............................................................................................................... 110 EXAMINATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS AND OTHER ABUSES DURING THE CONFLICT: ACCOUNTABILITY ......................................................................... 111 CHAPTER IV ............................................................................................................... 233 ISSUES ON HEALING AND RECONCILIATION .......................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Human Security in Sudan: the Report of a Canadian Assessment Mission
    Human Security in Sudan: The Report of a Canadian Assessment Mission Prepared for the Minister of Foreign Affairs Ottawa, January 2000 Disclaimer: This report was prepared by Mr. John Harker for the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade. The views and opinions contained in this report are not necessarily those of the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade. 1 Human Security in Sudan: Executive Summary 1 Introduction On October 26, 1999, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Lloyd Axworthy and the Minister for International Co-operation, Maria Minna, announced several Canadian initiatives to bolster international efforts backing a negotiated settlement to the 43-year civil war in Sudan, including the announcement of an assessment mission to Sudan to examine allegations about human rights abuses, including the practice of slavery. There are few other parts of the world where human security is so lacking, and where the need for peace and security - precursors to sustainable development - is so pronounced. Canada's commitment to human security, particularly the protection of civilians in armed conflict, provides a clear basis for its involvement in Sudan and its support for the peace process. Charm Offensive, or Signs of Progress? Following the visit to Khartoum of an EU Mission, a political dialogue was launched by the European Union on November 11 1999. The EU was of the view that there has been sufficient progress in Sudan to warrant a renewed dialogue. In this view, there has been a positive change, and it is necessary to encourage the Sudanese, and push them further where there is need.
    [Show full text]
  • South Sudan: Jonglei – “We Have Always Been at War”
    South Sudan: Jonglei – “We Have Always Been at War” Africa Report N°221 | 22 December 2014 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Jonglei’s Conflicts Before the Civil War ........................................................................... 3 A. Perpetual Armed Rebellion ....................................................................................... 3 B. The Politics of Inter-Communal Conflict .................................................................. 4 1. The communal is political .................................................................................... 4 2. Mixed messages: Government response to intercommunal violence ................. 7 3. Ethnically-targeted civilian disarmament ........................................................... 8 C. Region over Ethnicity? Shifting Alliances between the Bahr el Ghazal Dinka, Greater Bor Dinka and Nuer ...................................................................................... 9 III. South Sudan’s Civil War in Jonglei .................................................................................. 12 A. Armed Factions in Jonglei ........................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Abyei Jenn Christian and John Prendergast October 11, 2012
    Forgotten Again: How the World Has Failed Abyei Jenn Christian and John Prendergast October 11, 2012 On September 27, 2012, Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir and South Sudanese President Salva Kiir signed agreements concerning a host of issues resulting from South Sudan’s July 2011 secession. The agreements concern issues of oil and other financial matters, border security, and citizenship. They represent the culmination of a nearly two and half year-long negotiation process and, if implemented, have the potential to further consolidate peace and security within and between the two Sudans. However, the suc- cess of these agreements ultimately hinges on the resolution of the remaining outstand- ing issues on which the two presidents were unable to agree, chief among them the final status of the disputed Abyei area. Straddling the ill-defined international border separating the two Sudans, Abyei is the traditional homeland of the nine Ngok Dinka chiefdoms, a group with strong ethnic, cultural, and linguistic ties with the Dinka of South Sudan. Misseriya herders, members of a northern nomadic Arab tribe, seasonally traverse the Abyei area with their cattle. While Abyei was administratively transferred to the North in 1905, its Ngok Dinka inhabitants sided with the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement, or SPLM, and its pre- decessor, the Anyanya movement, during Sudan’s successive North-South civil wars.1 Despite Abyei’s central role as a catalyst for North-South tensions, the international com- munity has historically dodged the difficult issue of the area’s final status – or the question of whether the area should be part of Sudan or South Sudan – and, in doing so, has repeat- edly sacrificed the safety, security, and livelihoods of the Ngok Dinka people for the sake of other concerns and interests.
    [Show full text]
  • The War(S) in South Sudan: Local Dimensions of Conflict, Governance, and the Political Marketplace
    Conflict Research Programme The War(s) in South Sudan: Local Dimensions of Conflict, Governance, and the Political Marketplace Flora McCrone in collaboration with the Bridge Network About the Authors Flora McCrone is an independent researcher based in East Africa. She has specialised in research on conflict, armed groups, and political transition across the Horn region for the past nine years. Flora holds a master’s degree in Human Rights from LSE and a bachelor’s degree in Anthropology from Durham University. The Bridge Network is a group of eight South Sudanese early career researchers based in Nimule, Gogrial, Yambio, Wau, Leer, Mayendit, Abyei, Juba PoC 1, and Malakal. The Bridge Network members are embedded in the communities in which they conduct research. The South Sudanese researchers formed the Bridge Network in November 2017. The team met annually for joint analysis between 2017-2020 in partnership with the Conflict Research Programme. About the Conflict Research Programme The Conflict Research Programme is a four-year research programme hosted by LSE IDEAS, the university’s foreign policy think tank. It is funded by the UK Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office. Our goal is to understand and analyse the nature of contemporary conflict and to identify international interventions that ‘work’ in the sense of reducing violence or contributing more broadly to the security of individuals and communities who experience conflict. © Flora McCrone and the Bridge Network, February 2021. This work is licenced under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License which permits use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
    [Show full text]
  • A Case Study of South Sudan by Moses
    AN EXAMINATION OF THE ROLE OF CONFLICT RESOLUTION MECHANISMS IN ARMED CONFLICT SITUATIONS: A CASE STUDY OF SOUTH SUDAN BY MOSES MAKER MAGOK LLB/16625/113/D F A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE SCHOOL OF LAW IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE AW ARD OF THE DEGREE OF BACHELOR OF LAWS OF KAMP ALA INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITY JANUARY, 2017 DECLARATION "I MOSES MAKER MAGOK declare that the work presented in this dissertation is original. It has never been presented to any other University or Institution. It is hereby presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the award of the Bachelor Degree in Law of Kampala International University". Signature: --~ -------- Date: _{?_ _j_~J~J:j- APPROVAL BY THE SUPERVISOR "I certify that I have supervised and read this study and that in my opinion, it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully in scope and quality as a di ssertation in partial fulfillment for the award of Degree of Bachelor of Law of Kampala International University". Name of Supervisor: Mr.Tajudeen Sanni Signature: -- ~ ------------ Date: ------b/J ---------------')_--- -------------1---:::r-- --------- ( ii DEDICATION I dedicate this book to my dear and lovely wife Deborah Yar Majok and the entire family of Dhor Athian Liai and to my parents both Dad and Mum namely: Magok Majok Dhor and lovely Mum Mary Nyitur Y omdit for their adequate supports and prayers they rendered to me during my studies that gave me success leading to award of Bachelor Degree of Laws of Kampala International University. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS There are many people who deserve special thanks for helping me in getting the information about this research topic of which it had facilitated the completion of my thesis.
    [Show full text]
  • Sudan's Oilfields Burn Again
    AFRICA Briefing Nairobi/Brussels, 10 February 2003 SUDAN’S OILFIELDS BURN AGAIN: BRINKMANSHIP ENDANGERS THE PEACE PROCESS I. OVERVIEW seeing it through to success in the next several months. In the first instance that means insisting on full implementation of the newly agreed Sudan’s peace process survived a major challenge in ceasefire provisions including an active role for the first weeks of the new year. Indeed, signature by the authorised verification team and the the parties of a strengthened cessation of hostilities withdrawal of troops to the positions they agreement on 4 February and a memorandum of occupied before the offensive. Holding the parties understanding codifying points of agreement on publicly accountable for violations will be key in outstanding issues of power and wealth sharing two ensuring their seriousness at the negotiating table. days later indicates that the momentum to end the twenty-year old conflict is strong. However, the The offensive from late December until the crisis produced by a government-sponsored beginning of February was an extension of the offensive in the Western Upper Nile oilfields at the government’s long-time strategy of depopulating oil- end of 2002 and through January raised questions rich areas through indiscriminate attacks on civilians about the Khartoum government’s commitment to in order to clear the way for further development of peace and showed that much more attention needs to infrastructure. Eyewitness accounts confirm that the be paid to pro-government southern militias and the tactics included the abduction of women and commercial and political agendas for which they are children, gang rapes, ground assaults supported by being used.
    [Show full text]
  • Small Arms Survey/HSBA: "The Conflict in Unity State"
    The Conflict in Unity State Describing events through 29 January 2015 It is now thirteen months since the beginning of the South Sudanese conflict. Both the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army in Opposition (SPLM/A-IO) have spent the rainy season reinforcing their military positions in Unity state—as elsewhere—in anticipation of a dry season military campaign. The beginning of 2015 has already seen clashes just south of Bentiu—the state capital—in Guit county, and around the oil fields of Rubkona and Pariang counties. As of January 2015, the SPLA maintains control of the northern and western counties of Pariang and Abiemnom, as well as of Bentiu. The SPLA-IO controls Unity’s southern counties, and much of Guit and Rubkona. Mayom, a strategically important county that contains the road from Warrap state— along which SPLA reinforcements could travel—is largely under the control of the SPLA. As dry season begins, the frontlines are just south of Bentiu, in Guit and Rubkona, and just north and west of the oil fields in Rubkona and Pariang: both the oil fields and the state capital will be important SPLA-IO strategic targets in the coming months. Peace negotiations, which continued during the rainy season, have failed to overcome the substantial divergences between the two sides’ positions. An intra-SPLM dialogue recently took place in Arusha, Tanzania, and resulted in an agreement signed on 21 January by the SPLM, SPLM-IO, and the representative of the SPLM detainees, Deng Alor.
    [Show full text]