At Least Weekly: the Reformed Doctrine of the Lord's Supper and Of

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At Least Weekly: the Reformed Doctrine of the Lord's Supper and Of MJT 11 (2000) 147-169 AT LEAST WEEKLY: THE REFORMED DOCTRINE OF THE LORD’S SUPPER AND OF ITS FREQUENT CELEBRATION by Michael S. Horton ONLY A YEAR after the city of Geneva officially embraced the Reformation, John Calvin drew up Articles for Organization of the Church and Worship at Geneva (1537). Even this early in his career as a reformer he asserted in the Articles, “[I]t is certain that a Church cannot be said to be well ordered and regulated unless in it the Holy Supper of our Lord is always being celebrated and frequented....”1 For Calvin, Holy Communion was integral to the ordinary ministry of Christ’s church. Rather than thinking of the Supper as an occasional add-on to the regular service, Calvin’s liturgy was a service of word and sacrament. As John T. McNeill reminds us, even discipline was related to the Eucharist: “The ‘reason’ for the Calvinist discipline is not, as is often supposed, to be discovered in premises of ethical or scriptural legalism, but in the sense of ‘the Holy’ and in reverence for the sacrament as the meeting of Christ and his people, and of the people as one body of Christ.”2 But what does “always being celebrated and frequented” mean? As is well known to readers of this journal, 1John Calvin, “Articles concerning the Organization of the Church and of Worship at Geneva proposed by the Ministers at the Council, January 16, 1537,” Calvin: Theological Treatises, Library of Christian Classics, ed. and trans. J. K. L. Reid (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1954), 48. 2John T. McNeill, The History and Character of Calvinism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1954), 138-9. 148 • MID-AMERICA JOURNAL OF THEOLOGY Calvin understood it as “whenever the word is preached, at least every Sunday” — a directive that we will consider below. Our purpose in this article is threefold: (1) to trace the broad contours of Calvin’s eucharistic theology, particularly in contrast to Zwingli’s doctrine; (2) to explore the general devaluation of the Calvinian and confessional doctrine of the Supper within later Reformed theology; and (3) to offer an exegetical rationale for frequent communion and respond to common objections, with some concluding observations. Contours of Reformed Eucharistic Theology Contrary to what we might expect, there was no frequent communion for the laity in the Middle Ages. Once or twice a year, perhaps, the laity in a given parish would receive communion—and then only the bread. While mass would be said more frequently, the multiplication of ceremonies and superstition separated the people from the communion of Christ. Thus, the typical medieval liturgy was the so-called prone service, structured around the preaching of the word rather than both word and sacrament. It is a complete service (pronaus); but it is not a mass. Purged of a few offensive aspects, Zwingli’s liturgy was essentially the medieval prone service and this was followed by other Reformed churches—at least until Calvin arrived.3 Like Martin Bucer, Calvin was not satisfied with this preaching service and labored to construct a moderate, purified liturgy of word and sacrament. Even when all hopes of weekly communion were dashed, Calvin insisted on retaining the word- and-sacrament pattern—with or without the Supper itself. In Strasbourg, Calvin was able to develop and enact his liturgy, The Form of Prayers and Manner of Ministering the Sacrament according to the Use of the Ancient Church (1540). Appending an essay on the Supper to the 1542 and 1545 editions of the service, Calvin begins, “The Eucharist is the communion of the body and blood of the Lord.” 3See Gordon S. Wakefield, An Outline of Christian Worship (Edinburgh: T & T Clark Ltd., 1998), 72ff., and James F. White, Protestant Worship: Traditions in Transition (Louisville: Westminster/John Knox Press, 1989), 58-69. AT LEAST WEEKLY • 149 Consequently, the people must learn “the necessity of their frequent participation in the flesh and blood of the Lord as well as to its great benefits, which are received from this participation and mastication.”4 As in Geneva, the Strasbourg city council refused to grant weekly communion, despite the pleas of both Calvin and Bucer. Ironically, Calvin met resistance on this point not because he was too “high church” (a common allegation today), but because of what at that time was the common and familiar medieval practice. After all, the Fourth Lateran Council (1215), in canon 21, required Communion to be an annual rite, which led to a restricted annual use of the sacrament. The conservatism of the city council at this point makes the council rather than Calvin more congenial to Rome. In polemical moments, Calvin could even on occasion fire a shot across the council’s bow under the guise of attacking Rome. For instance, in the Institutes he writes, “Plainly this custom which enjoins us to take communion once a year is a veritable invention of the devil, whoever was instrumental in introducing it” (4.17.46). It clearly cannot be derived from ancient custom any more than from Scripture: “For there is not the least doubt that the Sacred Supper was in that era set before the believers every time they met together....” (4.17.46). Instead, the medieval church should never have kept Christ’s flock from their nourishment: “the Lord’s Table should have been spread at least once a week for the assembly of Christians, and the promises declared in it should feed us spiritually.... All, like hungry men, should flock to such a bounteous repast.” And he cites Chrysostom’s own lamentation that in his day “in vain we stand before the altar; there is no one who will partake along with us” (4.17.46). “What we have so far said of the Sacrament abundantly shows that it was not ordained to be received only once a year—and that, too, perfunctorily, as now is the usual custom. Rather, it was ordained to be frequently used among all Christians...” (4.17.44). 4Mary Beaty and Benjamin W. Farley, ed., Calvin’s Ecclesiastical Advice (Louisville, Kentucky: Westminster/John Knox, 1991), 165. 150 • MID-AMERICA JOURNAL OF THEOLOGY Calivin urges frequency for two reasons particularly: first, for what God does through the Supper for believers (viz., feeding them with Christ and all his benefits); second, for that unity and charity that the Holy Spirit creates among his people through it. Furthermore, Acts 2:42 indicates, says Calvin, that “the breaking of bread and the prayers” was part of the regular service of the Lord’s day and he cites ancient church orders for secondary support. Innovation arose not with Calvin, but with the medieval church which had, along with so much else, abandoned the sufficiency of Scripture in regulating worship. The innovation was infrequent communion among the laity. As the breaking of bread was to be frequent, so too “the prayers,” as Acts 2:42 indicates. When we note the presence of the article in Greek, it is not too great a step to the earliest liturgies of word and sacrament. As for Calvin’s form, writes John T. McNeill: The prayer of confession is followed by a declaration by the minister of absolution from sin for all who truly repent. This is followed by the singing of the First Table of the Decalogue, each Commandment being followed by the Kyrie Eleison [“Lord, have mercy”]. After a short prayer the Commandments of the Second Table are sung.... The sermon, the collection of alms, and a long paraphrase of the Lord’s Prayer lead to the communion rite...Calvin’s plan that the Lord’s Supper be celebrated in one of the three parishes each month and in all thrice a year was altered to provide for a communion in all churches four times a year, at Christmas, Easter, Pentecost, and on the first Sunday in September. 5 When it came to assurance, Calvin directed bruised reeds to Christ as he is objectively held out in the preached gospel and in the sacraments.6 This emphasis finds expression in answer sixty- five of the Heidelberg Catechism: “The Holy Spirit produces [faith] in our hearts by the preaching of the holy gospel, and 5McNeill, The History and Character of Calvinism, 150, 164-65. 6Cf. Ronald S. Wallace, Calvin, Geneva and the Reformation (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1988), 274. AT LEAST WEEKLY • 151 confirms it through our use of the holy sacraments.” If, however, assurance is to be attained chiefly by introspection, it easily follows that the sacraments will be regarded as testimonies to our piety rather as God’s objective ministry of the gospel. The foregoing points up the importance of one’s convictions concerning the nature of the sacrament itself. For instance, we know that Zwingli did not affirm the true feeding on Christ and his benefits through the Supper. In fact, he preferred the term “Eucharist” (thanksgiving) for obvious reasons: “We therefore now understand from the very name what the Eucharist, that is, the Lord’s Supper, is: namely, the thanksgiving and common rejoicing of those who declare the death of Christ, that is, trumpet, praise, confess, and exalt his name above all others.”7 Zwingli’s errors on this point may be summarized in the following manner. First, revealing his enormous debt to Platonism, Zwingli could not see how the invisible and the visible, the spiritual and the incarnate, the holy and the common, faith and tangible props could stand together. For him, it was either the one or the other, and this is seen most clearly in his exposition of John 6, where Jesus offers his flesh and blood as true food and drink.
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