Online Intermediaries, Prices, and Survival: A Study of OpenTable and New York City Restaurants Cristobal Cheyre1& Alessandro Acquisti2 Heinz College, Carnegie Mellon University
Preliminary Draft Please do not Circulate/Quote without Authors’ Permission Date of this Version: September 2018
Abstract In recent years, several online platforms have emerged across different industries to mediate previously direct business-to-consumer transactions. Examples include Uber, Airbnb, and OpenTable. These platforms transform legacy industries in two ways: They leverage data and connectivity to reduce costs related to search, replication, transportation, tracking, and verification. They also act as two-sided markets, introducing network dynamics to otherwise traditional industries, which gives substantial market power to intermediaries. We use the case of OpenTable (an online restaurant reservation platform) to investigate how the rise of digital intermediaries affects legacy players in an industry. We develop a model to predict restaurants’ adoption decisions and the effect of adoption on prices, profits, and consumer surplus. As long as OT can be used to poach customers from competitors, the adoption decision can be configured as a prisoner’s dilemma for a restaurant. Restaurants join the platform to attract customers from competitors or to protect their clientele from adopters. Even assuming a scenario where OT has no effect on expanding aggregate demand, and thus restaurant couldn’t expect to attract additional customers by joining the platform, all restaurants would still have incentives to join to protect their clientele. Our model predicts that increasing adoption leads to higher prices, as restaurant pass down the costs of the platform to diners through price, and has no effect on profits. To test these predictions, we compile a dataset containing prices, survival, and OpenTable participation for over 6,000 restaurants in NYC between 2005 and 2016. Our empirical analysis confirms the predictions of the model. Adoption by competitors influences a restaurant’s adoption decision; restaurants that join the platform raise prices more than other restaurants, even after controlling for factors that may simultaneously affect adoption and prices; and, over the long-term, participating in OT doesn’t seem to increase the likelihood of business survival.
1 [email protected] 2 [email protected]
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1 Introduction
In recent years, we have witnessed the migration of traditionally offline arm-length transactions to the online world, where business-to-consumer transactions become mediated by digital platforms. These new services are offered by innovators that carve roles for themselves as intermediaries in previously direct transactions, or that have devised alternative means of providing existing services. Uber and Lyft have done so for personal transportation, Airbnb for lodging, and OpenTable for restaurant reservations. Advocates of these technologies portray them as innovations with the potential of benefitting the various parties that participate in them. Thanks to data analytics and connectivity, these services may unlock excess capacity of shareable goods and put them to work (Benkler 2004; Lobel 2016), allow for flexible arrangements of employment (Chen et al. 2017; Rosenblat 2016; Hall and Kruger 2016), and ultimately can generate new gains from trade (Fariberger and Sundararajan 2015) and increase consumer surplus (Cohen et al. 2016). Incumbents in the industries being disrupted do not hold such positive views. Critics contend that these platforms generate profits by engaging in regulatory arbitrage (Tomasetti 2016; Pollman and Barry 2016) and use technology to redefine employment relationships to their advantage (Rosenblat and Stark 2016; Berger et al. 2018; Cherry 2016).
As online platforms become the central marketplaces in several industries, understanding the benefits they create, what are the underlying economic mechanisms of those gains, and how they are distributed among different stakeholders becomes increasingly relevant. The changes brought upon by the emergence of online intermediaries depend on the interplay of two forces. From one side, the digital nature of online intermediaries may alleviate market imperfections and create new gains from trade by reducing costs related to search, replication, transportation, tracking, and verification (Goldfarb and Tucker, 2017). From the other side, these innovations are often two-sided markets, where intermediaries yield significant power on how transactions occur (Calo and Rosenblat, 2017). Two-sided markets are characterized by the existence of externalities between the parties participating in them, and the inability of those parties to negotiate away these benefits/costs (Rochet and Tirole; 2003, 2006). A common concern of this literature is how the price structure imposed by the platform affects participation (Edelman and Wright, 2015a), and how pricing conditions may lead to overuse of the platform, which results in an increase in retail prices and an overinvestment in (sometimes wasteful) consumers’ benefit (Edelman and Wright, 2015b). To determine the net effect of the introduction of online intermediary platforms, it is necessary to simultaneously consider the potential efficiency gains created by technology, along with how stakeholders’ actions are influenced by the incentives introduced by platforms.
In this paper, we highlight the importance of platform design by studying how an intermediary platform that charges sellers and subsidizes buyers may be adopted by sellers even if in the long-term they would get no benefits from participating in it. We first develop an analytical model to explain the adoption decision and the consequences it has for prices, profits, and consumer surplus. We then test how the predictions of our model
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compare to the outcomes experienced by restaurant and diners after the introduction of online reservation platforms. To do so, we compile a dataset containing prices, survival, and OpenTable (OT) participation for over 6,000 restaurants in New York City (NYC) between 2005 and 2016. The restaurant industry in NYC and OT provides expedient setup for our study for several reasons. First and foremost, OT is a relatively “clean” example of an innovator getting in between a relation that was previously established by other means: With OT, little has changed in the restaurant industry besides a new system for making reservations. Secondly, OT is a long-lived service that was created before the dot-com bubble and that achieved high adoption rates over time.3 Finally, the restaurant industry is an important part of NYC’s economic activity and there is plenty of information to leverage for our study. According to the National Restaurant Associations (2018), restaurants in New York accounted for 9% of employment in the state and had sales of $43.3 billion in 2017. Over half of restaurants in the state are located in NYC. We use information from NYC’s department of health and mental health (DOHMH) to identify all active restaurants in the city, as well as annual surveys on a select number of restaurants published by Zagat to obtain prices. Participation of restaurants in OT is obtained from historical snapshots of the platform’s website stored in the Internet Wayback Machine.
We model OT adoption as a form of Hotelling competition with differentiated goods. Restaurateurs must choose whether to adopt an innovation that, for an increase in marginal cost, offer customers additional utility. The key prediction of the model is that a prisoner’s dilemma arises when adopting the technology allows restaurants to poach customers from competitors. All restaurants have incentives to join the platform to steal clients from competitors, or to protect its clientele from adopters. Even if we assume OT has no effect on expanding aggregate demand, and restaurants cannot expect to attract additional customers by joining the platform, all restaurants would still have incentives to join to protect their clientele. As we show in the discussion section, this is not a farfetched assumption. While OT achieved remarkable adoption rates in NYC between 2008 and 2017, the restaurant industry in the city grew slower than the industry in the rest of the country, and slower than other industries in New York. Under this assumption, our model predicts that increasing adoption leads to higher prices and has no effect on profits.
A hurdle for our empirical analysis is that the decision to join OpenTable is endogenous and likely correlated with our dependent variables. It is reasonable to expect that higher quality restaurants are more likely to adopt an innovation that enhances diners’ experience, and at the same time those restaurants are more likely to command higher prices and have better survival chances. To account for this, we employ three different strategies. We first take advantage of the 12 years of panel data we compiled on restaurant prices and OT adoption to implement a difference-in-difference analysis. This approach does not entirely eliminate the
3 OpenTable was founded in 1998. In mid-2014 it was acquired by the Priceline Group Inc. in an all cash offer valued at US$2.6 billions. Currently the platform serves over 40,000 restaurants in 20 countries.
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endogeneity concerns, as it cannot account for time-varying variables that simultaneously influence restaurants’ likelihood of adopting OT, and restaurants’ prices. Thus, to account time-varying characteristics that influence self-selection, we use a Heckman-style endogenous treatment effect model. As exclusion condition, we use the OT adoption rate by neighboring restaurants that serve food in a different cuisine. We expect adoption by this group of restaurants to influence adoption by increasing awareness about the platform, but not to influence demand and prices, as competition between restaurants in different (broadly defined) cuisines is moderate. The last strategy is based on the observation that what really drives price increase is not OT adoption per se, but the fraction of guests that use OT to make their reservations. While the adoption decision is endogenous, restaurants have little control over how guests make reservations. Thus, relating price increases with the fraction of guests that use OT to make reservations is less affected by endogeneity. To obtain a proxy for the fraction of guests that use OT we collect information on the number of reviews received by restaurants on OT and Yelp. Throughout the different specifications, we find that as OT adoption increases, the cost of the platform is passed down to diners through price. We find no evidence of OT participation having a significant effect on increasing the likelihood of survival of adopters.
This work is related to prior research on the effects of digital markets on search and matching, and to an emerging literature on the economic impacts of online platforms on participants and on displaced incumbents. A rich literature has examined how the reduction of search costs introduced by digital markets affects prices (Brynjolfosson and Smith, 2000; Brown and Goolsbee, 2002; Zettelmeyer and Silva-Risso, 2001; Orlov, 2001), brand differentiation (Waldfogel and Chen, 2006), and product variety (Yang, 2013; Anderson, 2006; Bryjonlfsson et al. 2011). This literature finds that online markets introduce downward pressure on prices, create opportunities for brands to highlight unique attributes, and increase the availability of niche products. More recent research has analyzed how online platforms facilitate matching, and how they affect legacy markets. For example, Zervas et al. (2017) show how AirBnb allows supply of accommodations to enter the market quickly during periods of peak demand. They also show the platform has had a negative impact on hotels’ revenues and occupancy rates in the state of Texas. Others have shown how the introduction of Craigslists caused a sharp drop on sales of classified ads by traditional newspapers (Kroft and Pope 2014; Seamans and Zhu 2014) and had a positive effect on decreasing rental and home vacancies (Kroft and Pope 2014). We contribute to this literature by showing how the adoption of OT has affected restaurants and diners in NYC.
Our paper is also related to research that has examined competition and pricing strategies in two-sided markets. A common concern of this literature has been how intermediaries may manipulate demand to increase use of their services, and thus their profits. Several works have studied how credit card rewards programs may lead to excessive use of such cards and introduce distortions in goods and services’ prices. The key argument is that the use of credit cards is costly for merchants, which creates incentives for them to increase prices to recover the fees paid in credit card interchange fees (Prager et al. 2009). This results in complex re-distributional
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dynamics between those who benefit from the existence of credit cards reward programs (Hayashi 2009), and those who end up paying for those benefits (Schuh et al. 2010). Rysman and Wright (2014) provide a review of theoretical contributions on interchange fees in credit cards and discuss how they can inform public policy. Testing the prescriptions of this literature empirically is difficult. The vast nature of credit card usage and payment networks makes collecting representative information on merchants, credit card users, credit card issuers, and banks interchange fees unfeasible. However, credit cards are not the only intermediaries where this problem arises. Edelman and Wright (2015a) argue a key feature of credit cards is that they enforce price coherence, which means that sellers cannot charge a different price to buyers that use credit cards. They provide several examples of other intermediaries where this rule applies. In a theoretical contribution, Edelman and Wright (2015b) show how an intermediary that enforces price coherence can profitably increase demand for its services, which leads to increased prices, excessive use of the intermediaries’ service, over-investment in benefits to buyers, and could lead to reduced consumer surplus. We contribute to this literature by providing empirical evidence of how the adoption of an intermediary that operates under price coherence has led to price inflation, and discuss how the platform has affected sellers’ profits and consumer surplus.
Our analytical model and empirical results highlight the importance of understanding the tradeoffs between the gains generated by analytics and connectivity in online platforms and the distortions that may be introduced by the platforms’ design. Our analysis of OT suggests that, even though the platform is free for diners to use, in the long term they end up paying for the costs of the platform through price increases. This doesn’t mean that the platform is welfare destroying, as while diners face higher prices, they also benefit from lower search costs due to the convenience of making reservations online. However, it does imply that the platform’s realized benefits and costs may be different from its intended contribution. The paper is organized as follows. In section II we provide a brief description of OT, its evolution over time in NYC, and the opinion of some restaurateurs about the platform. Section III presents our analytical model. Section IV describes our data and empirical strategy. Section V introduces the empirical results. Finally, in section VI we discuss our findings and provide some remarks regarding the limitations, economics significance, welfare consequences, and broader implications of our results.
2 OpenTable and the Restaurant Industry in New York City
OpenTable was founded in 1998 by Chuck Templeton after he came up with the idea of an online restaurant-reservation service after her wife spent hours on the phone trying to secure a reservation. It consists of an online platform that allows restaurants to manage their bookings using a table management terminal, and lets diners find and secure available tables online. To participate in the platform, under the standard service at the time we study, restaurants paid a setup fee of around US$700 (depending on options selected), a monthly fee of US$250, and a cover fee of US$1 per guest. Restaurants participating in OT can choose the number of
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tables they make available for booking online. For diners, using the platform to make reservations is free. In addition, diners receive rewards for completed reservations. Roughly, diners get a US$20 gift certificate (valid for paying at restaurants that participate in OT) every 20 reservations they complete. During its long life, OT has developed loyalty among diners, and while it has attracted open criticism from some restaurateurs, its adoption rate is remarkable. According to data from NYC’s DOHMH, in 2014 there were ~24,000 active food establishments in the city, of which ~6,800 were categorized as restaurants with wait service. Figure 1 shows the number of restaurants in NYC participating in OT over time. In the early 2000s, only a couple hundred restaurants participated in the platform, a figure that grew to ~2,000 restaurants by 2014. Considering that not all restaurants accept reservations, having about a third of the restaurants in the city (with wait service) sign up for the platform is notable. Adoption of online reservation systems by diners was also remarkable by 2014. In the 2014 Zagat Survey, 56% of surveyors reported they typically make reservations online (Zagat 2014, pp. 5).
Figure 1: Number of Restaurants in NYC that Participate in OT over Time, by Price Range (Price Ranges as Reported by OT in its website).
To understand the benefits that an online platform provides its users, it is important to contrast the intended value proposition with the realized value. How a platform is used by its adopters will influence whether the proposed contribution materializes or not. The case of OT is telling. Its value proposition for restaurants is to help them fill additional seats. For a restaurant, each seat that goes unused is effectively lost revenue that cannot be recouped. Thus, even though paying a fee to acquire additional guests reduces those customers’ profitability, it is better than having empty seats. Intuitively, restaurants that should be more willing to adopt OT are those with higher prices (and presumably higher per-seat net revenue) and those with a lot of unused capacity. Looking at figure 1, the first restaurants to join OT were mid and high range priced establishments. This makes sense, as these are the kind of places that benefit the most from attracting additional clients. However, once adoption reaches a threshold, less expensive restaurants, which conceivably have less to gain
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from the platform, start adopting rapidly. To understand what the cause of this trend could be, consider what happens after many restaurants and diners are participating in the platform. While restaurants would prefer to use OT only for seats that usually go unused, diners will always prefer to book through OT as it is more convenient than other alternatives and it gives them rewards. Once enough diners and restaurants have joined the platform, not participating in the platform (or restricting the number of seats available in it) becomes risky. If a potential customer does not find a seat available through the platform, it may just choose a competing restaurant with open seats in OT, instead of attempting to make the reservation by other means. This creates a tension between restaurants and diners, as restaurateurs complain that customers overuse the platform, and that OT does not bring enough additional guests. For example,4 Anjan Mitra - the proprietor of a popular Indian Restaurant– was quoted by New York Times saying that he paid as much as $50,000 per month to OpenTable and got little additional business from the platform. In his own words: “I don’t mind paying OpenTable for new customers, but OpenTable was charging me for customers I already had and knew well.”
Criticism against the platform by restaurateurs has been common. In a particularly detailed critique, San Francisco restaurateur Mark Pastore wrote a detailed blog post on his restaurant’s webpage on why he thought OT was a poor bargain for restaurant owners. The post gained notoriety and sparked notes on several newspapers, including The New York Times5. Pastore’s argument is that, initially, the reservation system makes sense for the restaurant. It helps fill up unused capacity, and while the per table margin on the tables booked via the service will be lower due to the fee, it is still better than having empty tables. The problem arises when OT starts taking up reservations that were previously done through other means (typically over the phone with little to no added cost to the restaurant). Once most reservations start coming through OT, fees add up to tens of thousands of dollars a year and the restaurant’s profitability is significantly affected. At that point, even though the restauranteur starts resenting the fees, he feels locked into the platform as he fears losing most of his clientele if he parts ways with OT.
3 A Model of OpenTable Adoption and its Effects for Restaurants and Diners.
In this section we present a simple two restaurants model to explain a restaurant’s OT adoption decision, the response of its competitor, and the implications that adoption of the platform has over prices, profits, and consumer surplus. Our model is not focused on considering different types network externalities in multi-sided platforms, and instead takes as given the participation and price structure used by OT. Rochet and Tirole (2006) and Armstrong (2005) provide comprehensive theoretical models that account for usage externalities and/or membership externalities under different settings. We also don’t attempt to demonstrate
4 https://www.nytimes.com/2017/08/29/dining/opentable-restaurant-reservations.html 5 http://www.nytimes.com/2010/12/12/business/12digi.html.
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how price coherence may lead to inflated prices and over use of the platform under different conditions. Edelman and Wright (2015b) provide a detailed account of the implications of price coherence. Our focus is to show how a platform with OT’s structure, which is shared by many online intermediaries, may lead sellers to the strategic decision of adopting the platform even under assumptions implying that, in the long term, they cannot expect to gain much from participating in it.
We consider a Hotelling model in which two restaurants (a and b) serve a continuum unit mass of consumers uniformly distributed over a unit length interval. We normalize the cost of production to zero and assume that restaurants’ locations are exogenously given as l and (1-l). A consumer that is located at a distance x from a restaurant and buys one unit from it, obtains a utility 휇 and incurs in a transportation cost of 푡푥 . We assume that 휇 is high enough that, in all scenarios considered, all consumers buy one unit from one of the two restaurants (in the conclusions section we explain how this restriction can be relaxed, and how it would change the prescriptions of the model). In our model, we interpret the location of a consumer as its preferred variation of restaurant, and the transportation cost as the disutility of consuming a unit different from the preferred variation. If a restaurant charges Pi per unit, then the utility of a consumer located in x is: