The selection and condition of of low- income Mexican- American pre-school children

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Authors Stanley, Memoree Sue Osborn, 1944-

Publisher The University of Arizona.

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Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/347669 THE SELECTION M D CONDITION OF CLOTHING OF

LOW-INCOME MEXICM-AMERICAN

PRE-SCHOOL CHILDREN

by .

Memoree Sue Stanley

A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the

SCHOOL OF HOME ECONOMICS

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of

MASTER OF SCIENCE

In the Graduate College

THE UNIVERSITY. OF ARIZONA

19 6 9 STATEMENT BY AUTHOR

• This thesis has been submitted in partial fulfillment of re­ quirements for an advanced degree at The University of Arizona and is deposited in the University Library to be made available to borrowers under rules of the' Library.

Brief quotations from this thesis are allowable without special permission, provided that accurate acknowledgment of source is made. Requests for permission for extended quotation from or re­ production of this manuscript in whole or in part may be granted by the head of the major department or the Dean of the Graduate College when in his judgment the proposed use of the material is in the in­ terests of scholarship. In all other instances, however, permission must be Obtained from the author.

APPROVAL BY THESIS DIRECTOR

This thesis has been approved on the date shown below:

DAWN Ho TUTTLE Assistant Professor of Family Economics Home Management ACKN WLEDGMENTS

- Though the creation of the tool, the collection of data, and written report reflect the ideas .of the author, a thesis is not often produced by one individual alone. Many people are involved from the counseling to the mechanics. Now a special thank-you to those who helped with this thesis.

To the Tucson School District Number 1 Head Start Program which ■ provided the population, thank you for your cooperation and support.

To Lillian Hodkins (Mrs. Harvey), who provided families for the interview schedule pretest, thank you for your assistance and comments.

To Dr. Dawn Tuttle, under whose superb guidance the paper was written, a special thanks for patience, faith,, and constructive criticism. '

To Miss Ruth Allen, who consulted with Dr. Tuttle on the de­ velopment of the questionnaire and on the writing of the paper, thank you for your steadfast support and encouragement.

To Miss Dianna Lent, Miss Laura Black, and Angelita Toledo

(Mrs. Ramon), who assisted in collecting the data, thank you for giving so generously of your time and energy.

To Catherine Rodenkirch (Mrs. William), thank you for typing the final manuscript. TABLE OF CONTENTS

. Page

LIST OF' TABLES ...... vi

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS ...... , viii

■ ABSTRACT . • ix

INTRODUCTION ...... 1

The Problem ...... 3 Statement of the Problem . . 3 Basic Assumptions ...... 4 Definition of Terms ...... 4

EEVIEW OF LITERATURE ...... 6

Mexican Marriage and Family Practices ...... 6 Clothing Practices ...... ,10 Low-lncome Clothing Practices ...... 11 Clothing Values ...... 12

METHODOLOGY ...... 13

CHARACTERISTICS OF THE RESPONDENTS 1%

PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA ...... 25

Shopping Habits of Mothers ...... 25 Clothing Selection: by the Mother ...... 35 What Mothers Look For When Buying Their Children's Clothes ...... 35 Care of Clothing ...... 35 Child's Likes ‘ ...... 37 Favorite Garments ...... 4l Choice from Photographs- ...... 4l The Meaning of STYLE ...... 46 Buying Recommendations for Mothers of Children in Stories ...... 48 Clothing Inventory and Source of Clothing / ...... 49 Number of C l o t h e s ...... 5.0 Condition of Clothes ...... 53 Source of Clothing in Wardrobes ■ 54 Care of Clothes .... 55 Values ...... 58

iv V

TABLE OF CONTENTS— Continued

Page

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS ...... 62

Recommendations for Further Study ...... 63 .'Suggestions for Changes in the Interview Schedule ...... 63

APPENDIX A. INTER Vi m SCHEDULE ...... 65

APPENDIX :B.- ECONOMIC POVERTY AS DEFINED BY THE FEDERAL: GOVERNMENT ...... 77

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 79 LIST OF TABLES

Table Page

1 Persons Present During the Interview ...... 16

2 Size of Households' ...... 18

3 .: Composition of Households ...... 19

k Ages of Mothers and Fathers ...... 20

5 Education Levels of Mothers, Fathers and Other Adults 21 6 Occupation of Mother and Father ...... 23

7 Condition of Dwelling Unit ...... 2k

8 Type of Store Mothers Liked B e s t ...... 27

9 Reasons for Choice of Store ...... 28

10 How Mothers Learn About Places to Shop . . . 29

11 Where Mothers Shop for Children's Clothes .30

12 When Mothers Bought Clothes ^ . 32

13 Mothers' Favorite Day to Shop ...... 33

Ik Time of Day Mothers Shop ...... , . . . 3 V

15 : What Mothers Look for When Buying Their Children's Clothes ...... 36

16 Relative Importance of Care Features of Children's Clothes to Mothers .... 38

17 Mother's Consideration of Child's Likes in the Purchase of Children's Clothes' . ... . 39

18 Choice of Pictured Ensemble by Mother 44 / 19 Ensemble Photograph Choice According to Favorite Garment ...... 45

VI vii

LIST OF TABLES--Continued

Table Page

20 Mother's Ordering of COLOR, FIT, QUALITY, and STYLE According to Personal Preference...... U7

■ 21 Boys' Clothing Inventory: Total Items,. Average Items per Child, High and Low Humber of Items for Each Child. Total Number of Boys: 37 • .. .. . • « . . « ® . . « « ...... * 51

22 Girls' Clothing Inventory: -Total Items, Average Items per Child, High and Low Number of Items, for Each Child. Total Number of Girls: 31 ♦ • « ...... 52

23 .Condition of 62 Head Start Children's Clothing ...... 55

2k Similarity of Mothers' Shopping Place and Source of Children's Clothing ...... 56

25 How Mothers Wash Their Clothes ...... 57

26 Values According to the Number of Times Selected by the Mother ...... 59 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Figure . Page

1 Photographs of Ensembles Shown' to Mothers ...... 43

viii ABSTRACT

The purpose of this study was to discover the clothing selec­ tion, if any, employed by the low-income mothers of Mexican descent, the means used to obtain children's clothes, the number and condition of items in the children's wardrobes,.the stores mothers patronized, the care of clothing and the clothing values of the mothers.

The Tucson School District Number One Head Start Program served as the population. All mothers were interviewed. The response of mothers of Mexican descent were used in this study.

An interview schedule was devised and interviews were taken in the homes of the participants between December, 1968 and February,

1969• The mothers interviewed did select their children's clothing, based on quality, price, and fit. Department and variety stores were the mothers' preferences and were the stores where they actually shopped. Mothers paid cash for clothes. Wardrobes were small with an emphasis on basic outer wear, underwear, and shoes. Outer wraps were most predominant among the girls. Wardrobes were in good condi­ tion. The mothers' values were overwhelmingly economically oriented. INTRODUCTION

In the war on poverty federal, state, and city governments within the United States are attempting to improve the educational level, nutrition, and housing, as well as personal and family manage­ ment and parent-child relationships of America's poor. The culturally disadvantaged family is a culturally unadapted family-~unadapted to the middle class urban industrial culture that dominates the American scene. The poverty family has the stability found in the old rural folk culture but such a culture does not function well in an urban society. Frustration is the natural outgrowth of life in places where jobs are scarce, housing is substandard and education is lim­ ited.

The child in the poor family detects the sense of defeat; he feels the helplessness and despair projected by the parent. By law this child must attend school. He begins his education under the handicap of his residence, the lack of parental appreciation of aca­ demic achievement, and with teachers geared to the middle class urban industrial culture who label him incompetent. Defeats at school re­ inforce the attitude prevailing at home and the poverty cycle is complete.

The proposals for breaking this cycle are plentiful, but the main goal must be to reinstate the self-respect, the dignity, the con­ fidence and the. social.acceptance of the families caught in this vicious cycle. If we are to totally break the poverty chain we need

1 to improve the self images of those involved. Our-clothing is part of

the picture we present to the world and reflects our self to a large

extent. Clothing is one of the basic tools of social acceptance, of

self-confidence, self-respect and dignity for us all.

Since clothing is one attribute of an individual that can be seen by everyone, it is one by which we tend to evaluate others, particularly people whom we may be meeting for the first time. . . . yet, it does indicate something about the care an indi­ vidual takes""his appearance and perhaps something about his pride and "confidence— himself.. (Fitzsimmons 1961, p. 302).

Little has been published about the clothing of the poor--how

it is selected and obtained-, its condition, cleanliness, state of re­ pair, style and fit. This aspect of poverty, although obvious, has been generally ignored. The poor in American society tend to be the minorities, the Megro, the Indian, the Puerto Rican, the Mexican.

Little written information is available on the clothing.patterns of

Mexican low-income families. In 1965, Brown as reported by Beavers found that.Mexican culture characteristics in clothing consisted of

"... clothing being chosen for beauty, color and conformity rather than durability, ..." and the buyers " . . . have little knowledge .

of the care of various fibers.." (Brown as reported by Beavers 196$, p. 110). In the Report From Head Start October 1^, 1967 for the Tucson

Public Schools it was noted that if clothing was needed to enable the

child to attend the program "Parents or older sisters accompanied the

0. E. 0. social worker to obtain clothing if there were indications that the child might be fearful." (Report From Head Start October 1,

1967, p. 4). It would appear that relatively little selecting is done

in terms of the child's clothing. Families in the low socio-economic strata cannot select their children's clothing in the way families in the middle class strata select clothing=■ It-would also appear that the lower class child's sociological and sometimes physical needs, are not met, his skills in clothing selection are not developed and his poten­ tial for using his appearance as an aid to breaking out of the poverty cycle are nil« Furthermore, he is denied the character development and security offered by good.grooming.

The Problem

Statement of the Problem. The purpose of this study was to discover the selection techniques used by low-income mothers of Mexi­ can descent, and the condition of their children's clothing.

Specifically:

1. What kinds of stores- d,o low-lncome mothers patronize?

2. What other sources do low-income mothers use to obtain clothing for their children?

3« How do low-income mothers pay for their children's clothing?

4. Is there any selection of clothing by the mother?

5 . If the mother does the selecting what are her criteria for selecting, i.e., color, style, fit, quality?

6. What are the clothing values of the families in the

Tucson Head Start Program?

7 . Are the child's clothes kept in good repair?

8. Are the clothing values of this population reflected in their appearance? 4

Basic Assumptions. This study was based on the following assumptions.

1. General values are reflected in clothing values and are related to "specific clothing attitudes, interests, choices and to be­ havior in the selection and use of clothing.." (Ryan 1966, p. 10$).

2. Each of the participants'in the poverty program meet the government's specifications as a poverty family.

Definition of Terms

For common understanding the following definitions are provided.

1. Culture: "... consists of patterns, explicit and implicit of and for behavior acquired and transmitted by sym­ bols, constituting the distinctive achievement of human groups, including their embodiments in artifacts, the essential (i.e.., historically deprived and selected) ideas' and especially their attached values; culture systems may on one hand be considered • as products of action on the other as conditioning elements of further action, (Henderson i960, p. 1$).

2. Cultural Deprivation of Low-income Children: the low- income child is culturally deprived in the following areas: (l) ade­ quate housing, food and clothes, (2 ) role identification model,

(3 ) educational opportunity, and (4) attitudes and behavior expressed toward him„ (Meier 1966).

3• Disadvantaged Family: a family where values, attitudes, goals and customs do not correspond with those of the American urban industrialized society, (Riessman 1964).

4. Poverty Family: a family qualifying on an income basis for the federal Head Start program.; The basis of this income quail- ' fication includes the community's employment potential, the number of community welfare families, the proportion of community low-income ■ . . 5 families and the number of persons comprising lov?-income households,

(An Invitation to Help: Head Start Child Development'Programs; ,

,'Appendix A)„

5. Americans of Mexican Descent: a family unit whose ances­ tors have entered the United States from Mexico and. who are charac­ terized by their Spanish descent and their Spanish speaking ability in this country.

6 . Selection of Clothing by the Mother: the mother looks at various types of clothing and makes a choice based upon her criteria for adequate children's clothing, i.e.., durability, construction, style, color, need.

7. Lapitsky Clothing Values: the five values relating to clothing as defined and tested by Lapitsky in 1961 are esthetic, . economic, political, social I and social II. (See Review of Litera­ ture, p. 12 for details.) . REVIEW OF LITERATURE

The transfer of the Spanish Presidio from Tubac in 1776 saw

the establishment of Tucson. Anglo-Americans did not descend upon

the city in numbers until 1856. According to Henderson the Mexican

population was small and until the turn of the century good Anglo-

Mexican relations prevailed: (Henderson 1963). During the Mexican

Revolution (.1910-1930) the large influx of Mexicans' tended to settle

in the more rural, agricultural areas of Arizona outside industrial

Tucson. The population boom following World War II saw some Mexican-

Americans living in residential areas, participating in community ac­

tivities and taking advantage of community facilities available.

Henderson reported that as late as 1965 the Mexican-American popula­ tion had remained small and sheltered in Tucson. Only the originally

settled areas were the sights of severe poverty. The residents pop­ ulating the low-income areas had failed to integrate into the Anglo population and had failed to industrialize. Instead they had remained blue-collar workers and unskilled laborers. In factors such as edu­

cation, occupation and income the Mexican-Americans ranked low in

comparison to the.overall community.

Mexican Marriage and Family Practices

Since the Mexican-American is unadapted.to the urban middle- class industrial culture an examination needs to be made of their 7

social, patterns f or "background in the development of this study. In a

• study of the marriage and family in middle class Mexico in 1966 Noel

McGerin made some significant observations. Women in Mexico had little

chance for education. They married young to men who were older and who

were economically established. The Mexican woman was strictly limited

to the position of wife and mother, and she was in no way a companion

to her husband, nor did he discuss economic, personal or social mat­

ters with her. She served as the mother of his children but did not .

satisfy him sexually. Men;would go their own way, finding companion­

ship in their male' companions. Because of this outside companionship

the woman attempted to make herself and her home as attractive as pos­

sible to lure the husband back to her and relieve her loneliness and

frustration..

Oscar Lewis very aptly described the low "-income Mexican family:

. . . most of the poor have a very low level of education and • literacy, do not belong to labor unions, are not members of a political party, do. hot participate in the medical care, mater­ nity, and old-age benefits of the national welfare agency known as Seguro Social,.and make very little use of the city's banks, hospitals, department stores, museums, art galleries and air­ ports .

The economic traits which are most characteristic of the culture of poverty include the constant struggle of survival, unemployment and underemployment, low wages, a miscellany of unskilled occupations, child labor, the absence of savings, a chronic shortage of cash, the absence of food reserves in. the home, the pattern of frequent buying of small quantities of food many times a day as the need arises, the pawning of personal goods, borrowing from local money lenders at usuri­ ous rates of interest, spontaneous informal credit devices (tandas) organized by neighbors, and the use of second-hand clothing and furniture •. .

Some of the social and psychological characteristics in­ clude living in crowded quarters, a lack of privacy, gregari­ ousness, a high incidence of alcoholism, frequent resort to violence in the settlement of quarrels, frequent use of physical violence in the training of children, wife beating, early initia­ tion into sex, free unions or consensual .marriages, a relatively high .incidence of the abandonment of mothers and children, a trend toward mother-centered families and a much greater knowl­ edge of maternal relatives,, the predominance of the nuclear family, a strong predisposition to authoritarianism, and a great emphasis upon family solidarity--an ideal only rarely achieved. Other traits include a strong present time orientation with, relatively little ability to defer gratification and plan for the future, a sense of resignation and fatalism based, upon the realities- of. their difficult life situation, a belief in male superiority which reaches its.crystallization in machismo or the cult of masculinity, a corresponding martyr complex among women, and finally, a high tolerance for psychological pathol- . ogy of all sorts.

Some of the above traits are not limited to the culture of poverty in Mexico but are also found in the middle and upper classes. . However, it is the peculiar patterning of these traits which defines the culture of poverty. For example, in the mid­ dle class, machismo is expressed in terms of sexual exploits and the Don Juan complex whereas in the lower class it is ex­ pressed in terms of heroism and lack of physical fear. Simi­ larly, drinking in the middle class is a social amenity whereas in the lower class getting drunk has-diff erent and. multiple functions--to forget one's troubles, to prove one's ability to drink, and to build up sufficient confidence to meet dif­ ficult life situations.

Many of. the traits of the subculture of poverty can be viewed as attempts at local solutions for problems not met by existing institutions and agencies because the people are not eligible for them, cannot afford them, or are suspicious of them. For example, unable to obtain credit from banks, they are thrown upon their own resources and organize in­ formal credit devices without interest. Unable to afford doctors, who are used only in dire emergencies, and sus­ picious of hospitals .'where one goes only to die,' they rely upon herbs or other home remedies and upon local cruers and midwives. Critical of priests 'who are human and therefore sinners like all of us,' they rarely go to confession or Mass and rely upon prayer to the images of saints in their own homes and upon pilgrimages to popular shrines.

A critical attitude toward some of the values and insti­ tutions of the dominant classes, hatred of the police, mis­ trust of government .and those in high positions, and a cynicism which extends even to the church gives the culture of poverty a counter quality and a potential for being used in.political movements aimed against the -existing social 9

order. Finally, the suh-culture of poverty also has a residual quality in the sense that its members are at­ tempting to utilize and integrate into a workable way of life the remnants of beliefs and customs of diverse origins: (Lewis 1961., pp. xxvi-xxvii).

"The structure of the Mexican family is based on two funda­ mental propositions (l) the indisputable supremacy of the father and

(2) the necessary and absolute sacrifice of the mother-," (McGenn T 966,

P* 307)- Mexican women tended to have children to reestablish their pre­ marital importance. Male children were preferred to female because women did not want their daughters to go through the suffering that wives and mothers must. The Mexican mother completely controlled the child; his environment, his playmates (brothers and sisters exclusive­ ly) and his environmental limitations (exposure to the outside world).

As long as the child did- not interfere with the mother's desires everything would go smoothly. ' Punishment., which was inconsistent in treatment as well as sex, included the removal of love and privileges.

In the United States a special team of workers recorded the characteristics of the Mexican culture. Their study revealed the mo­ bility of the Mexican, the combination of old and new cultural habits, the mistrust of persons outside the kinship group and of persons who have gone from the kinship group and have been assimilated into the

American culture, and the exclusion of men from any household work.

"The youth mature early, marry early and withdraw from school,"

(Brown as reported in Beavers 1965, p. 110). .

Catherine Chilman listed the following characteristics of low- income families: (l) The families had.a large number of children.

(2) Many families lacked a male head. (3 ) A disproportionate number of low"income families belonged to minority groups, were new to the ■.

ways of the urban culture, and were young. (4) The families had low

education achievements. (5 ) The families tended to suffer from a num­

ber of physical and mental health problems. (6 ) There was much under-

' employment and unemployment in this group'. The lack of educational

training and maturity coupled with automation made the job hopes slim.

(7 ) These families were not in or even near the middle class culture

in which they were trying to exist,. (Chilman 1964).

Clothing Practices

Because we assume that low-income clothing practices vary from

general clothing practices, the latter must be talked about briefly.

In 1954 Anna Creekmore hypothesized a positive relationship between

certain aspects of clothing behavior, general values of the individ­

ual and relative fulfilment of these basic human needs, (Creekmore

1963). Also included in needs was action. On a homogeneous popula­

tion of 300 college women she administered her test, which was de­

signed to measure basic needs, general values and clothing behavior.

Values were tested by the Allport-Vernon-Lindaey test of values.

She concluded that belongingness and self-esteem were related to be­

havior and referred to clothing as a status symbol. Self-esteem was

found to be related to clothing as a tool, (Creekmore 1963).

Ryan found a quadruple role for clothing: (l) forming im­

pressions, (2 ) perceiving of others, (3 ) determining social role,

and (4) influencing communication. "Clothing satisfies both the need

to belong and to differentiate oneself from others(Ryan 1966,

p. 3 ). Flugel concluded that clothing was used to hide the naked body 11 z and at the same time to display the body. (Flugel 1930)•

At the present time, with an emphasis placed upon children and their needs and with the attitude that children should be given freedom of expression, their clothes have been. created with children's activities and capacities in mind (Ryan 1966, p. 59) .

In their text, Clothing For Children, Henrietta Thompson and

Lucille Rea placed great significance on the preschool period in the,

development of the child, not only physically but mentally. It was

at this time that the "... faulty attitudes, anxieties, insecurity,

instabilities and distortions of personality are found." (Gesell 1940, pp. 3l4-5). Leadership potential, social acceptance sensitivity,, per­

ception, emotional security and emotional strength originate during

this period.

Lowr.Income Clothing Practices

Limited information is available, on low-income clothing pro­

cedures . In a study of 23b San Antonio, Texas families' purchase of

clothing. Sister Mary Clarence Joyce found the low-income group is

characterized by (l) purchase of poorer quality, thus replacement higher, (2 ) more incorporation of hand-me-downs, (3 ) income is a

great factor in purchasing; sales attract low-income mothers more than others, (4) only the low-income family specifically purchases party clothes, (5 ).four percent of low-income homemakers sew for their children, (6 ) the percentage of the clothing allotment spent for the children's clothing.could be broken down .as follows: girls' had forty-seven percent spent for school clothes, twenty-seven per­ cent spent for play, clothes and twenty percent spent for a 12 combination of school and play clothes, and (?) purchases were ranked in this order of importance: shoes, underwear and play clothes and school clothes.

Clothing Values

The Lindsey-Allport-Vernon test, based upon Spranger's six types of man, includes the following six basic values: (l)"The Theo­ retical . . . . the discovery of truth. . . . (2) The Economic. . . . interested in what is useful. . . . (3) The Esthetic. . . . highest value in form and harmony. •• . . (4) The Social. . . . love of people;

. . '. (5) The Political. . . . interested primarily in power. . . .

(.6 ) The Religious. . . . unity. ..." (Ryan 1966, p. 99). "The pur­ pose of this test is to rank the various values in order of their im­ portance to the individual" (Ryan 1966, p. 99) • Lapitsky adapted

Spranger1s six types of man to clothing interests. The Lindsey-Allport-.

Vernon test emphasizes the philanthropic nature of values and Lapitsky added the stress on the need for the acceptance and approval of others.

Lapitsky's clothing values have been chosen for use in this study.

Esthetic: The desire for, appreciation of ,;or concern with beauty in clothing. Economic: The desire for comfort in clothing and for the conservation of time, energy and money in relation to cloth- •. ing usage or selection. ' Political: The desire for obtaining prestige, distinction, leadership.or influence through clothing usage.

Social 1: The expression of regard for fellow beings through clothing behavior. The individual to whom this value would be of greatest concern would not wear clothes which were more expensive or fashionable than those worn by his friends. Fur- . thermore, clothing would be shared: with others even though it • might be returned soiled or somewhat damaged. Social II: The desire for obtaining social approval through clothing usage with conformity playing a prominent role (Lapitsky 1961, p. 4). METHODOLOGY

An interview schedule was devised in the Spring of 1968 (Ap­ pendix A) based on literature in the field and study of other sched­ ules in similar areas. The schedule was pretested in August, 1968.

Four mothers whose names were provided by the Social Case Worker for the Tucson Community Child Development Centers were interviewed. As a result of the pretest the clothing inventory form was revised to facilitate rapid translation of observations in the prescribed cate­ gories . "Launder" was changed to "wash," "clothing" was changed to

"clothes," and "selection" was changed to "choose" because the moth­ ers' seemed uneasy with the terms originally used. It was necessary to include a brief explanation at the beginning of the clothing value section stating that one of the two alternatives must be given, that it was a "forced choice" situation.

In November, 1968 permission was received from the Tucson

School District Number One Head Start Program Director and the Re­ search Director to request all the Head Start teachers to cooperate in the study. Each of the six teachers was contacted to find out which mothers did not speak English, which mothers were gainfully em­ ployed, and their work hours. The teachers were requested to send a notice provided by the investigator home with each child to introduce the project to the mother and to prepare her for the interviewer's visit.

13 14

In December, 1968 five interviewers were trained. Three were

graduate students in the School of Home Economics, one was a faculty member, and the other was a low-income Spanish"speaking homemaker.

Every precaution was taken to eliminate, interviewer bias.

Mothers of children enrolled in Head Start were interviewed

in December, 1968, January and February, 1969• Because the data col- ■ lection extended through the Christmas holidays, Christmas gift cloth­

ing received by the children was not inventoried. One hundred i. " - fourteen mothers of the one hundred thirty four family groups, with a child in the Head Start Program were contacted. One hundred ten moth­ ers participated; four mothers refused. As many as twelve trips at

.various hours of different days and nights were made to'the twenty homes where interviewers were unable to contact the mothers.

The sixty-four families of Mexican descent plus one family with mother of Mexican descent and father Anglo reared in Mexico comprised the population of this study. Each family group had at least one child participating in the 1968-69 Tucson School District

Number One Head Start Program. Each,family met the federal govern­ ment's definition of economic poverty (Appendix B).

The interview schedule was composed of questions dealing with the selection of children's clothing by the mother, the times and places women shop for their children's clothes, the clothing values of the mothers as well as family background. In addition, a complete clothing inventory of the Head Start child's clothes was taken. This included the number of items in the child's wardrobe and the condition and source of each item. The questions dealing with the selection of 15 clothes and the times and places women shop were both open and closed- end in nature. - Open-end questions allowed.the respondent to answer in her own words with the interviewer probing to clarify an answer when necessary. Closed-end questions gave the respondent a choice of two or more responses. The clothing value questions were closed-end and were the questions standardized by Lapitsky. The clothing inventory .. consisted of visual observations by the interviewer.

Interviews averaged forty-five minutes to one hour in length and were taken in the family home. Appointments were not made unless the interviewer was asked to return because of the mother's inability to talk with her when she first called. Of the sixty-five respondents, fifty-nine were very cooperative and five were fairly cooperative. Ho information was available for one mother.

Interviews were taken with various persons present. The mother was the respondent in all but two instances when the grand­ mother had custody of the! child and was the appropriate respondent.

Only eighteen of the mothers-were interviewed alone. (See Table l)

It would have been- highly improbable to have made arrangements to have interviewed the other mothers alone. Their homes were small.

Many had children of preschool age who needed intermittent attention.

Others present during the interviews besides the mothers and children were father, grandmother,, aunt or other relative, neighbor.

Tabulating of data was done by hand since the sample size was relatively small. Statistical tools employed were arithmetical summa­ tion, percentage, and means. TABLE 1

PERSONS PRESENT DURING THE INTERVIEW

Persons Present Number Percentage

Mother 18 28 '

Mother and Children in and out 6 9

Mother and Children 23 35

Mother, Father, and Children 6 9

Other 12 19

Total 65 100 CHARACTERISTICS OF THE RESPONDENTS

Information was gathered about: size and composition of house­

holds, ages, education, and occupation of parents, and condition of the

dwelling units. Nearly half of the households had six to eight mem­

bers . The smallest household consisted of three members and the

largest of fourteen. (Table 2) ' ' *

. Adults ranged from one to three with sixty-two percent of the .

families having both a mother and father. Military service, divorce,

and no marriage ceremony explained the fathers' absence in the other

families. The number of own children in the households ranged from

one to ten and the number of related children from none to two.

'(Table 3)

Ages of mothers ranged from twenty to fifty-three and of

fathers from twenty-five to sixty-three. Seventy-five percent of the

mothers and nearly half of the fathers were- between the ages of

twenty-five and thirty-nine. (Table 4)

When record was made of education levels of the parents,

education in Mexican schools was tabulated on an equal basis with

years in school in the United States. One quarter of the mothers had

not gone beyond the sixth grade. The completion of elementary school

and the first two years of high school served as completion points

for over half of the mothers. Of - the forty-seven fathers present in

the home, sixteen had not gone beyond the sixth grade and thirteen

„ 18

TABLE 2

SIZE OF HOUSEHOLDS .

Size of Household Number Percentage

3 » '5 Members . 15 23

6 - 8 Members 29 45

9 -11 Members 19 29

12-14 Members 2 3 '

Total 65 100 19

TABLE 3

COMPOSITION OF HOUSEHOLDS

Composition Number Percentage

Adults Mother 14 22 Mother and Father 1,0 62 Mother and Relatives k 6 Mother and Babysitter 1 1 Mother> Father and Relatives 5 8 Mother, Father and Other 1 • l

Total 65 100

Children Own Children 1-2 4 6 3-4 .30 46 5-6 15 23 7-8 10 15 9-10 5 8 10 1 2

Total - 65 100

Children of Relatives None 56 86 1 6 9 2 ... :___ .... -3... .. ___ 5______'

Total 65 100 20

TABLE 4

AGES OF MOTHERS AND FATHERS

Age Number Percentage

Mothers: Mother not Present la 2 20-24 s: 12 . 25-29 24 37 30-34 14 22 35-39 11 17 40-44 4 6 50- 3 .4

Total 65 100

Fathers: Father not Present 18 29 25-29 10 15 30-34 10 15 35-39 . 11 17 46-44 9 14 45-4 9 - 3 , 4 50 . 4 6

Total 65 100

aOne child lived, with grandparents. Grandmother was 48 and grandfather was 54. ' had not gone beyond the eighth grade. Graduation from elementary school terminated contact with the educational system of the sixteen other adults living in these households. Half of other adults had up to six years of schooling. (Table 5)

Over three quarters of the women interviewed were'full-time homemakers. Those who worked were employed primarily in manual skills such as assembly line workers and ironing. Some mothers were nurses' aides. Half of the fathers were employed as laborers working as 21

TABLE 5-

. EDUCATION LEVELS OF MOTHERS, FATHERS AND OTHER ADULTS

Education Level8, Number Percentage

Mothers: , Not Present 1 1 Up to and including 6th grade 17 26 Yth-Sth grades 22 34 9th~10th grades 16 25 llth-12th grades 6 9 Above High School . 3 . 5. Total 65 100

Fathers: Not Present 18. 28 Up to and including 6th grade 16 25 ■ 7th”8th grades 13 20 •9th-.10th grades 5 8 11th'-12th grades • 6 9 Above High School 3 5 . None l 1 Not Available 2 3 Other0 1 1 .Total 65 100

First Other Adult Present in Household None Present 54 83 Up to and including 6th grade 3 3 7th~8th grades l 2 11th-12th grades 1 2 Above High School • 1 2 None • l 2

Not"Available h ' 6

Second Other Adult Present in Household None Present. 61 94 Up to and including 6th grade 3 5 Not Available l l Total - w - 100

Third Other Adult Present in Household None Present 6k 98 Up to and including 6th grade l . 2 Total 65 100

"^Mexican education counted as equivalent to American education Child lived with grandparents cOther: Father attended Seminary 22

mechanic’s helpers, janitors or building and grounds maintenance men.

.One quarter of the fathers held operative'positions as truck drivers,

roofers, and mechanics. (Table 6)

Subjective evaluations by the interviewers classified the

dwelling units of the respondents. Nearly seventy-five percent were

considered sound. ■ Homes ranged from the very, meager to the modest com­ fortable. The poorest homes had cement floors, plywood unpainted walls, curtains or plywood for doors, no shades or draperies at the windows, broken screen or no screen at doors and windows. The more

comfortable homes had rugs as floor covering, stucco walls, regulation

doors, draperies and/or Venetian blinds, highly polished furniture,

special areas for sleeping, eating, preparing food and socializing.

(Table 7 ) , . -

Interviewing was a pleasure. Mothers were cordial and inter­

ested; they genuinely wanted to help in our quest of knowledge. They

were very verbal, talking of many aspects of the culture in which they

live. An intimate rapport was established early in the visit and

.recipes were exchanged, hair styles discussed, and aspects of life in

the Sguthwest explored. The interviewers felt that they served as a

link with the "outside world" for these mothers« Each time an inter­

viewer left a home she knew that she had left a new friend. 23

PJ3LE 6

OCCUPATION OF MOTHER AND. FATHER

Occupation Number Percentage

Mother Unavailable 2a ' 3 Full-time Homemaker 50 77. Service Worker 5 . 8 Laborer 4 6 Professional, Technical, Kindred 3 - 5 Sales Worker 1 1

Total 65 100

Father Not Applicable l8a 28 Unemployed 4 6 Laborer 24 37 Operative 14 22 Craf t Foreman 2 3 Professional, Technical, Kindred 2 .• 3 Clerical, Kindred 1 l

Total 65 100

3 One child lived with his grandparents. The grandmother was a full-time homemaker and the grandfather was disabled. 24

TABLE 7

CONDITION OF DWELLING UNIT

Condition Number Percentage

Sound, 42 65

Deteriorating 12 18

Sound to Deteriorating 5 38

Dilapidated______6______9

Total 65 100 PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA - ' ■ • Clothing shopping habits of mothers- of Head Start children

were studied as well as' the criteria for selecting children's cloth­

ing. The wardrobes of the Head Start children were examined with an

eye to the condition of each article of clothing. The source of each

garment was ascertained. How mothers care for clothing was investi­

gated and their values relating to clothing" were obtained. Relation­

ships were run between the variables thought to be .important in the

study. •

Shopping Habits of Mothers

It was the purpose of this study to ascertain the kinds of

stores low-income mothers patronize, the time when they shop, and the

financial sources used to obtain clothing. Department stores included

stores with family clothing, clothing accessories, shoes, housewares,

dry goods. Discount stores carrying similar merchandise were included,

as department stores. Variety stores, commonly referred to as "dime"

stores, included stores carrying clothing, clothing accessories, shoes

notions and dry goods, housewares, household goods, pets, garden sup­

plies, furniture, toys and games, candy and/or fountain. Specialty

shops included stores that specialize in an aspect of clothing such as

shoesj or children's clothes. Second hand stores included Salvation

Army, Veterans of Foreign Wars, Goodwill, Saint Vincent de Paul and

School Clothing Bank. 26

When asked what store they liked best for buying children's clothing, over half of the. mothers preferred department stores. (See

Table 8 ) The reasons most frequently.mentioned were low price and quality. (See Table 9) The findings were consistent for.many of the cut-rate department stores have both quality and low prices. The mothers' definition of quality included sturdy fabric, type of con­ struction used to make the garment, durability, whether the garment has been preshrunk or not. Criteria for low price fluctuated from mother to mother. Mothers were not confined to shopping areas by ex­ cessive distance.or by lack of transportation. Mothers would go to­ gether, sharing the gasoline.costs for the trip. The Tucson Transit

System was also utilized.

Advertisements from the radio, newspaper, television, door-to- door circulars, store windows, and investigation were the chief means of learning about places to shop employed by the mothers. Only one mother considered her language a hindrance in shopping for her chil­ dren's clothing. (See Table 10)

Sixty percent of the mothers stated that they shopped in de­ partment stores for their children's clothes, forty-two percent pa­ tronized variety stores. (See Table 11 ) Specialty stores were shopped by eighteen percent of the mothers. Mothers were consistent in their preferences, practices, and reasons.

Mothers shopped for their children's clothes when their chil­ dren needed the clothes. (See Table 12) This implied limited finan­ cial mobility, as did the second choice of shopping during sales.

Mothers frequently mentioned that they purchased clothes when funds 27

■ TABLE 8

TYPE OF STORE MOTHERS LIKED BEST *

Type, of Store Number Percentage8'

Department ' 39 60

Variety 12 18 '

Specialty 7 11

Second Hand ■ 3 5

No Special Store . -' 11 17

Totalb 72 111

^Percentages calculated as of 65 mothers« b Total is more than 65 because some mothers gave multiple answers. 28

TABLE 9

REASONS FOR- CHOICE OF STORE

Reasons Number Percentage8-

Low Price ■ 30 46

Quality 29 45

Sales 8 12

Credit 5 8

Selection 5 8

Location 4 6

Other*3 6 9

Not Available 3 5

Total0 ' 90 149

^Percentage calculated, as of 6-5 mothers.

^Other includes services, style, fit, habit, likes clothes or likes to go there.

°Total is more than 65 because some mothers gave multiple answers. 29

TABLE 10

HOW MOTHERS LEARH ABOUT PLACES TO SHOP

Information Source Humber Percentage3,

Advertisements 2k 37

Investigate and Experience 22 3k

Relatives 9 Ik

Friends and Other People 4 6

Hot Available 12 19

. Total*3 71 110

^Percentage calculated as of 6$ mothers.

^Number totals more than 65 because some mothers indicated more than one information source. - 30

TABLE 11

WHERE MOTHERS SHOP. FOR CHILDREN'S CLOTHES

Store Number Percentagea

Department 39 60

Variety 27 42

Specialty 12 18

Second, Hand 8 12

Not Available. 3 5

Total^ 89 137

aPercentage calculated as of 65 mothers. b Number totals more than.65. because .some mothers shopped in more than one kind of store. 31

were available. There is a great incorporation of hand-me-downs in the

wardrobes by these mothers so that it was possible for them to make do

until money was available for the needed items.

Sixty-two percent of the mothers made their major clothing pur­

chases just before school began; twenty-two percent purchased all year

round. (See Table 12) Mothers usually used currency, though lay-away,

and charge cards were also used for their clothing purchases. In a

study of 236 families in Texas, Joyce found that lack of income was a

great factor in purchasing clothing and that low-income mothers were

more- attracted to sales than middle or high income mothers. The study

reported here was unable to compare shopping practices of middle and

high income mothers with those of the Head Start mothers, but it did

confirm Joyce's findings■(Joyce 1966).

Saturday was the mothers' favorite day to shop. (See Table 13)

Their preference of Saturday centered around availability of child care

whether it be an older child or the father, freedom from work or home

obligations, and the availability of money and transportation. Nearly

half of the mothers had no favorite day. They went when they had

funds and transportation, during sales, and when they had time to go.

Reasons given for the other favorite days were the same as for Satur­

day. Apparently when child care was available, days off, pay day

varied from family to family. .

More mothers preferred toyshop in the morning than in after­ noons or evenings. (See Table lU), Afternoons were the least popular time to shop. This seems contradictory since one of the reasons given for preferring one time over another was "less crowded" so that TABLE 12

WHEN MOTHERS BOUGHT CLOTHES

Time Number Percentage'a

When you must have .clothes Just before school begins 4b 62 For Christmas presents 4 6 All year round 14 22

Money reasons When stores have sales 18 28 When I have the money 3 5

Not applicable b Total 84 131

a, Percentages calculated as of 65 mothers,

"’Total is more than 65 because some mothers gave multiple answers. 33

TABLE 13

MOTHERS' FAVORITE DAY TO SHOP

Favorite Day Humber Percentage8-

Saturday 21 32

Monday .7 11 Friday k 6

Sunday 3 5

Tuesday or Wednesday 1 1

No Favorite Day 30 ke

Total*3 66 101

^Percentage calculated as of 65 mothers. b • Total more than 65 because one mother named more than one day. 34

TABLE 14

TIME; OF DAY MOTHERS SHOP

Time Number Percentage

Morning 26 4o . . Early • 21 Late 5

Afternoon 13 20 . Early 7 Late 6

Evening 16 16 25

No Answer 10 ' 15 '

Total 65. 1 0 0 35

apparently many people find afternoons more convenient for them to

shop, whether "by preference or by necessity.

Clothing Selection by the Mother

This study attempted to ascertain if the mother selected her

children's clothes. The possibility that mothers in the iow-income

sector of the population would have no opportunity to exercise choice

in dressing their children was considered. If selection was possible we wanted to know what criteria were used. We specifically inquired

into care of clothes, child's likes, child's favorite garment, mother's

favorite child's garment, choice from three photographs of child's out­

fit, the meaning of STYLE to the mothers and recommendations, for buying

a boy's coat and spending $50.00 for outfitting a girl.

What Mothers Look For When Buying Their Children1s Clothes:

Thirty-two mothers said they looked for quality, twenty-five mothers

said they looked for price and seven mothers said they looked for fit.

(See Table 15) Only two mothers mentioned comfort and only one mother mentioned self-help features. Ten mothers were unable to give a cri­ terion for selection. Answers coded as quality were material, good

condition, how long the clothing lasts, construction, something sturdy, preshrunk and seams that last. Answers coded as price included sales,

cheap, and cost.

Care of " Clothing: Twenty-five mothers considered how to wash

clothes and whether or not the material shows dirt easily to be impor­ tant in selecting children's clothes'. These were responses in a 36

TABLE 15

WHAT' MOTHERS LOOK FOR WHEN BUYING THEIR

CHILDREN'S CLOTHES

What Mothers Look For Number Percentage8'

Quality 32 49

Price 25 38

Fit 7 11

Nothing in Particular 10 15

Comfort 2 3

What Child Needs 2 3

Other13 , 5 •8

Not Available .. 1 2

Total^ 84 129

^Percentage was calculated on 65 mothers, not 84 responses. b Other considerations were: style, color, care, child's likes, easy to put on. e Total selection criteria; is more than 65 because sixteen mothers gave more than one. . 37 closed-end question offering three alternatives. Thirteen thought easy or no ironing was important. (See Table l6 ) Obviously most of the mothers gave thought to care of the clothing in their children's■ wardrobe.

Child's Likes: When asked if they consider their child's likes when buying clothing, forty mothers said, "Yes," explaining that the child likes what is bought, the child accepts, or the child se­ lects. (See Table 17) Twenty-two mothers said, "Wo," explaining that she, the mother, bought what she liked, that children were too small to be particular, the child's likes were too extravagant, or that the purchase depended on the price.

Forty-one mothers told their children what to wear each day, i.e., they selected the outfit for the child. Some of these mothers actually set the clothes out daily while others, inspected the child, after he had dressed himself. Guidance was given in color coordina­ tion and the proper combination of clothes to be. worn, i.e., sweater with a sleeveless for warmth. Nine mothers told their children what to wear on special occasions and on special days or time of day, for example, for parties or church or after school.

Fifteen mothers allowed their children to choose their own clothes without assistance. Of the forty-one mothers who told their children what to wear, sixteen took into consideration the child's appearance, twelve took into consideration the weather, three used what is clean and two used what is available. 38

TABLE 16

' RELATIVE IMPORTANCE OF CARE FEATURES OF

CHILDREN'S CLOTHES TO MOTHERS

Care Number Percentage8,

How- to wash the clothes 25 38

Whether material shows dirt. 25 38

Easy or no ironing 13 20

Other*3 3 5 .

Not Available k 6

Total0 TO 107

Percentage was calculated on 65 mothers. ■

^Other responses were: we just pick them, none important, I buy what I can, whether the material will last.

°Total is more than 65 because four mothers gave more than one response. 39

TABLE 17

MOTHER1■S CONSIDERATION OF CHILD'S LIKES IN THE

PURCHASE OF CHILDREN'S CLOTHES

Consideration Number Percentage

Yes . 12 They like what I buy 19 Child selects 6 9 Child accepts it 6 No comment 10 15 Other 8 12

Total ' 40' 6l

No What I like 7 11 No comment 8 12 Other 7 11

Total 22 34 - Not applicable 3 5

Total 65 100 4o

Tate and Glisson (1961) suggested eleven factors to consider when selecting children's clothes:

1. The cost in proportion to the use of the garment.

2. The multi-purposeness of the garment.

3" The social status of the wearer.

4. The safety features present.

5. The care and durability of the garment.

6 .. The restrictiveness, of the garment in terms of construction.

7 . The color, texture, and design of the garment.

8 . The percent shrinkage of the garment.

9 . The growth allowance.

10. The self-help features of the garment.

11. The quality.

Respondents in this study considered:

■ 1. Cost in terms of what they could afford to buy.

2. Multi-purpose garments in terms of what could be used for

the majority of children.

3« The care and durability of the garment though durability

was frequently- sacrificed for price.

4. Shrinkage and stretch, as many of the less expensive

clothes lose their original shape.

5« Growth allowance in terms of purchasing a size larger so

the child can use it longer and then pass it on to the

next child.

6 . Quality in terms of buying the best they can get for the

amount of money they have available. 41

Favorite Garments: Children tended to like clothes that were easy to put on, neat in appearance, and with decorative details such as prints, braids, trims, pockets. They tended to dislike clothes that were tight, uncomfortable, worn, in poor repair, or the wrong size. ..

Mothers tended to like the best outfit owned or the outfit she dressed the child in most often.

Choice from Photographs,; Each mother was asked to identify one of three photographed ensembles that she would like for her child.

There were two sets of pictures, one with girl's garments and one with boy's garments. The mothers were given.pictures according to the sex of her child. The mother with boy-girl twins was shown both sets of . . ' ■ •» pictures. A word description of the garments follows:

Gl. Full , puff sleeves and buttons down the back with a big bow tie. , Colored, cotton, plain weave, smooth textured fabric. White collar and ribbon tie at center front waist­ line . Decorative detail includes center front.strip with small buttons.

G2. Waistless, sleeveless, collarless shift with big buttons at the shoulders and a front and back pleat for extra fullness. Colored cotton, plain weave, smooth textured fabric.

G3. Pleated skirt with elastic in the back waistband. Button- down-the-back blouse with collar and set-in sleeves. White blouse and colored skirt of plain weave, smooth textured fabric. Decorative detail includes lace on the collar and sleeves.

Bl. "Man's" white shirt with buttons and French cuffs. Colored . pants with zipper and waist hook. Side buttons for waist adjustment. Cotton, plain weave (shirt) and satin weave (pants), smooth textured fabric.

B2. White "T" shirt, knit,pullover, short sleeves. Colored cot­ ton jeans with zipper and snap at waistband.

B3. Colored, cotton.knit pullover, long-sleeved shirt with match­ ing knit long pants with elas.ticized . 4 2

- The most popular choices were G-3 and B-l. (See Figure 1 and

Table 18) We wanted to see whether there was any relationship between

the mother and child having a favorite garment and the picture choice

by the mother. Some mothers did not limit themselves to one choice.

Choices of mothers with no favorite garment were evenly distributed

between G-l and G-3* (See Table 19) Mother's of girls who had no fa­

vorite garment chose G-3• Mothers of boys with no favorite garment

chose B-2. When the mothers and children liked the same garment, B-l

and B-2 were chosen equally. .When the mothers and children liked dif­

ferent garments, G-3 and B-l were the picture choices.

To the mother with no favorite garment, clothing would prob­

ably be thought of in terms of covering the body; therefore no

particular picture would appeal more than any other. To the mother

who reported that her child had no favorite garment,, physical aspects

of clothing, such as neat, clean, and presentable would be uppermost

in the mother's mind.1 She probably selected B-2 because this ensemble

would present the child to the outside world as neat and clean; he

would be practically dressed for school and play. Though the reason

for the popularity of G-3 is not obvious, the ensemble would make the i- child presentable but not necessarily comfortable. The selection does

illustrate that more thought may have been given to the selection of

the girl's clothing than to the boy's.

The selection of B-2 by mothers whose child's favorite gar­

ment is the same as their own is probably explained by the universal

acceptance of the T-shirt and pants for small boys. There is no such universal garb for girls. Gr-2 iue1 Photographsof EnsemblesFigure 1.Shown to Mothers 43 TABLE 18

CHOICE OF PICTURED ENSEMBLE BY MOTHER

Ensemble Number Percentage

Girl 1 3 5 2 3 5 . 3 13 20

Boy 1 10 15 2 11 17 3 2 3 No Preference or Multiple Choice f or different occasions 23 35

Total 65 100 45

TABLE 19

ENSEMBLE PHOTOGRAPH CHOICE ACCORDING TO FAVORITE GARMENT

Favorite Garment and Photograph Number Total Percentage8,

7 Mothers with no favorite garment 11 17 C-l k G-2 2 G-3 5

17 Children with no favorite garment 24 37 G-l 2 G-2 2 .. G-3 8 • B-l 3 B-2 7 , B-3 2

12 Mothers and Children with same favorite garment ■ 12 ' 18 G-2 2 G-3 1 B-l b B-2 b B-3 l .

15 Mothers and Children with different favorite garments 19. 29 G—1 1 G-2 l G-3 7 B-l - 6 B-2 b l4 Mothers no response 14 22

65 Total13 80 123

^Percentages calculated as of 65 mothers.

Total is more than 65 because some mothers gave multiple answers. 46

The fact that the mother has a favorite garment and that the mother knows the child has a different favorite garment suggests that appearance is regarded„more highly in these families than in others and that an effort is made to meet standards set by the mother: The picture choices G~3 and B-l illustrate this possibility as these pic­ tures depict "how every little girl or boy should look." Probably these mothers want their children to match the image.

When comparing the mother's favorite garment to her picture choice of the outfit she would like her child to have, there was a similarity between picture choice and favorite garment for fifteen mothers. Three of these were identical; six of the outfits were iden­ tical to part of the pictured ensemble as levis, jeans and shirt, long sleeve shirt and sweater, white ruffled blouse, skirt, knee .pant- white shirt-sweater ensemble; six of the mothers had listed as favor­ ite garments clothes that had some of the characteristics of the chosen picture such as sailor dress with a pleated skirt, jumper and blouse, A-line dress with short sleeves, red dress with pleats. Ap-. parently these fifteen mothers were consistent in their selection.

■ The Meaning of STYLE: Each mother was given four 3x5 cards that showed one of the following four words: color, fit, quality, style. The mothers were asked to arrange the cards in the order of importance to them. Fit was placed first thirty times and quality first twenty-six times. (See Table 20) Quality was second choice of twenty-two mothers. Style was third choice of twenty-nine mothers, ' and color was last choice for thirty-one mothers. In Beaver's report TABLE 20

-MOTHER'S ORDERING OF COLOR, FIT, QUALITY, AND STYLE ACCORDING TO PERSONAL PREFERENCE

Response 1st Choice • 2nd Choice 3rd Choice 4th Choice

1 Color 2 ■ 13 18 31

2 Fit 30 18 13 3

3 Quality 26 22 3 12 k Style 6 11 29 ■ 17

0 Not Available 1 1 2 2

on Brown's study of Home Exonomics Extension work with rural families in lower socio-economic levels, she states that "... clothing is chosen for beauty> color, and conformity rather than durability."

(Beavers, 1Q6$,. p. 110). Our findings do not correspond with Brown's findings as reported by Beavers. If durability is reflected in qual­ ity and fit of clothing, the respondents in the study reported here placed durability first. ‘ ■ . ' ' Mothers were asked to tell what STYLE meant to them. The definition of style and for this study were: Style is

.... possessed of certain recognizable qualities or features which distinguish it from other similar modes. The popularity of style will vary, but the style itself is unchanging. . . . The style of a garment refers to its design or cut, a quality that can be described in terms of its line, form and proportion.

Fashion is a manifestation of collective.behavior and as such . represents the popular, accepted, prevailing style of any given time, (Horn, 1968, p. 178). 40

Mothers defined style in- terms of current fashion. Statements such as how the garment is made, appearance, fit, silhouette, and fashion were used in the definitions. Only one mother did not define style in this manner, hut her response, high cost, cannot be said to be out of line as cost is frequently associated with style and fashion.

Buying Recommendations for Mothers of Children in Stories:

Two stories were read to the respondents. (See Interview Schedule page 75)• Although the results were not all they were hoped to be, valuable information was obtained. The first story-questlon asked the mothers to describe a coat to be purchased for a four year old boy whose mother had little money and two younger sons. The use of the word "coat" was confusing to the mothers. They thought in terms of a carcoat or a jacket. A coat would be too- formal for their needs in the climate of Tucson. .Twenty-four women felt it important to get a coat slightly larger than the size needed by the four year old so that the coat could be used by the child longer and then the coat would be passed down to tile younger boys. Few mothers thought in terms of self-help features, fabric, care, warmth, or color. The answers in­ dicated the mothers' need to make things last; they showed the repeat­ ed use of items. The answers showed a certain amount of preplanning to obtain the maximum wear per dollar cost.

The second story-question. asked the mothers to name the items they would purchase for a Head Start girl. The. funds were $50 won in a grocery store contest. The mothers were very -concerned about spending so much on one child for clothing. The economic realm in which they live made it unfeasable to spend this much money on one child- even in a hypothetical situation. Interviewers calmly explained that after the purchases had been made the remaining money could be used to meet other needs. Somewhat reassured, the mothers named the clothing to be purchased. Most of the mothers began with outer gar­ ments, i.e., dressesj then came underwear or shoes, then outer wraps.

In an article for the Journal of Home Economics, Sister Mary

Clarence Joyce ccvi reported that in a study of purchasing habits of

Texas families low-income. mothers ranked from first to last in pur­ chasing children's clothes: shoes, underwear, play clothes, school clothes (Joyce .1966). The low-income respondents in this study did not follow this pattern. (school clothes) were the mothers' first choice, slips (underwear) second, shoes third, and socks (under­ wear) fourth. Only four mothers mentioned play clothes.

Clothing Inventory and Source of Clothing

Pertinent to a study of clothing selection is the wardrobe inventory. It is important to try to ascertain if preferences are in fact synonymous with actualities. How far apart are the ideal and the.real? The interviewers asked to see the Head Start child's en­ tire wardrobe, including dirty clothes, freshly washed clothes, un­ ironed clothes, unrepaired clothes, clothes in storage, and, when possible, clothes on the child. The number and source of items were recorded. The interviewer assessed the condition of the garment based on established categories. 50

Condition: Source:

lo New 1. Gift 2. Good Repair 2. Welfare 3. Color Faded 3•. Hand-Me-Down 4. Stains a ..Within Family 5. . Worn, Threadbare b . From Others 6. Worn,;Holes 4. Purchase, Homemade 7- Worn, Rips or Tears 5• Purchase, Mail-Order 8. Soiled 6 . Purchase, Variety Store 7• Purchase, Second-Hand 8 . Purchase, Specialty Shop 9. Purchase, Department Store

Number of Clothes. The quantity of clothing per child was tabulated according to sex as multipurpose items could be owned by both sexes, but might not necessarily be found with the same fre­ quency in the male and female wardrobe.

The thirty-seven boys'wardrobes consisted basically of slacks or jeans,shirts, underwear and shoes. (See Table 21) Every boy had at least two pairs of slacks and only one boy did not have a shirt, although eighty-four percent had T-shirts, thirty-five percent had polo shirts and fourteen percent had turtle-neck shirts, Nearly every boy had at least two pair of underpants and socks. Leather shoes pre­ dominated in with a few children having tennis shoes and a boot type shoe constructed similar to a high-top tennis shoe but made of leather with a thick sole. More than half of the boys had outer wrapsj. jackets and sweaters were most popular. Less than half the boys had nightwear. Belts, , coats, and shorts were infrequently included in the wardrobe.

The girls' wardrobes were slightly larger and more diversified.

(See Table 22.) The bulk of the thirty-one girls' wardrobes consisted TABLE 21

BOYS' CLOTHING INVENTORY: TOTAL ITEMS, AVERAGE ITEMS PER CHILD, HIGH AND LOW NUMBER OF ITEMS FOR EACH CHILD TOTAL NUMBER OF BOYS: 37

Item No. of Children Total for Per­ Average Highest No. Lowest No. having item all centage item of one item of one item children per possessed possessed having child by each by each item child child

Coat 7 8 19 1.1 2 1 Jacket 22 27 59 1.2 2 1 Sweater: Cardigan 24 39 65 1.6 3 1 Sweater: Pullover Ik 32 38 2.3 6 1 Coat 1 1 3 1.0 1 1 Suit 4 5 11 1.3 2 1 Cap or Hat 4" 5 11 1.3 2 1 Gloves or Mittens 2 2 5 1.0 1 1 Slacks or Jeans 37 i84 100 5.0 12 2 Shorts 6 20 16 3-3 5 2 Swim Suit 1 2 3 2.0 2 2 Shirts 36 163 97 5-1 17 1 Polo Shirts 13 30 35 2.3 1 Sweat Shirts 11 25 30 2.3 9 1 Mexican Vest 1 1 3 1.0 1 1 Turtle Neck 5 6 14 1.2 2 1 Underpants 35 191 95 5.5 12 2 T-Shirts 31 155 84 5.0 12 2 Socks 35 200 95 5.7 id 2 Shoes: Leather 34 42 . _ 92 1.2 2 1 Shoes: Tennis 9 9 24 1.0 1 1 Shoes: Boot-type 3 3 8 1.0 1 1 Galoshes 1 1 3 1.0 1 1 Pajamas or Nighties 17 32i 46 1.9 4 1 Belt 3 3 6 1.0 1 1 TABLE 22

GIRLS' CLOTHING INVENTORY: TOTAL ITEMS, AVERAGE ITEMS PER CHILD, HIGH AND LOW NUMBER OF ITEMS FOR EACH CHILD TOTAL NUMBER OF GIRLS: 31

Item No. of Children Total for Per­ Average Highest No. Lowest No. having item all centage item of one item of one item children per possessed possessed having child by each by each item child child

Coat 26 29 84 1.1 2 i Jacket 7 7 23 1.0 1 i Sweater: Cardigan 25 45 81 1.8 "4™ i Sweater: Pullover 3 6 10 2.0 3 i Sweatshirt 1 i 3 1.0 1 Can or Hat 1 3 3 3.0 1 i Gloves or Mittens 3 3 10 1.0 1 i Slacks or Jeans 16 45 55 2.5 5 i 1 2 3 2.0 2 2 Shorts 11 4o 36 3.6 8 Dresses 30 _ 253 97 8.4 l8 3 Jumper 2 6 7 3.0 3 3 Skirt & Ton Ensemble 4" 6 13 1.5 2 1 Skirt & Vest Ensemble 1 i 3 1.0 1 1 Skirt 7 12 23 1.7 3 1 Blouses 21 56 .68 2.7 9 1 Knit Blouse 4 5 13 1.3 2 1 Tons for Play 3 13 10 4.3 6 3 T-Shirts 10 30 32 3-0 5 2 Underpants 29 172 94 5.9 13 2 Slips 19 5^ 61 2.9 6 ]_ Socks 25 • 167 8i 6.7 16 1 Knee Socks 3 13 10 4.3 6 3 Tights 5 15 16 3-0 4 1 Shoes: Leather 29 44 9"4" 1.5 4 l Shoes: Sandals 1 1 3 1.0 1 1 Shoes: Tennis 11 11 3b 1.0 1 l Pajamas or Nighties 16 34 58 1.9 4 1 Bathrobe 4 4 13 1.0 i 1 53 of dresses, underwear, outer wraps, and shoes. Only one girl did not have a dress. The other girls had no fewer than three dresses. and jumpers were present, but in limited quantities. Over half of the girls had blouses. Twenty-nine girls had at least two pair of under­ pants and nineteen girls had at least one slip. Eighty-one percent had socks; knee socks and leotards were infrequently mentioned. Twenty- nine girls had a pair of leather shoes. Tennis shoes and sandals were infrequently mentioned. Twenty-six girls had coats and twenty-five had cardigan sweaters. Jackets were not a popular outer garment.

Circumstances evidently have forced these mothers to plan multi-purpose wardrobes. For the first child, quality purchases at the lowest possible price had been made. For later children in the family, hand downs had been.reinforced with purchases.

The girls' wardrobes, particularly the dresses, lacked self- help features. The newer dresses had more freedom of movement, but due to the economic limits of the mothers, dresses that restricted movement were frequent. Jumpers, a year-round, multipurpose garment, were almost non-existent.

For boys, the use. of polo or knit shirts, would adapt to vari­ ous sizes of children, require little or no ironing, and would allow the child much freedom of movement. Only thirteen boys had polo shirts, while thirty-six boys had shirts.

Condition of Clothes. The condition of the children's clothes was tabulated as excellent, good, and fair. "Excellent" in­ cluded new clothes obtained within three months of the inventory, not counting December, 1968 Christmas gifts. "Good" included clothes in good repair and faded clothes and soiled if in the laundry but not

stained. "Fair" included worn and stained clothing. (See Table 23)

The condition of the clothes was predominately "good." Harrington,

in The Other America, stated that, thanks to cheap manufacturing, we

have the world's best-dressed poor. (Harrington, 1968, p. 12).

Overall, the girls' wardrobes had fewer stains and rips and

tears than the boys' wardrobes, and girls clothes were less "worn"

than the boys. The image of what children are, girls sweet and

pretty, boys, rowdy and dirty, may be reflected in the children's

wardrobes.

Source of Clothing in Wardrobes. Mothers patronized depart­

ment stores and variety stores extensively. They also relied heavily

on hand-downs from within the nuclear family as well as from rela­

tives. Many of the items listed as gifts were thought to be hand- .

.downs as well as gifts. Pride is an important thing to all human

beings •, interviewers listed all gifts as gifts. Specialty shops were

listed frequently, but they were not as popular as department stores.

Homemade and second hand were listed infrequently. These mothers do

not have time to sew, and if they did, they may not have the mental

attitude to enable them to sew.

Tucson second-hand stores were visited. They had some nice

items, but for a very little more money the mothers could buy new gar­

ments . Here again pride undoubtedly influenced the type of clothing

acquisition.

Welfare, grocery store, and door-to-door salesmen were each

mentioned by one mother only. Mail-order was not used as a clothing 55

TABLE 23

CONDITION OF 62 HEAD START CHILDREN'S CLOTHING

Condition Number Percentage.

Excellent ■ k 6

Good - 4? 76

Fair 11 . 18

Total 62 100

source, probably because of the need to go to the post office or cata­

log order outlet to pick up the items. In addition, the postage

charge would increase the total cost of the items. It was easier and

cheaper to walk to the store and pay cash or use the lay-away offered by the store.

■ It was found that the mothers' places to shop and the sources

of the children's clothes were similar. (See Table 2k) Again the mothers were consistent.

Care of Clothes

Care of clothing is important because appearance is important.

First impressions are commonly visual, although all the senses may be: involved when people meet. The cleanliness and grooming of the body and its covering determine to a large extent whether the first impres­ sion is favorable or unfavorable. Laundry and mending practices were investigated. 5-6

TABLE 2k

SIMILARITY OF MOTHERS' SHOPPING PLACE AND SOURCE OF CHILDREN'S CLOTHING

Similarity Number Percentage

Exactly the same 5 9

Additional sources 39 71

Additional shopping places and sources 5 9

Completely different 6 11

Not available 8 . WW *X9

Total 65 100

Sixty-three of the sixty-five mothers used a wringer or' auto­ matic washing machine to clean their clothes. (See Table 25) Twenty- five mothers specified.wringer washers and twenty-nine mothers specified automatic washers, either at home or in the laundromat.

Over half of the mothers had washers in their homes = Only two mothers did their wash exclusively by hand.

Some mothers looked for wash and wear fabrics,. but most mothers ironed all garments regardless of finish on the material. They un­ doubtedly ironed from habit, and may have lacked knowledge of care of permanent pressed or. wash and wear materials

When asked what they did about ripped clothes, the majority of mothers stated that they repaired anything repairable, Iron-on patches as well as needle and thread were used in the repair process.

Mothers also made garments smaller for other children as they remade 57

TABLE 25

HOW MOTHERS WASH THEIR CLOTHES

Method Number Percentage51

Washer Own 49 75 Laundromat 14 22 . Mother's 4 6

- Wringer 25 38 Automatic 15 2-3 Not specified 4 6

Hand 6 9 b Total ' 117 181

Percentages calculated as of 65 mothers.

^Total is more than 65 because of multiple choice by some mothers.

torn and ripped -garments. They cut off the legs of pants to make shorts; they cut off sleeves worn out at the elbow to make short sleeve shirts.

Mothers made maximum use of clothing. Thirty-one mothers used

clothing for more than one child. Some would even save items for use

as a hand-down. Clothes that had served each child in succession from purchase to the youngest child were given away, with most of them go­

ing to Nogales, Sonora, for friends, relatives, or needy families.

The clothes beyond use were used as rags.

Sewing has been considered an important skill in repairing as well as in making clothes. Nearly half of the mothers owned sewing machines; twenty-three of the thirty-one machines owned by the mothers 58

were in working condition. Seven of -the thirty mothers who did not

own sewing machines had a relative who did. Twenty-six mothers could

sew by machine and sixty-four did hand sewing. Sixteen mothers said ,

their sewing skills were limited. Very few mothers made their chil­

dren's clothes.

Values

The clothing values devised by Lap!tsky (1961) were used to

■ascertain the clothing values of the participants. Each value was

incorporated in five questions, one question for each of the other

four values and one question where the value was offered alone. Com­

parison. questions were of the closed-end nature. Mothers were asked

to choose between two alternatives. Questions where the value was of­

fered alone were of a yes-no nature. The respondents] comments and

explanations were recorded. Tabulation was based on the'number of

times the mother chose each value, so that each value had a score of

from zero to five for each mother.

Thirty-eight of the mothers chose the economic value all five

times. (See Table 26 ) Twenty mothers chose the economic value four

times. Thirteen mothers failed to choose an alternative every time.

Thirty-five mothers chose the Social II value three, four, or five

times.

The choice of the economic value by so many mothers reflected

their living situation. The families used in this study all met the

Federal Government's definition of economic poyerty. (Appendix B)

These mothers had no alternative but to be economically oriented. 59

TABLE 26

VALUES ACCORDING TO THE NUMBER OF TIMES SELECTED, BY THE MOTHER

TOTAL MOTHERS 65 HIGHEST TOTAL FOR VALUE 5

Value 5 4 3 2 1 0

Aesthetic 1 10 13 16 22 3

Economic 38 ■ 20 5 2 . 0 0

Political 0 ■4 17 16 21 7

Social I 0 3 5 .21 24 12

Social II 1 16 18 16 8 6

They were poor. Their cultural background and lack, of education kept them poor. These mothers had children, and with children go respons- . ibilities of providing food, shelter, and clothes. Their learned be­ havior told them to care for their children as best they.could, so wardrobes were small, hand downs were used and quality and cos't were, factors in clothing selection. The. important thing to the mothers was for the child to be covered and warm.

Though basic living functions pressed hard on their time and energy, mothers were concerned about the social approval and conformity of their children (Social.TI value) as they realized that if their children were to have a better life then they had had they must inte­ grate into the white middle class urban society that predominates in this country. Americans of. Mexican descent are a minority group in the

United States. Unfortunately the fact that they were the original

white settlers in Tucson has not exempted them from being viewed as

second class citizens. This may be because of their poverty rather

than their cultural heritage,- but regardless of the reason, it is a

fact. The only prestige.(Political Value) these people hope to attain

is in the subculture to which they are bound and in this subculture

they are judged on what they are, not on what they wear. They are not

interested in trying to impress the teacher who knows nothing of their background or culture and. furthermore doesn't care to know.

Americans of Mexican descent do not express regard for their

fellow beings through clothing (Social I Value); they express respect

and regard by offering food when the respected, person is in their home.

They do share clothing, but it is among relatives or others in their

ethnic group and it is done for economic reasons =

Only one mother chose all aesthetic responses. She was thirty-

seven years old, had gone to school for six years in Mexico, and had a

husband and four children in the family. This mother emphasized style

over comfort and clothing care. She felt it very important that a

child have the "right" kind of clothes; quantity made no difference.

One mother chose all Social .XI responses. She was thirty-seven

years old, had a ninth grade education, worked, as did her husband.

There were seven children. This mother's vocabulary was well developed.

Her child rearing techniques were extremely good and she.guided her

children with tactful soft phrases, showing patience and understanding.

She insisted that her children look "right" because of her own embarrassing experiences during the depression. She could remember feeling uncomfortable when she wasn't dressed the way she wanted to be.

She didn't want her children to feel out of place. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

One purpose of this study was.to determine the clothing selec­ tion, if any, by the low-income mother of Mexican descent. The major­ ity of mothers did select their children's clothes, from department and variety stores in Tucson, Arizona. Selection was based on quality, price, and.fit. Mothers chose garments to cover the body, to make their children presentable to the outside world and to conform to the image of what they think a boy or girl should look like.

Cash was the way most mothers paid for clothing. Some mothers had credit cards and some used lay-away programs, during clothing sales.

.Some mothers received clothes from the school clothing bank and one mother accepted clothing from welfare. All other mothers purchased their, clothing.

The boys' wardrobes consisted basically of jeans or slacks, shirts, T-shirts, under pants, socks and leather shoes. These gar­ ments were in good condition. The basic girls' wardrobe was larger and more diversified. Girls' wardrobes included dresses, underpants, slips, socks, shoes, coats, and sweaters. These garments were in good condition.

With few exceptions, wardrobes tended to be small, averaging

5 pair of pants, $.1 shirts, 5 T-shirts, 5*5 underpants, 5'.7 pair of socks, and one pair of leather shoes for each boy. Averages for the - girls' wardrobes were 8.4 dresses, 5*9 underpants, 2.9 slips, 6.7 pair of socks, 1.5 pair shoes, 1.1 coats, and 1.8 sweaters. 1

The values of the mothers were very- predominately economic.

Clothing values were reflected in the wardrobes of the children, evi­ denced by the incorporation of hand downs and the criteria for selec­ tion, . i.e.,quality, price,. and fit.

Recommendations f or Father Study

This project was considered the beginning of a series of pos­ sible other projects of the same, nature. It would be most valuable to interview middle class mothers with a child in a preschool program and compare the results, with those of this study. Also it would be most revealing to compare various ethnic groups in various income ranges with a child in preschool and compare the results.

Just as STYLE is somewhat ambiguous, so is QUALITY. A research paper on the meaning of QUALITY to low-income mothers, could possibly be very, revealing and worthwhile. A study Of the knowledge low-income mothers have about the care of permanent press and wash and wear fab­ rics would be valuable.

Suggestions for Changes in the Interview Schedule

There are some flaws in the interview schedule. For fixture use it is suggested that the following changes be made:

1. Question 3 should be divided into two questions with a third choice being."other."

2. Mothers interpreted question $a as meaning the precise gar­ ments they looked for, whereas the original intent of the question was to discover what features mothers looked for. Perhaps suggesting a garment to the mother and asking her. what she would consider before 64 purchasing it would be more effective.

3• Question 5b should be expanded to include: Do you take your children with you? and Do your children ever pick out their own clothes? How often?

4:. Question 11 is poorly phrased. It left many mothers with an uneasy feeling. Perhaps asking specifically how the mother adapts the child's clothes to the weather and his activities would be better.

5. It would be most interesting to ask low-income mothers if their sewing machines were electric or treadle. Several treadle ma­ chines were seen in the homes visited.

6 . Question 13 needs clarification.' When changed to: Do you. have a washer, do you go to the laundromat, or how do you wash your clothes? the. kind of information desired is given.

7. In question 18, it might be revealing to ask why the out­ fit was chosen. Another approach to this question would be to have the mother tell what she thinks of when she sees the picture.

8 . Question 19 required too much probing. The mothers had difficulty coping with this type of question. Carcoat or jacket should have been used instead of coat. The coat was considered by the mothers to be a more formal and a heavier- type of outer cover and in­ appropriate for the Tucson area.

9- In question 20, the amount of money won was too high.

These mothers were unable to think of clothing in $50 terms when their basic needs of food and housing took precedence. Many women were dis­ turbed that the woman in the question would spend the entire sum on clothes for one child. APPENDIX A

INTERVIEW SCHEDULE

65 66

INTERVIEW SCHEDULE- FOR SELECTION AND CONDITION OF CLOTHING OF LOW-INCOME, PRESCHOOL CHILDREN

‘ (INTERVIEWER TO INTRODUCE SELF,AND PARTNER, SAY THEY ARE FROM U OF A AND THAT THEY NEED THE HELP OF THESE PEOPLE IN LEARNING ABOUT CHIL­ DREN'S CLOTHES« THEN SAY:)

We will be asking about such things as where you get . ______s clothes, how you take care of them, how you choose children's clothes and we will need to see all of - ______'s clothes.

(IF MOTHER STARTS TO SHOW CHILD'S CLOTHES TURN TO QUESTION 21)

We want to know what you think about children's clothes. There are no right or wrong answers to any of our questions. Your answers will help us understand how you feel about children's clothes.

1. a. Would you please tell me the store you like best for buying clothes. (PROBE: GET DESCRIPTION OF STORE, WHERE IT IS, WHAT MERCHANDISE.)

b. Why do you like this store? (PROBE: LOW PRICES, LOCATION, SELECTION, QUALITY.)

2. a. Have you ever bought clothes at a store because a friend or relative liked the store?

Yes______No If yes, who was it? ______■

b . How do you learn about places to shop? Where do you shop for your children's clothing?

(INTERVIEWER CIRCLE MSWER GIVEN.)

3 . When purchasing clothes do you:

a. buy when.you do your.other errands?

b. make a special trip to buy clothes?

c . shop only when you must have clothes?

d. buy when, the stores are having sales?

Never ■ Sometimes -____ Often Always ______

4. a. What time of day do you go shopping?

Early morning (9:30-10:29 a.m.)______Late morning (10:30 a.m.-12:00 p.m.T" ______Early afternoon (12:01-1:59 p.m.) Late afternoon (2:00-4:59 p.m.)______• Night (5:01-9:00 p.m.)______

Never . Sometimes ______Often Always :

b. What is your favorite day to go shopping? Why?

(PROBE: LESS PEOPLE, SALE DAYS.)

5. a » What do you look for when buying your children's clothes?

b. Do you think of your child's likes when buying clothing? (PROBE.) (INTERVIEWER PLEASE CIRCLE ANSWER GIVEN« IF MORE THAN ONE ANSWER GIVEN, NUMBER IN ORDER GIVEN, leE,, ly 2, 3, ETC.)

6 . Which of the following is most important when choosing children's clothes:

a. how to wash the clothes?

b . easy ironing or no ironing?

c . whether the material shows dirt easily or not?

7« Do you buy most of your children's clothes:

a. when there are sales?

b. when they need clothes?

c. when you feel like shopping?

8 . Do you get most of your children’s clothes:

a. .just before school begins?

b . for Christmas presents?

c . in the spring when the weather starts getting hot?

d. all year round?

e. other. specify: ______. ___

9. a. Which piece of your child's clothing do you like best? Why? Will you describe it to me? (or, could I see it?) (PROBE: STYLE, COLOR, FABRIC, TEXTURE, SELF-HELP)

b. Does (he/she) like it?

Yes ____ No______Don't know 1

c. Of all of (his/her) clothes, which one does (child's name) like best? . • ____ _

d. Which one does (he/she) like least? ____ '

(INTERVIEWER PLEASE TAKE NOTE OF THE COLOR, TEXTURE, DESIGN, AND CON­ STRUCTION STYLE, I.E., FADED BLUE COTTON LONG-LEGGED WASHPANTS WITH ELASTIC TOP.) 10= Do you tell your child what to wear each day?

Yes ' Wo ______Sometimes (Comment: (only has one dress)

11. Before you tell your children what to wear what do you think of? (PROBE: , WHAT WILL CHILD DO THAT DAY; WHAT IS CLEAN; WHO WILL ■ SEE CHILD THAT DAY*)

12. Can you sew? Yes ■ Wo ■ A little ____ - Do you have a sewing machine? Yes Wo

If yes: Does it work? Yes ____ Wo _____

If no: Do any of your relatives or friends nearby have one?

Yes Wo

Do you have needles and thread? Yes ____ Wo Comment______;______

Do you do any sewing by hand? Yes ____ Wo Comment______. .

■ 13= How do you wash your clothes? (PROBE: WASHER# BY HAND, LAWDROMAT)

(IWTERVIEWER CIRCLE OR CHECK AWSWER GIVEN.)

ik. When your child rips his clothes do you:

a. throw them away? Always ____ Often Sometimes Wever

b . repair them? ' 'Always ____ Often Sometimes Wever

c . do nothing? Always Often_Sometimes Wever

15. What do you do with clothes your children outgrow? 16. Here are four cards with words which describe clothing. Would you please arrange them in order of importance to you.

(INTERVIEWER PLEASE RECORD THE NUMBER FROM THE BACK OF THE CARDS IN THE ORDER THE RESPONDENT PLACED THEM.)

». , , and .

(INTERVIEWER REMOVE #4. C# D MARKED STYLE AND HOLD IT UP TO THE RESPONDENT:)

17. Will you please tell me what this word means to you?

(INTERVIEWER SHOW THE MOTHER THE PICTURES OF OUTFITS'APPROPRIATE TO THE SEX OF THE HEAD START CHILD.)

18. Which outfit would you like your (son/daughter) to have most? 7$

Nov?' 1 am going to tell you two stories about people who have clothing problems. Pretend they are your friends and they have come to you for advice. What would you tell them to do?

19. Mrs. Sanchez needs to get a coat for her four-year-old son, Jose. Jose is growing very fast. He has two younger brothers. Mrs. Sanchez has very little money. Describe the coat you think Mrs. Sanchez should get for her son. (PROBE: SHOULD IT HAVE A HOOD? BUTTONS? ZIPPER? WHAT SIZE? COLOR?;, FABRIC? WHAT ABOUT WARMTH AND CARE OF COAT? >

20. Mrs..Rodriguez won $50.00 in. a contest at the grocery store where she shops. She has decided to buy clothes for her little girl, Angelita, who goes to Head Start school. What should Mrs. Rodriguez buy? 72

21. CLOTHING INVENTORY

NUMBER ITEM OF ITEMS CONDITION SOURCE

Coat

Raincoat

Galoshes

Jacket

Sweater, Cardigan

Sweater, Pullover

Cap or Hat

Gloves or Mittens

Slacks or Jeans

Shorts

Shirts or Blouses

Dresses (for girls)

Underpants

T-Shirts

Slips (for girls)

Socks

Shoes, Leather

Shoes, Sandals • Shoes, Tennis

Shoes, Thongs

Pajamas or Nighties

Bathrobe

Bedroom Slippers

Other Clothes 73

22. We need to know a little information about your family.

Number in Household:

SEX AGE EDUCATION LEVEL OCCUPATION

Father

Mother

Other Adults

Children: Own

Relative

Other 1H

Just a few more questions, please. 6

(LAPITSKY CLOTHING VALUES)

23• When you dress your child for school do you dress him to look like the other children?

Yes N o Comment: ______

(INTERVIEWER PLEASE CIRCLE ANSWER GIVEN.)

2k. Which is more important: ■

a. for your child to have pretty clothes?

h. for your child to have comfortable clothes?

25• Doyou dress your children to make the teacher notice your child?

Y e s No _____ Comment: ______■ ______

26. If Head Start Child is a Girl:

If someone gave your child a very pretty organdy dress with lots of lace would you:

a. let her wear it only on special occasions such as going to church or parties?

b . let her wear it to school but make her change when she comes home?

If Head Start Child is a Boy:

If someone gave your child,a very beautiful pair of boy's slacks and a new white shirt would you:

a. let him wear it only on special occasions such as going to church or parties?

b. let him wear it to school but make him change when he comes home? 2 7 . Which do you like better:

a. clothes your children can put on and take off themselves?

b . clothes that make you feel proud of your child?

28. Which is more important:

a. for your child to have lots of clothes?

b . • for your child to dress like ;the other children?

29 . Would you:

a. spend only what you can afford to on clothes?

b. make sure your child's' clothes were like everyone elses. (regardless of the cost? even if you had to save on something else?)

30. Do you ever borrow children's clothes?

Yes Wo _____ Comment: ______

31. Which would you like better:

a. clothes that are pretty?

b . clothes like other children wear?

32. Which is more important:

a. lots of clothes?

b . clothes the same price as the other children?

33• Do you try to dress your child to look beautiful?

■ Yes No ____ Comment: - ______

(If Yes) How?______. ______

(If No) Why not? ______

34. Would you: lend your child's party dress to a friend even though it might come back dirty or ripped?

Yes No Comment: 35• Which Is more important;

a. clothes that are very nice?

h. clothes that are the same price as your child's friends?

3 6 . Do you dress your child so that (he/she) is comfortable?

Yes ______No ______Comment: ______

(If Yes) H o w ? ______,______

(If No) Why not? . '

37. Which do you prefer:

a. clothes that are easy to launder?

b . clothes that are the same as your child's friends?

3 8 . Which is more important:

a. clothes the same price as the other children?

b. clothes like all the other children? APPENDIX B

ECONOMIC POVERTY AS DEFINED BY THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT

77 78

ECONOMIC POVERTY AS DEFINED BY THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT

Non-farm Families Farm Families

Persons in Persons in Family Income Family Income

1 - $l,5P0- 1 $1,050

2 $2,000 2 $1,400

3 $2 ,500. 3 $1,750

k $3,000 4 $2,100

5 $3,500 5 $2,450

6 $4,000 6 $2,800

7. $4,500 7 $3,150 more than 7 $5,000 more than 7 $3,500

Source: An Invitation To Help: Head Start Child Development Programs. A community action program for young children. Pamphlet No. 10, Project Head Start, Office of Economic Opportunity Council, p. 13. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

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