Helen Crawfurd Helen Jack, Born in the Gorbals District
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National Records of Scotland (NRS) Women's Suffrage Timeline
National Records of Scotland (NRS) Women’s Suffrage Timeline 1832 – First petition to parliament for women’s suffrage. FAILS Great Reform Act gives vote to more men, but no women 1866 - First mass women’s suffrage petition presented to parliament by J. S. Mill MP 1867 - First women’s suffrage societies set up. Organised campaigning begins 1870 – Women’s Suffrage Bill rejected by parliament Married Women’s Property Act gives married women the right to their own property and money 1872 – Women in Scotland given the right to vote and stand for school boards 1884 – Suffrage societies campaign for the vote through the Third Reform Act. FAILS 1894 – Local Government Act allows women to vote and stand for election at a local level 1897 – National Union of Women’s Suffrage Societies (NUWSS) formed 1903 – Women’s Social and Political Union (WSPU) founded by Emmeline Pankhurst 1905 – First militant action. Suffragettes interrupt a political meeting and are arrested 1906 – Liberal Party wins general election 1907 – NUWSS organises the successful ‘United Procession of Women’, the ‘Mud March’ Women’s Enfranchisement Bill reaches a second reading. FAILS Qualification of Women Act: Allows election to borough and county councils Women’s Freedom League formed 1908 – Anti-suffragist Liberal MP, Herbert Henry Asquith, becomes prime minister Women’s Sunday demonstration organised by WSPU in London. Attended by 250, 000 people from around Britain Women’s National Anti-Suffrage League (WASL) founded by Mrs Humphrey Ward 1909 - Marion Wallace-Dunlop becomes the first suffragette to hunger-strike 20 October – Adela Pankhurst, & four others interrupt a political meeting in Dundee. -
Does Red Clydeside Really Matter Anymore?
Christopher Fevre 100009227 ‘Does Red Clydeside Really Matter Any More?’ Word Count: 4,290 Red Clydeside, described aptly by Maggie Craig as ‘those heady decades at the beginning of the twentieth century when passionate people and passionate politics swept like a whirlwind through Glasgow’ is arguably the most significant yet controversial subject in Scottish labour and social history.1 Yet, it is because of this controversy that questions still linger regarding the significance of Red Clydeside in the overall narrative of British and more specifically, Scottish history. The title of this paper, ‘Does Red Clydeside Really Matter Any More?’ has been generously borrowed from Terry Brotherstone’s interesting article in Militant Workers: Labour and Class Conflict on the Clyde 1900- 1950.2 Following a decade in which the legacy of the Red Clydesiders had been systematically attacked by revisionist historians agitated by contemporary attempts to link the events on the Clyde with those occurring in Russia in 1917, Brotherstone emphasised the new and developing common sense approach to the Red Clydeside debate. It was argued that ‘A new consensus seems to be emerging... which acknowledges the significance of the events associated with Red Clydeside, but seeks to dissociate them from what is now perceived as the ‘myth’ or ‘legend’ that they involved a revolutionary challenge to the British state’. However, as a consequence of the ever changing nature of Red Clydeside historiography it is now time for a re-assessment of the significance of Red Clydeside which incorporates new research into the rise of left-wing politics in Scotland more generally. -
Media Culture for a Modern Nation? Theatre, Cinema and Radio in Early Twentieth-Century Scotland
Media Culture for a Modern Nation? Theatre, Cinema and Radio in Early Twentieth-Century Scotland a study © Adrienne Clare Scullion Thesis submitted for the degree of PhD to the Department of Theatre, Film and Television Studies, Faculty of Arts, University of Glasgow. March 1992 ProQuest Number: 13818929 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 13818929 Published by ProQuest LLC(2018). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 Frontispiece The Clachan, Scottish Exhibition of National History, Art and Industry, 1911. (T R Annan and Sons Ltd., Glasgow) GLASGOW UNIVERSITY library Abstract This study investigates the cultural scene in Scotland in the period from the 1880s to 1939. The project focuses on the effects in Scotland of the development of the new media of film and wireless. It addresses question as to what changes, over the first decades of the twentieth century, these two revolutionary forms of public technology effect on the established entertainment system in Scotland and on the Scottish experience of culture. The study presents a broad view of the cultural scene in Scotland over the period: discusses contemporary politics; considers established and new theatrical activity; examines the development of a film culture; and investigates the expansion of broadcast wireless and its influence on indigenous theatre. -
Sylvia Pankhurst's Sedition of 1920
“Upheld by Force” Sylvia Pankhurst’s Sedition of 1920 Edward Crouse Undergraduate Thesis Department of History Columbia University April 4, 2018 Seminar Advisor: Elizabeth Blackmar Second Reader: Susan Pedersen With dim lights and tangled circumstance they tried to shape their thought and deed in noble agreement; but after all, to common eyes their struggles seemed mere inconsistency and formlessness; for these later-born Theresas were helped by no coherent social faith and order which could perform the function of knowledge for the ardently willing soul. Their ardor alternated between a vague ideal and the common yearning of womanhood; so that the one was disapproved as extravagance, and the other condemned as a lapse. – George Eliot, Middlemarch, 1872 Table of Contents Acknowledgements ................................................................................................................... 2 Abbreviations ............................................................................................................................ 3 Introduction .............................................................................................................................. 4 The End of Edwardian England: Pankhurst’s Political Development ................................. 12 After the War: Pankhurst’s Collisions with Communism and the State .............................. 21 Appealing Sedition: Performativity of Communism and Suffrage ....................................... 33 Prison and Release: Attempted Constructions of Martyrology -
The Women of Red Clydeside the Women of Red Clydeside
THE WOMEN OF RED CLYDESIDE THE WOMEN OF RED CLYDESIDE: WOMEN MUNITIONS WORKERS IN THE WEST OF SCOTLAND DURING THE FIRST WORLD WAR By MYRA BAILLIE, B.A., M.A. A Thesis Submitted to the School ofGraduate Studies in Partial Fulfilment ofthe Requirements for the Degree Doctor ofPhilosophy McMaster University © Copyright by Myra Baillie, September 2002 DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (2002) McMaster University (History) Hamilton, Ontario TITLE: The Women ofRed Clydeside: Women Munitions Workers in the West ofScotland during the First World War. AUTHOR: Myra Baillie, B.A., M.A. (McMaster University) SUPERVISOR: Professor R.A. Rempel NUMBER OF PAGES: x,320 11 ABSTRACT During World War One, the Clydeside region became one ofthe most important centres ofwar production in Britain. It also had one ofthe most volatile male workforces, earning it the reputation 'Red' Clydeside. Previous historical accounts have focussed on the skilled workers, debating the extent to which they were red-hot revolutionaries or narrow craft conservatives. To date, there has been no study ofthe region's large, capable, hard-working female workforce. This thesis traces the experience ofthe tens ofthousands ofwomen employed in the Clydeside munitions industry, paying particular attention to the working conditions in local factories. This thesis contributes to the long-standing historiographical arguments over the nature ofRed Clydeside by offering a new view ofthe dilution crisis which stands 11t the epicentre ofthe debate. It finds more cooperation between male and female munitions workers than has previously been recognized, and suggests that class confrontation, not craft conservatism, was at the root ofthe deportation ofthe shop steward leaders in March 1916. -
Heroes of Peace Profiles of the Scottish Peace Campaigners Who Opposed the First World War
Heroes of Peace Profiles of the Scottish peace campaigners who opposed the First World War a paper from the Introduction The coming year will see many attempts to interpret the First World War as a ‘just’ war with the emphasis on the heroic sacrifice of troops in the face of an evil enemy. No-one is questioning the bravery or the sacrifice although the introduction of conscription sixteen months after the start of the war meant that many of the men who fought did not do so from choice and once in the armed forces they had to obey orders or be shot. Even many of the volunteers in the early stages of the war signed up on the assumption that it would all be over in a few months with few casualties. We want to ensure that there is an alternative – and we believe more valid – interpretation of the events of a century ago made available to the public. This was a war in which around ten million young men were killed on the battlefield in four years, about 120,000 of them were Scottish. Proportionately Scotland suffered the highest number of war dead apart from Serbia and Turkey. It was described as the ‘war to end wars’ but instead it created the conditions for the rise of Hitler and the Second World War just twenty years later as a result of the very harsh terms imposed on Germany and the determination to humiliate the losing states. It also contributed to some of the current problems in the Middle East since, as part of the war settlement, Britain and France took ownership of large parts of the Ottoman Empire and divided up the territory with no reference to the identities and interests of the people. -
Edinburghcaughtupinwomen
8 TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 6, 2018 www.edinburghnews.com EDINBURGH EVENING NEWS EDINBURGH EVENING NEWS www.edinburghnews.com TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 6, 2018 9 FEATURES SUFFRAGETTESTIMELINE 1832 Celebrating the suffragette spirit together Mary Smith presented the first women’s suffrage petition to Parliament 1866 Awomen’s suffrage committee was formed ■ SHAPPI KHORSANDI Edinburgh caught up in women’s struggle for equality as bomb set off at Royal Observatory 1867 Comedian, Lydia Becker founded the Manchester National Author and Society for Women’s Suffrage Amnesty Picture: NATIONAL LIBRARY OF SCOTLAND supporter EFORE 1918 women had almost no role in 1897 BBritishpolitics –they HAVING A VOICE: A National Union of Women’s Suffrage Societies NE hundred yearsago didn’t even havethe right to suffragette march on Princes (NUWSS) was founded today, British women vote. Awoman’s role was do- Street in 1909 Owere given avoice. For mestic, encompassinglittle out- 1903 the first time, many mothers, side having children and taking daughtersandsisterscouldhave care of the home. The suffra- Women’s Social and Political Union (WSPU) asay in how their country was gettes changed this. was formed by Emmeline Pankhurst and two run. face surveillance, intimidation, Every time these women have The 19th century was an era of her daughters. Mrs Pankhurst was arrested, Back then, suffragettes up and threats,imprisonmentandsome spokenup, they’ve helped make of massive change. The Indus- tried and imprisoned on anumber of occasions down the countrywould stop even risk theirlives.But you life better for others —toen- trial Revolution and numerous over the next decade at almost nothing to get their don’t need to travel thousands sure that you and I, as well fu- reforms,including the abolition voicesheard in parliament. -
Harry Pollitt, Maurice Thorez and the Writing of Exemplary Communist Lives
The University of Manchester Research Harry Pollitt, Maurice Thorez and the writing of exemplary communist lives Document Version Accepted author manuscript Link to publication record in Manchester Research Explorer Citation for published version (APA): Morgan, K., Gottlieb, J. (Ed.), & Toye, R. (Ed.) (2005). Harry Pollitt, Maurice Thorez and the writing of exemplary communist lives. In Making Reputations: power, persuasion and the individual in British politics I.B. Tauris. Published in: Making Reputations: power, persuasion and the individual in British politics Citing this paper Please note that where the full-text provided on Manchester Research Explorer is the Author Accepted Manuscript or Proof version this may differ from the final Published version. If citing, it is advised that you check and use the publisher's definitive version. General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the Research Explorer are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Takedown policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please refer to the University of Manchester’s Takedown Procedures [http://man.ac.uk/04Y6Bo] or contact [email protected] providing relevant details, so we can investigate your claim. Download date:10. Oct. 2021 An exemplary communist life? Harry Pollitt’s Serving My Time in comparative perspective Kevin Morgan i Traditionally, biography has been one of the weakest genres of communist historiography. In a country like Britain, where the communist party (the CPGB) had a peak membership in the 1940s of perhaps 55,000 and never elected more than two MPs, its leading figures held few obvious attractions for the conventional political biographer. -
The London Gazette of TUESDAY, the Ytih of DECEMBER, 1947 By
TOnmb, 38161 SUPPLEMENT TO The London Gazette Of TUESDAY, the ytih of DECEMBER, 1947 by Registered as a newspaper THURSDAY, i JANUARY, 1948 CENTRAL CHANCERY OF THE ORDERS David KIRKWOOD, Esq., J.P., M.P., Member of OF KNIGHTHOOD. Parliament for Dumbarton Burghs since 1922. St. James's Palace, S.W.I. For political and public services. 1st January, 1948. The Honourable William John McKELL, K.C., The KING 'has been graciously pleased to Governor-Gerieral of the Commonwealth of signify His Majesty's intention of conferring Australia. Peerages of the United Kingdom on=> the The Honourable Sir Malcolm Martjin« following:— MACNAGHTEN, K.B.E., lately Judge of the High Court of Justice. To be a Viscount:— George Heaton NICHOLLS, Esq., High Commis- The Righti Honourable John SCOTT, Baron sioner for the Union of South Africa in HYNDLEY, \ G.B.E., Chairman, National London, 1944-1947. Coal Board. Lately Controller-General, The Honourable '• .Sir Humphrey Francis Ministry of Fuel and Power, and Chairman, O'LEARY, K.C.M.G., Chief Justice of New Finance Corporation for Industry, Ltd. Zealand. To be Barons:— Sir Valentine George CRITTALL, J.P. For CENTRAL CHANCERY OF THE ORDERS political and public services. OF KNIGHTHOOD. Marshal of the Royal Air Force Sir (William) Sholto DOUGLAS, G.C.B., M.C., D.F.C., St. James's Palace, S.W.I. Comma-nder-in-i&hief and Military Governor, ist January, 1948. Germany, 1946-1947. Sir, Harold Vincent MACKINTOSH, Bt, J.P.; The KING has been graciously pleased to D.L., Chairman, National Savings Com- signify His Majesty's intention of conferring mittee. -
INDEPENDENT LABOUR PARTY REBELS on RED CLYDESIDE Spotlight on Helen Crawfurd & James Maxton in 1910, Keir Hardie, Scottish L
INDEPENDENT LABOUR PARTY REBELS ON RED CLYDESIDE Spotlight on Helen Crawfurd & James Maxton In 1910, Keir Hardie, Scottish leader of the Independent Labour Party (established in 1893) urged a general strike, and especially strikes in the arms and transport industries, should war be declared.1 Outbreak of War When war broke out the Independent Labour Party (ILP) refused to vote in favour of war credits, unlike many of their Parliamentary Labour counterparts.2 Some of the leading campaigners against arms trade profiteering, such as Helen Crawfurd, James Maxton and Philip Snowden, were ILP members. In the second week of war, the ILP published a long resolution unequivocally condemning the belligerent government. It expressed friendship and compassion to workers of all nations: ‘GERMAN WORKERS OUR COMRADES.’ Yet there was no call for protest strikes in the early days of war, despite Hardie’s 1910 resolution.3 Of all the parties represented in Parliament, the ILP took the most anti-militarist stance, yet even it was ambivalent at times. The ILP’s news organ Forward, printed much opposition material under the heading 'Socialist War Points', but it also ran a regular pro-war column by a Clydebank doctor calling himself 'Rob Roy.' With few exceptions, the focus was mostly on capitalist profiteering rather than opposition to the killing industry as such. An example is an article in Forward accusing the government of deliberately starving the state-owned Woolwich Arsenal of work while giving contracts to private firms at higher cost: ‘Great Government Arsenal at Woolwich on Short Time. Profit Plums must be kept for Armament Ring. -
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Gordon Douglas Pollock IRSS 32 (2007) 117 Aspects of Thrift in East End Glasgow: new accounts at the Bridgeton Cross branch of the Savings Bank of Glasgow, 1881 Gordon Douglas Pollock* By 1881 the Savings Bank of Glasgow had become an important symbol in the city. Widely regarded as a dynamic engine for thrift among the working class, its most ardent supporters also believed it an instrument second only to the Church in elevating morality.1 Glasgow’s Lords Provost traditionally presided over the Bank’s annual meetings and newspapers reported on these winter gather- ings, usually held in the temples of the city’s commercial establish- ment. The great and the good attended each year to celebrate the Bank’s achievements: business leaders, Members of Parliament, municipal officials and clergymen lunched together before the official proceedings commenced at either the Chamber of Commerce or the Merchants Hall. With more than 117,000 depositors and funds exceeding £3,500,000 in December 1881, the Savings Bank of Glasgow was not only the largest Trustee Savings Bank in the Kingdom but also a model for others.2 In that year, one Glaswegian in every six, according to the Bank, was a client. Its head office and branches were open to customers six days and three evenings a week. Trustees and managers believed these extended hours suited their clients’ work-week, encouraging thrift and leading to regular transactions totalling 473,582 in 1881. Eighty-six years later Peter Payne, then Colquhoun Lecturer in Economic History at the University of Glasgow, published a seminal essay analysing aspects of depositors’ data accumulated by the Savings Bank.3 He posed three questions he hoped his research would answer: Who were the savers? How much did they * Dr Gordon Douglas Pollock is the author of In Search of Security: The Mormons and the Kingdom of God on Earth, 1830-1844 (New York: Garland, 1989) and ‘Saints and Sinners: Church Members in Glasgow’s East End, 1873-1885’, IRSS, 31 (2006). -
Whatever Happened to Red Clydeside? Industrial Conflict and the Politics of Skill in the First World War*
JOSEPH MELLING WHATEVER HAPPENED TO RED CLYDESIDE? INDUSTRIAL CONFLICT AND THE POLITICS OF SKILL IN THE FIRST WORLD WAR* SUMMARY: Recent studies of industrial conflict during the First World War have challenged earlier interpretations of working-class politics in Britain. The debate has focussed on the events in west Scotland during the years when the legend of "Red Clydeside" was made. It is now commonplace to emphasise the limited progress of revolutionary politics and the presence of a powerful craft sectionalism in the industrial workforce. This essay discusses the recent research on workplace unrest, popular politics and the wartime state. Although the "new revisionism" provides an important corrective to earlier scholarship, there remain important questions which require a serious reappraisal of the forces behind the different forms of collective action which took place and their implications for the politics of socialism. It is argued that the struggles of skilled workers made an important contribution to the growth of Labour politics on the Clyde. 1. Introduction In the years following the outbreak of the First World War British politics were transformed. Before 1914 the Labour Party appeared as a pale shad- ow of European socialist parties, forming a radical wing of the Liberals with few prospects of independent power.1 Within a decade Labour had as- sumed office with the support of a small Liberal Party. This change in the fortunes of the parties was most vividly illustrated in the west of Scotland, where the urban centres were swept by Labour victories in the early 1920s, giving Scotland a distinctive political identity that has remained intact to the present day.2 At the centre of the debate of the making of class politics in modern Scotland stands the industrial conurbation of "Red Clydeside".