POWER POLITICS in the MIDDLE EAST 1979-1989 Jubin Moazami

THE FORMATIVE YEARS OF THE SYRIAN-I RAN IAN ALLIANCE: POWER POLITICS IN THE MIDDLE EAST 1979-1989 Jubin Moazami Goodarzi Department of International Relations The London School of Economics Thesis submitted in satisfaction of the full requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in International Relations University of London Summer Term 2002 1 UMI Number: U162952 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U162952 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Z t? T 7 1+7^, 109 A SZSJUJ- THESIS ABSTRACT Name of candidate Jubin Moazami GOODARZI Title of thesis The Formative Years of the Syrian-lranian Alliance: Power Politics in the Middle East 1979-1989 TEXT The purpose of this thesis is to provide a comprehensive account and detailed analysis of the forces that led to the emergence and consolidation of the Syrian-lranian alliance during a turbulent decade in the modern history of the Middle East. The alliance between the two states, which has now lasted over twenty years, has proved to be an enduring feature of the political landscape of this troubled region. Moreover, since its inception, it has had a significant impact in terms of moulding events and bringing about major changes in the contemporary Middle East. The thesis sets out to demonstrate that, contrary to prevailing views (due in large part to the authoritarian nature of the Syrian and Iranian regimes and their unpopularity in the West), the alliance between them has been essentially defensive in nature. It emerged in response to acts of aggression orchestrated by Iraq (1980) and Israel (1982), in both cases with the tacit support and prior knowledge of the United States. As a result of the research undertaken for this thesis, three distinct phases in the evolution and institutionalization of the Damascus-Tehran axis can be discerned. One chapter is devoted to each of these phases, constituting the three core sections of the thesis. A brief introduction sets out to provide a conceptual framework for understanding the genesis and evolution of the Syrian-lranian nexus. The first core chapter, covering the emergence of the alliance between 1979 and 1982, demonstrates that, while the initial impetus for the birth of the relationship came from the overthrow of Iran's conservative, pro-Western monarchy in 1979, the Iraqi invasion of Iran in September 1980 served as a major catalyst in bringing Syria and Iran closer together, with Syria providing valuable diplomatic and military assistance to help Iran stave off defeat. The second core chapter covers the period between 1982 and 1985, when Israel launched an invasion of Lebanon and challenged Syria in its backyard. Here, Iran lent its support to Syria to drive out Israeli and Western forces during the period 1983-1985. The third core chapter deals with a critical, and perhaps the most problematic, phase in the development of the alliance. By the mid-1980's, both parties had developed conflicting agendas, contributing to tensions between them. However, continued consultations between the two allies, and their ability to prioritize their respective interests and redefine the parameters for cooperation, led by the late 1980s to the maturation and consolidation of their relationship. Finally, the conclusion looks at the reasons why the alliance lasted beyond the 1980's. TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements 4 Introduction 5 1. The Emergence of the Syrian-lranian Axis: 1979-1982 15 2. The Achievements and Limits of Syrian-lranian Power: The Struggle for the Middle East 1982-1985 68 3. Intra-Alliance Tensions and the Consolidation of the Syrian-lranian Axis: The Reversal of Fortunes 1985-1988 148 Conclusion:A Decade On, The Alliance Endures 325 Bibliography 333 3 Acknowledgements There are a number of individuals to whom I am greatly indebted for their generous support and input. First and foremost, I would like to thank my supervisor, Fred Halliday, for his encouragement, patience and constructive critique of the various drafts that I submitted to him throughout the years. I am also grateful to Said Goudarznia, Nasser Majd, Mehrdad Khonsari, Eberhard Kienle and Mahmoud Delkhasteh for their guidance, and for enabling me to arrange several interviews. I owe a debt of gratitude to Patrick Seale, Abolhassan Bani-Sadr, Ahmad Mirfenderski, Richard Murphy and Ardeshir Zahedi for giving me their time, and sharing their knowledge and experiences. Furthermore, I benefited from the insight and information provided by Jafar Ra'ed, Abbas Sayghal, Hazim Sagiyeh, Ahmed Hashim, Safa Haeri, Dilip Hiro and others who prefer to remain anonymous due to the sensitive and controversial nature of my thesis topic. I am immensely appreciative of Andrew Brookes' efforts and diligence for proof reading the entire thesis. During my research, I profited from the newspaper archives at the Royal Institute of International Affairs, and would like to extend my heartfelt thanks to the library staff for their professionalism and kind assistance. Finally, I would not have been able to complete this thesis had it not been for the unstinting support of my dear mother and sister, and my beloved wife, who maintained their confidence in me, and made the long and arduous process of completing this work much more bearable. 4 INTRODUCTION The study of alliances is central to the analysis of international relations. The formation of alliances among tribes, clans and small communities for security purposes dates back to the dawn of civilization. As several of the earliest civilizations emerged in the Fertile Crescent and the Nile River Valley, alliances have been a common feature on the political landscape of the Middle East for thousands of years, starting with the ancient empires of the Egyptians, Hittites, Assyrians and Persians.1 The recurrent struggles involving the various regional powers, and later extra-regional actors such as the Greeks, Romans and Mongols determined the course of Middle East history for more than two millennia until the rise of modem nation-states in the region during the early half of the twentieth century. In the decades preceding and following the Second World War, the rise of modem nationalism in the region, the gradual retreat of Britain and France and the onset of the Cold War ushered in a period of intense political and ideological rivalry among the various radical and conservative states in the Middle East. The Arab defeat in the 1948-49 Palestine W ar at the hands of the newly-created state of Israel, the appeal of radical Arab nationalism and archaic political systems only served to exacerbate and polarize the situation. Furthermore, the region's vast oil reserves, and its geopolitical importance - lying at the crossroads between Europe, Africa, Asia, and the Indian subcontinent - increased the significance of the Middle East in the eyes of the Superpowers, leading to continued outside interference in the area. Concomitantly, many regional actors were eager to cultivate close ties with the Superpowers and to exploit the bipolar system in order to jockey for influence and aid to boost their own power and position, both in regional and international terms. Besides allying themselves with either Washington or Moscow, many states tried to enhance their security by forging alliances with other regional actors, at times to minimize foreign penetration of the Middle East. In his landmark study on alliance theory and alliance formation in the Middle East, The Origins of Alliances (1987), Stephen M. Walt identified 33 different alignments in the region from 1955 to 1979 alone.2 The general trend has been that regional actors have primarily aligned themselves in order to diminish a threat posed by another regional power or alliance. They have for the most part overcome ideological differences in recent decades to ally themselves if an immediate threat exists. Ideological factors assume some significance if they are not confronted with a major security challenge. In addition, the record clearly shows that they will align themselves with extra- regional actors that are willing to support their political objectives. Interestingly enough, ideological factors have been more salient in alliances between Middle Eastern states and their Superpower patrons - as the record during the Cold War era clearly demonstrated. In the 1950's and 1960's, for the most part, conservative, pro-Western monarchies formed defense pacts to strengthen their position vis-a-vis radical, nationalist, republican governments which emerged in Syria, Egypt and Iraq. The latter prematurely attempted to form political unions and assumed a confrontational stance against Israel and its allies. However, the Arab defeat in the 1967 5 Six-Day War discredited the radical camp, diminishing the importance of ideology and regime structure in alliance formation, and eventually giving way to more pragmatic alignments against common threats. This was epitomized by the formation of the shortlived "Arab Triangle" consisting of

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