XXIX

Introduction

The volume of “Minor Stage Works” from the Complete Edition a number of times,4 revised5 and printed in collected editions contains all the works of Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy that can of Florian’s works well into the 19th century.6 It is not known be attributed to a genre of musical drama, with the exception of which concrete textual source the young Mendelssohn had the Singspiele of his childhood and adolescent years, the opera at his disposal. The writings of Florian, whose celebrity was fragment Lorelei MWV L 7 and the large-scale incidental works founded mostly upon fables and novels, provided beloved read- of the 1840s which he wrote for King Friedrich Wilhelm IV.1 ing matter in the Francophile Mendelssohn home, especially in Also included are arrangements of individual movements. The the early 1820s. The children took French lessons7 and Fanny term “stage work” is to be understood in a more broadly en- Mendelssohn set to music no fewer than eleven songs on texts compassing sense here, since a stage performance cannot be by Florian between March and June 1820.8 Her brother Felix ascertained in each case; also, the texts and music written for also penned his first solo song on a text by this author9 before these pieces hover in undefined areas between concert and stage he came across Blanche et Vermeille. It remains a matter of spec- performances. In addition, we are dealing here with works of ulation whether his attention was drawn to the libretto or to the highly varying scorings, characters and dimensions. The “stage” aforementioned music by Rigel.10 for the first works was the salon of the Mendelssohn family The sprightly piece takes place in the pastoral world of shep- home, where smaller pieces were regularly performed as staged herds so popular in the 18th century. At the heart of the story is or semi-staged events for Christmas feast days, birthdays and the love of Blanche and Vermeille, two sisters who, after much other family occasions. This is the atmosphere in which young emotional turmoil, find their way back to their swains Lubin Felix grew up: having attended such festivities, he soon aspired and Colin, whom they finally marry.11 In his musical setting, to take an active part in them with his own works. The present eleven-year-old Felix limited himself to the beginning of the volume contains several fragments from his childhood days, a play; extant are one complete movement and the beginning of a festive play for the Berlin author Gustav Julius printed in 1833, further scene. Mendelssohn fused the text of the first scene and four incidental works for the Düsseldorf Theater written be- the opening of the second scene into one single movement. The tween 1833 and 1835, and an occasional piece for the Leipzig first scene introduces Vermeille, alone at her spinning-wheel, Theater (1839). singing an ariette in which she expresses her feelings for Lubin. This is followed by a duet in which Lubin appears and declares his love for Vermeille. In the 3rd scene the two sisters Blanche MWV M 1 and Vermeille chat about their emotional restiveness, whereby Fragment with a French Text Blanche avows that she is no longer in love with Colin, but with a prince. The librettist had planned a further ariette in Mendelssohn launched this work group in March 1820 and this scene, “L’autre jour, au fond du bois.” It was most likely for chose for his debut piece the text of a French “comédie pasto- this ariette that Mendelssohn notated the first measures. The rale,” Blanche et Vermeille by the successful and well-known au- musical setting called for three solo woodwinds (two oboes, one thor Jean-Pierre Claris de Florian (1755–1794). His comedy,2 bassoon) and stringed instruments. However, the music breaks written in 1780/1781, was given its premiere at the Comédie off after only eight measures, before the entrance of the solo Italienne in Paris on 5 March 1781 with music by Henri-­Joseph part, which precludes any decisive claim about Blanche’s voice Rigel (1741–1799).3 Blanche et Vermeille was then performed range and the projected text.

1 See Series V, Vols. 1-10 of this edition, as well as Vol. 12 for the fragment of the opera Lorelei MWV L 7. 2 On the origins and early reception of the piece see Michel Cointat, Florian 1755–1794, Aspects méconnus de l’auteur de Plaisir d’amour, Paris, 2007 (hereafter: Cointat, Florian), pp. 176–177. 3 Nicole Wild / David Charlton, Théâtre de l’Opéra-Comique Paris, Répertoire 1762–1972, Sprimont, 2005, pp. 47 and 165. 4 Eleven times in 1781 alone; see Cointat, Florian [note 2], p. 177. 5 A two-act version arose from the original three-acter. 6 Florian’s works, which were published in ever new print-runs, were also diffused outside of France. Of particular importance is the 16-volume Complete Edition prepared in 1820 by Antoine-Augustin Renouard (1765–1853). Even in the mid 19th century, Louis Lacour devoted a long lexicon article on Florian; see Nouvelle Biographie générale depuis les temps les plus reculés jusqu’à nos jours, publiée par MM. Firmin Didot frères sous la direction de M. le Dr Hoefer, Vol. 17, Paris, 1856, cols. 952–955. 7 Mendelssohn’s first surviving letter (dated 18 August 1817) to Karl von Stein (1800–1871) was written in French. 8 Renate Hellwig-Unruh, Fanny Hensel geb. Mendelssohn Bartholdy. Thematisches Verzeichnis der Kompositionen, Adliswil/Lottstetten, 2000, pp. 82–90. 9 Pauvre Jeanette, in Übungsbuch bei Zelter MWV Z 1, no. 43. 10 As to Rigel, the fundamental gesture of the scene in question, with its lyrical, rocking character, is unequivocally predetermined. Rigel had his work published in the two-act version by Lauriers in Paris. A copy is located in the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Musikabteilung mit Mendelssohn-Archiv (hereafter: D-B), Mus Mb 32. In this copy, the dedication “dédiée à Monsieur le Cavalier de Florian” on the title page was removed; added here after information from: David J. Buch, Magic Flutes & Enchanted Forests: The Supernatural in Eighteenth-Century Musical Theater, Chicago, 2008, p. 412. 11 A more detailed summary of the contents of the work can be found in: Correspondance littéraire, philosophique et critique, adressée à un souverain d’Alle- magne, depuis 1770 jusqu’en 1782, par le Baron de Grimm et par Diderot, Paris, 1812, Vol. 5, pp. 274–275. XXX

MWV M 2 1820, as the Fragment MWV M 2 interestingly shows. While An Excerpt from the Mendelssohn Family History the action continues to unfold, Abraham and his brother are still arguing over whether Spontini is a good composer. Then a It was clearly a child’s hand that inscribed the title Lustspiel in stranger appears on stage, an unknown artist inquiring among 3 Scenen above a fragment that was written in summer 1820. various bank employees to help him find the managing direc- The action takes place at the Mendelssohn family’s banking in- tors, in order to ask them for permission to give a concert. Sud- stitute; the protagonists are the composer’s father and uncle, denly the dispute is forgotten and the two Mendelssohns are Abraham and Joseph Mendelssohn. Since the latter was cele- once again one heart and one mind – in their vociferous rejec- brating his 50th birthday on 11 August 1820, it cannot be ex- tion of this impertinent request: “Another one of his ilk! Begone cluded that this major family event gave Felix the idea for this with you, or you will raise my ire. Away, away, away, away.” compositional essay.12 Since 1804, the two brothers had headed The diva – to whom Mendelssohn assigned a dramatic soprano a bank institute that bore their names: “J. & A. Mendelssohn.”13 voice – replies with a brief but spectacular vengeance aria that The eleven-year-old began the comedy with irrefutable logic by recalls both Mozart’s Queen of the Night and the grand arias setting these semi-abbreviated names to music: “I, J. Mendel- of Spontini’s operas. The 11-year-old boy seems to have had sohn” (tenor), “I, A. Mendelssohn” (bass); while at the same a very clear-cut idea of the sound he wanted to produce with time whimsically experimenting with various ways of spelling this aria. Though he was absolutely right when it came to the their names.14 Whereas the brothers were totally of one mind in physical gestures of a bravura aria, he did not yet command the professional matters, they soon began arguing about good taste notational skills to insert the many coloraturas with metrical in music. The reason why Joseph Mendelssohn was reproached precision in the score. The following scene plays out in the bank for being unmusical15 was that the two brothers could not see offices, where the employees, who build a small chorus, are dis- eye to eye about the composer Gaspare Spontini (1774–1851), turbed by the inconsiderate behavior of Herr Jordan, who not who descended upon Berlin in 1820 as Royal Prussian General only warbles loudly to himself, but also wants to smoke as well: Music Director and immediately made his musical presence “I do as I please, no one can stop me.” It is not known whether felt with his operas. TheOlimpie mentioned in Mendelssohn’s the appearance of Jordan’s colleague Emden helps smooth the Fragment had been premiered on 20 December 1819 in Paris, ruffled feathers, since the scene breaks off after 53 measures in where the Mendelssohn brothers must have heard the work, for the midst of an accolade with his words: “Quiet, quiet, here’s it was not until 1821 that it was it placed on the program of some more tea, who would like some?” Hints concerning the the Royal Opera. The French source16 had been translated by continuation and planned third scene are missing, just as notes E. T. A. Hoffmann.17 From its first performance on 14 May about the authorship of this witty text. Whoever penned it must 1821 the opera caused a rift among the public. On the day have been very close to the Mendelssohn family. after the Berlin premiere, Rahel Varnhagen noted: “Copious applause from the king and the court at the opera yesterday. Spontini was called on stage and crowned with a wreath. The MWV M 3 king thanked and praised Spontini, holding him by the hand Incidental Music to L’homme automate for a quarter of an hour. The public is hesitant; the majority dis- agrees with the king’s taste and dismisses the work as mere noise Whereas the Lustspiel in 3 Scenen was broken off by the composer and Spontini without merit, sighing over his tremendous effect, himself, the music of MWV M 3 only assumed its status as frag- reputation and salary.”18 Nine days later Varnhagen added: “The ment through its transmission; its attribution to the stage play king has issued a royal proclamation forbidding the publication L’homme automate remains hypothetical. The farce L’homme of negative reviews of Spontini’s Olympia in the local press. The automate by Antoine François Varner and Jacques Gilbert Ym- public is still very divided over this work.”19 This heated contro- bert was given its first performance at the Théâtre des Variétés versy was already anticipated within the Mendelssohn family in in Paris on 10 May 1820.20 Lea Mendelssohn translated the play

12 Larry Todd was the first to establish this hypothesis; see R. Larry Todd, Mendelssohn. A Life in Music, Oxford etc., 2003, p. 64. 13 The bank had been founded in 1795 by Joseph Mendelssohn and operated under varying titles at varying addresses. The institute was housed since 1815 in Berlin’s Jägerstrasse 51. This is most likely the building in which the plot of MWV M 2 unfolds. Abraham Mendelssohn retired from the post of co-partner of the bank in 1821. On the early history of the bank, on the various forms of its name and on its further developments see Wilhelm Treue, Das Bankhaus Mendelssohn als Beispiel einer Privatbank im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, in: Mendelssohn-Studien 1 (1972), pp. 29–80. 14 The text passage of both brothers: “[…] we, J. and A. Mendel, Mendelsohn, pay, receive, pay, receive only hard cash and treasury notes […].” 15 Text passage of Abraham Mendelssohn: “But as for music, you don’t understand a thing.” 16 The text of the tragédie lyrique was penned by Joseph-Marie-Armand-Michel Dieulafoy (1762–1823) and Charles Brifaut (1781–1857) after the epon- ymous tragedy by Voltaire (1763). 17 The libretto was immediately printed:Olimpia. Eine ernste Oper in 3 Aufzügen, von dem ersten Kapellmeister und General=Musik=Direktor Herrn Ritter Spontini, Berlin, 1821. 18 Document of 15 May 1821, quoted from: Rahel Levin Varnhagen, Briefwechsel mit Ludwig Robert, ed. by Consolina Vigliero, Munich, 2001, p. 776. 19 Document of 24 May 1821, quoted from: Ibid., p. 776. 20 Libretto L’homme automate, folie-parade mêlée de couplets; par MM. *** [Jacques Gilbert Ymbert and Antoine François Varner]. Représentée pour la première fois, sur le Théâtre des Variétés, le 10 mai 1820, Paris, 1820, copies in The British Library, London, 11738.o.24.(6.), and in Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal, GD-11620 and THN.6349. XXXI into German and had it performed in her home on 3 February under the pseudonym Till Ballistarius. In February 1819 Lea 1821.21 Her son Felix, who was celebrating his 12th birthday on Mendelssohn Bartholdy sang Casper’s praises: “We now have that day, had contributed his first Singspiel,Soldatenliebschaft a miracle doctor, not in the usual sense (for he only wants to MWV L 1, to this occasion22 and written a little overture to the begin healing now), but one who works miracles in all areas aforementioned farce. The proud mother reported about this to of social formation: he plays, sings, writes, imitates all the ac- her cousin in Vienna: “In the spacious hall, which you will recall tors while being an excellent actor himself, and, above all, he from the masquerade given by T. Ephraim,23 a most charming, is a good-natured, cheerful soul who admires and appreciates ample theater was constructed. The orchestra, selected from the the talents of others without envy.”27 In 1820 Casper was in best members of the royal Kapelle, occupied the middle area; Paris with Abraham Mendelssohn and translated his first li- Felix sat in their midst at the piano; and the area behind was bretto there for the banker’s son, the Soldatenliebschaft. He was raised and filled with the audience. Before [the Singspiel] a to write no fewer than four Singspiel texts for the young Felix French farce was given, which I translated and tried to adapt to before 1823, whereby most of the work involved the adapta- the local conditions as much as possible. It is called ‘L’homme tion of French vaudevilles.28 Apart from the complete libretti automate’ [The Human Automaton] and is truly delightful. for the Singspiele, Casper also drafted texts whose musical reali­ Fränkel24 played an innkeeper and Dr. Casper the automaton zations take their place in the context of the present volume of most splendidly. Felix wrote an overture for it, into which he the Complete Edition. One of them is the music to a Freischütz wove popular folksongs according to French taste.”25 Parody MWV M 4. The mention of the use of folksongs prompted the attribution In a 12-page letter written over the course of several days, Doris of an unmarked score fragment preserved in Oxford to this Zelter (1792–1852), the daughter of Carl Friedrich Zelter, de- piece.26 It is the last page of an orchestral work that features the scribed the celebration of Abraham Mendelssohn Bartholdy’s melody “O du lieber Augustin” in the flute part and, judging 46th birthday on 12 December 1822: “That evening we all from the type of paper and the handwriting, must have been dressed brightly for Mendelssohn, whose birthday falls on the written at about this time. At least one bifolio must be con- same day as father’s, and we had a most amusing time. The eve- sidered as lost, since the score’s two surviving systems bear the ning ended with ‘Der Freischütz’,29 which was in a completely numbers 10 and 11, which strongly suggests that they were pre- modified yet utterly hilarious style, and performed solely by ceded by nine other accolades. the Mendelssohn household. The music was by Felix. About 60 people attended this social event […].”30 Carl Maria von Weber’s romantic opera Der Freischütz had been premiered in MWV M 4 and M 5 Berlin on 18 June 1821 and attained a popularity without equal Two Parodies on Texts by J. L. Casper in the following months. It was hardly surprising that the widely known subject should be subjected to a satirical treatment, and With the one-act stage work Soldatenliebschaft, Johann Ludwig J. L. Casper seemed the perfect man to carry out the literary Casper (1796–1864) entered the life of Felix Mendelssohn Bar- transposition of such a jest. At least one libretto in his hand tholdy as a gifted new librettist. At that time, Casper was study- has been transmitted; although it bears no title, it does provide ing medicine and later gained celebrity as a forensic patholo- a revised version of the Freischütz in no fewer than five acts.31 gist. Undeniable, however, was his strong literary streak, and in The first edition of this libretto was issued by Frank Ziegler32 1818, he published the romantic tragedy Die Karfunkel-Weihe in 2009. Ziegler summarized the storyline with the words: “The

21 The Mendelssohns were then living in the Spandau suburb of Berlin in the house of Lea Mendelssohn’s mother, Bella Salomon, née Itzig (1749–1824), in the Commandantenstraße (Neue Promenade) no. 7. See Manfred Kliem, Die Berliner Mendelssohn-Adresse Neue Promenade 7. Zeitliche Zuordnung und soziales Umfeld als Forschungsanliegen, in: Mendelssohn-Studien 7 (1990), pp. 123–140. 22 There had already been a preliminary performance with piano accompaniment on 11 December 1820 for the 44th birthday of his father; the Singspiel was now played for the first time with orchestra. See the introduction to Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy,Soldatenliebschaft. Komisches Singspiel in einem Akt, ed. by Salome Reiser, Wiesbaden/Leipzig/Paris, 2006, Series V, Vol. 2 of this edition (hereafter: Introduction Soldatenliebschaft). 23 The person referred to here is Lea Mendelssohn’s aunt Rebecka Ephraim, née Itzig (1763–1847). 24 Joseph Maximilian Fränkel (1787–1857) was a partner of the Mendelssohns’ banking institute between 1806 and 1827. 25 Letter from Lea Mendelssohn to Henriette von Pereira-Arnstein (1780–1859) of 26 and 27 February 1821 (quote of 27 February in letter section), D-B, MA Nachl. 15, 11, quoted from: Introduction Soldatenliebschaft [note 22], p. XIX. 26 Observation made by Rudolf Elvers: “Up to now, only one sheet of the score of this Overture has been authenticated, in which the melody of ‘O du lieber Augustin’ appears in it […].”, in: Mendelssohn-Studien 13 (2003), p. 75, there note 2. 27 Letter from Lea Mendelssohn to Henriette von Pereira-Arnstein of 18 February 1819, D-B, MA Nachl. 15, 9, quoted from: Introduction Soldatenlieb- schaft [note 22], p. XVII, note 3. 28 Die beiden Pädagogen MWV L 2 after Eugène Scribe; Die wandernden Komödianten MWV L 3 after Louis-Benoît Picard; then also Soldatenliebschaft MWV L 1 and Der Onkel aus Boston / Die beiden Neffen MWV L 4 after unknown French sources. 29 The work title was placed in parentheses in the source instead of in quotation marks. 30 Letter from Doris Zelter to “the Karoline of my heart” of 11, 13, 15 and 16 December 1822, Washington, D.C., The Library of Congress, Music Divi- sion, Gertrude Clarke Whittall Foundation Collection, Mendelssohn Papers, ML 30.8j, Box 9, Folder 23, quotation on p. 4 below the date of 13 De- cember; accordingly, the celebration must have taken place on 12 December. The recipient of the letter was most likely Karoline Schulze (1794–1881), daughter of the Potsdam architect Johann Gottlob Schulze (1755–1834). 31 D-B, MA Ms. 61. 32 Frank Ziegler, Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy und Carl Maria von Weber, in: Mendelssohn-Studien 16 (2009) (hereafter: Mendelssohn und Weber), pp. 51–100, edition of the libretto on pp. 72–100. XXXII story is as follows: Max Tell is already married to Agathe. His written by Mendelssohn, but about which nothing is known fear of failing in the shooting competition does not ensue from today. an anticipatory trial shot, but from the hunter’s primal fear of A Mozart parody MWV M 5 must also have been written in no longer being able to feed his family, which now has to live in the vein of the Freischütz Parody. However, here, too, only the want for his sake (thus Tell’s self-accusation in Schiller’s text). fragment of a vocal part has been transmitted, as well as a li- Caspar convinces Max to cast ducats (not magic bullets) with bretto by Casper.37 The performers whose names we encounter him into the Wolf’s Glen. But then Samiel (= the Commenda- here allow us to clearly recognize the literary musical sources. tore) appears and invites the delinquents to a festive banquet. The characters in the work are Colifichette, her friend the bar- Caspar then slips into the role of Don Giovanni and recip- ber Zigaro, Countess Elvire, Count Rosenthal and, finally, an rocates with an invitation of his own. Apart from these three Italian composer, Felix, whose full name reads Felice Enrioso levels – Freischütz, Wilhelm Tell and Don Giovanni – there is di Notofressini, knight of the garter. This Felice also turns up a fourth as well: the Mendelssohn children, who function as with a slightly varied honorific title in an undated Mendelssohn the actors of the parody, repeatedly step out of their roles, thus letter of December 1822, which was written one day before the giving rise to an internal network of family relations: Fanny, 49th performance of Der Freischütz – here disdainfully referred who plays Annchen in addition to performing the music to as “Samielsäfferey” – and signed with “Felice di Notofres­ (no doubt at the piano), is called Annchen-Fannchen by Aga‑­ sine, Cavaliere del Hosenbandino.”38 The piece abounded in the; Rebecka, who portrays Tell’s son in Act III, makes her en- allusions to Mozart’s Le nozze di Figaro,39 Don Giovanni and trance in Act I as ‘Rehböckchen’ (little roebuck – a delight- Die Zauberflöte, but also to Rossini’s Barbiere di Siviglia and ful play on words); Paul – as the youngest sibling – interprets to original works of Mendelssohn’s. Thus, for example, a verse Samiel/Commendatore, and is not only addressed several times from the Soldatenliebschaft is gently made fun of once again.40 with his own name (Acts I and V), but – thus the instruction The libretto was intended to contain “Ach du lieber Augustin, in the libretto – must repeatedly declaim ‘with natural voice’ Augustin, Augustin, wo sind meine Pläne hin?” (O you dear in Act V, thus departing from the tone of the role. Every now Augustin, Augustin, Augustin, what has become of my plans?) and then, the names of friends and acquaintances of the Men- which perhaps refers to MWV M 3.41 The surviving music came delssohns are mentioned, or allusions made to family events.”33 from the finale of the work. What was transmitted was the last This summary alone suffices to show that the libretto offered page of an individual part for Colifichette, which features the space for many jokes and humorous references, and thus ideally tutti passages of the couplet, which the “Notenfresser” (note reflected the clever and witty allusions to other works, people or eater) Felice had written in Casper’s libretto for New Year’s Eve, events esteemed in the Mendelssohn family circle. Ziegler inter- and in which he expresses his wishes for the New Year.42 preted the first role name “Max – Tell” as the title of the work and cited a later mention of the piece by Lea Mendelssohn Bar- tholdy.34 The libretto is dotted with cues indicating where mu- MWV M 6 sical segments are to be integrated. Accordingly, the music “by Incidental Music to “What We Bring” – An Original Felix” mentioned by Doris Zelter must have consisted largely Contribution to a Festive Occasion in the adaptation of music by Weber and Mozart. A number of details from the Soldatenliebschaft 35 and from L’homme au- The most perplexing piece of the entire work group is the in- tomate were incorporated in the form of memories.36 Beyond cidental music to the festive play Was wir bringen MWV M 6. this, it is likely that there were at least some smaller sections Little is known about the background of this music, which was

33 Ibid., p. 64. 34 “The manuscript bears no title heading, meaning that the first of the dramatis personae listed can also be considered more or less as the title; in the postscript of her husband’s letter to Wilhelm Hensel of 28 January 1825, Lea Mendelssohn Bartholdy broaches the topic of Casper’s continuation of ‘Max Tell’ […].”, Ibid., p. 73, there note 1. 35 “Alles ruht in süßen Träumen” with reference to 9 Terzetto “Alles schwelgt in süßen Träumen,” moreover, “Und wenn gar erst Agathe wieder erwacht – die Weiber sind ’ne böse Klippe” with reference to 8 Duetto “Die Weiber sind ’ne böse Klippe” from the Soldatenliebschaft MWV L 1. 36 Max Tell: “Kick! (es blitzt! Der Automat.),” quoted from: Mendelssohn und Weber [note 32], p. 89. 37 Libretto in D-B, MA Ms. 60. 38 Undated letter to Johann Ludwig Casper on the evening before the 49th performance of Der Freischütz, which took place on 13 December 1822, Bodlei­ an Library, University of Oxford (hereafter: GB-Ob), MS. M. Deneke Mendelssohn c. 32, fol. 1, first printed in: Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy. Sämtliche Briefe, Vol. 1, ed. and with comments by Juliette Appold and Regina Back, Kassel etc., 2008, p. 99. A chronological proximity to the Mozart Parody MWV M 5 is undeniable. 39 The warbling soubrette Colifichette begins by singing: “Heut will die Gräfin ein Tänzchen wagen.” 40 “Die Männer sind ’ne böse Klippe | Die uns schon scheitern oft gemacht,” which, in its turn, referred to 8 Duetto from the Soldatenliebschaft MWV L 1: “Die Weiber sind ’ne böse Klippe, die manchen scheitern schon gemacht” as well as to the Freischütz Parody MWV M 4; see also note 35. For more on the context see Introduction Soldatenliebschaft [note 22], p. XXI. 41 From a graphological point of view, the score fragment assigned to this work (see above) cannot have been made before 1822 at the earliest; see Ro- land Dieter Schmidt-Hensel, Mendelssohns Handschrift: Bausteine zu einer Schriftchronologie der 1820er Jahre, in: Die Tonkunst 3 (2009), No. 2 (April), pp. 201–210. 42 In the past, this text excerpt caused the piece to be seen as part of a New Year’s music; see J. A. Stargardt, catalogue 502 Autographen (20 March 1952), lot 239 “New Year’s Canon, superscribed ‘Colifichette.’ Beginning: ‘If politics dare bow down to peace, then I shall look confidently into the new year.’” XXXIII published in Berlin in 1833 under Mendelssohn’s name. Two stance than we can claim for other, entire tomes of dramatic movements, a solo song and a male chorus to be sung behind poems that we know. How we wish we had space to confirm the stage were published as a music supplement to a work with this assessment with substantiating examples, so ingeniously the strange title: Talassio oder allerlei Töpfe und Scherben für does this overture proliferate with chance, wit, merriness, mu- lustige Polterleute.43 This is an anthology of farcical, sometimes sic, the queen of blossoms and the demons of discord. Espe- coarsely droll texts poking fun at topics such as wedding-eve cially the quick wit was unmistakably trained at Shakespeare’s parties, nuptials and married life.44 The little book is placed un- knee […].”51 The aforementioned overture is entitled:Was wir der the inspirational motto: “Do not forget that fun must also be bringen. Ein romantisches Vorspiel mit Gesang (What we bring. treated seriously.”45 The author’s name is given as Wilhelm Emil, A romantic overture with song). Allegorical figures representing which, however, seems to be encrypted. A contemporary lexicon merriness, music, chance or wit compete in verbal jousts with of literati working under pseudonyms in the 1830s46 identifies and against one another. A few passages call for musical pieces, the author as Emil Wilhelm Julius47 under “True Names of Un- which are printed in notation in the Appendix of the booklet.52 masked Pseudonyms.” However, it lists only Talassio as his sole There the pieces are supplied with the respective page number opus and provides no biographical data.48 Emil’s dramatische in the libretto and the mention “(for the festive play ‘What we Versuche (Emil’s dramatic essays) had already been published in bring’)”. In the Talassio print one finds musical pieces by alto- 1827.49 The same author also seems to have written a comedy gether six composers from the Berlin region, three of whom had that was published in 1859.50 A contemporary review had this already passed away by 1833.53 Next to a contribution by Zelter, to say about the main work, Talassio: “a strange talent indeed the overture lists two works by “F. Mendelssohn Bartholdy.” It for witty wedding-eve poems stamps this collection and is all was Leopold Hirschberg who, in 1925, first drew attention to the more curious as he seems to exercise his creativity exclusively these two pieces printed under Mendelssohn’s name.54 We owe in this domain; or at least we cannot remember ever having the definitive proof of Mendelssohn’s authorship, however, to encountered this author in any other domain. Yet in this field Peter Ward Jones, who in the spring of 2015, was able to iden- he flits about in a great variety of forms, now dramatic, now tify the Berlin theology student and later publicist Gustav Ju- lyrical, now Old-German=naïve, now modern=sentimental, lius (1810–1851) as the author of Talassio. Julius had written here humorous, whimsical, witty, there profound, emotional, to Mendelssohn in mid-October 1833: “You might remember tender and always clever, free, original and charming. In spite that you were so kind as to write me a few pieces for one of these of being permanently banished to the realm of the occasional festivals. I also had this one published without obtaining your poem, he gives proof of being a genuine poet, producing a vari- permission beforehand. Thus – I apologize! The clock was tick- ety of incredibly beautiful things and, moreover, attracting our ing, Reimer wanted the book to be finished by Michaelmas and attention as a great versifier and master of the rhyme. The ‘Fool’s you were in England. […] I took comfort in the thought that Speech’ in the style of Hans Sachs and the romantic overture: I had a certain right to do as I pleased with the songs since you ‘What we bring’ are unobjectionable in this genre, not only as had gifted them to me.”55 Unfortunately, the connections be- ‘Model’ works, but also as pieces richer in genuine poetic sub- tween the pseudonym Wilhelm Emil, the name Wilhelm Emil

43 Published by Georg Andreas Reimer (1776–1842) in Berlin, 1833 (hereafter: Talassio). A copy is preserved in D-B, Ys 6188. 44 One finds, for instance,Kurzweilige Narren=Rede von gemein weltlichem Lauf, ehelichem Leben und unterschiedlichem Poltern; an allegorical festive play on the happiness of married life (Ehstandsglück); then street artists, a scene with song and obbligato hurdy-gurdy and tambourine (Gassenkünstler); a fairy farce with song and dance (Elfenhuld); then Der Wunderdoktor, Scene with one aria by Rossini, as well as Amors Pfeile, a farce with dance. 45 Talassio [note 43], Motto on title page; the author dedicated the work “to his dear father in grateful filial love on 26 October 1833.” 46 Andreas Gottfried Schmidt, Gallerie deutscher pseudonymer Schriftsteller vorzüglich des letzten Jahrzehents. Ein Beitrag zur neuesten Literaturgeschichte, Grimma, 1840. 47 Ibid., p. 246. The attribution is confirmed by Emil Weller, Die maskirte Literatur der älteren und neueren Sprachen, I. Index Pseudonymorum, Leipzig, 1856, p. 47: “Emil, Wilhelm – Emil Wilhelm Julius.” 48 The complete entry reads: “Emil, Wilhelm. | Emil Wilhelm Julius. §§. Talassio, oder allerlei Töpfe u. Scherze [sic] für lustige Polterleute. (Theatralisches u. Gedichte.) Berl., Reimer, 1833. 8 2/3 B. m. Musikbeil. u. Titelk. gr. 12.,” Ibid., p. 53. 49 Advertisement in: Unterhaltungsblätter für Welt- und Menschenkunde. Wöchentliche Übersicht des Bemerkenswerthesten auf dem Erdball 44 (1827), no. 52 (26 December), p. 842. 50 Verrechnet. Lustspiel in 1 Akt, after the French original by Emil, Berlin, 1859. It was published as no. 203 in L. W. Both’s Bühnen-Repertoir des Auslandes, which was distributed by Louis Schneider (1805–1878) under the pseudonym Both. 51 Blätter für literarische Unterhaltung, no. 187 (6 July 1834), p. 774. 52 Emil jotted down the following comment in the table of contents: “The music to all the songs that appear in the festive plays can be found in the appendix. The accompaniment can easily be arranged for wind instruments.”, Talassio [note 43], p. VIII. 53 The deceased were Carl Friedrich Zelter (1758–1832), Johann Friedrich Reichardt (1752–1814) and Carl Maria von Weber (1786–1826). Still alive, next to Mendelssohn, were Eduard Grell (1800–1886) and C. Böhmer, who is most likely the musician Carl Herrmann Ehrfried Böhmer (1799–1884). He held a temporary post at the Royal Theater in Berlin and later went to London, where he called himself Charles Böhmer. 54 Leopold Hirschberg, Zwei unbekannte Werke Mendelssohns?, in: Jede Woche Musik. Illustrierte Wochenschrift des Berliner Tageblatts, no. 28 (11 July 1925). 55 Letter from Gustav Julius to Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy of 14 October 1833, GB-Ob, MS. M. Deneke Mendelssohn d. 28, Green Books II-123. Mendelssohn did not react to the letter; the work was mentioned briefly only once again in a further letter, whereby it also became clear that the text author and composer knew each other through Zelter and the Berlin Singakademie; see letter from Gustav Julius to Mendelssohn of 30 November 1833, GB-Ob, MS. M. Deneke Mendelssohn d. 28, Green Books II-156. We wish to express our warmest thanks to Peter Ward Jones (Oxford) for pro- viding the decisive evidence for the identification of the author. Biographical information on G. Julius can be found under Heinz Warnecke,Gustav Julius (1810–1851) – Biographisches über einen Mann, dem Marx im Juli 1851 in London die letzte Ehre erwies, in: Marx-Engels-Edition und biographische Forschung, Berlin/Hamburg 2000 (= Beiträge zur Marx-Engels-Forschung, Neue Folge), pp. 217–230 and ibid., Gustav Julius (1810–1851): Streiter für eine “Freie Presse”, in: Helmut Bleiber u. a. (ed.), Akteure eines Umbruchs. Männer und Frauen der Revolution von 1848/49, Berlin 2003, pp. 295–360. XXXIV

Julius traced back to the 19th century, and the author Gus- say this to you, though it would be much more preferable than tav Julius cannot be cleared up authoritatively for our context. to write you this: even if I were to write an opera against my own Moreover, there is no further background information on the convictions, it would be all the more unpleasant if you were dis- genesis and date of the work, although Mendelssohn’s author- satisfied with the musical rendering of your words, and I would ship of the work can no longer be doubted. have to admit that you are right. Yet this is what would happen if I were to write music that does not satisfy even me, and which I would lack the courage to even begin writing. It is solely from MWV M 7 to M 10 this impetus that I allow myself to inform you why I cannot be Works for Karl Immermann and the Düsseldorf Theater of one mind with you, aware that this would otherwise be a sign of the greatest arrogance. I can only speak about what disturbs Mendelssohn wrote altogether four stage works for the Düs- me while composing, and even from a musical perspective you seldorf Theater, compositions commissioned by Karl Immer- must consider this solely as my personal feeling.”59 In a further mann, who was 13 years older than the composer.56 The two letter, Mendelssohn explained what he considered as the pre- had personally met in late November 1831 while Mendelssohn requisite of good composing: “It is in keeping with my innate made a stop on a visit in Düsseldorf, during which he specu- style of setting a text to music that I did not begin by writing the lated on obtaining an opera libretto: “The main thing, however, passages that I found particularly lovely and musical. I cannot is that Immermann writes my text; he was utterly enchanting, compose piecemeal, my favorite passage first and then heading approachable and communicative, and I hope to receive some outward step by step, but I have to be totally in agreement with noble verses. For the man is a poet and knows what poetry is. the entire text, filled with it, pulled in to its core. I must sense it Our acquaintanceship was enjoyable: at noon I played and sang and conjure it up at will – indeed, I would not be able to return songs to him in the city; in the evening I hurried off in frightful to the passages that had not moved me.”60 weather to join him in the country, where he read his poems to Immermann bore no grudges, and later even drafted a further me and showed me the things he had begun working on. The libretto entitled Das Auge der Liebe (The Eye of Love) which, subject that he is using for my opera is Shakespeare’s Tempest.”57 however, remained a fragment.61 Mendelssohn once again felt As a sampling of his talent and a gesture of kindness, Mendels- himself obligated to Immermann and fulfilled his wish for a sohn set to music the Todeslied der Bojaren (Death Song of the musical work in March 1833, the incidental music to Der stand- Boyars) from Immermann’s trilogy Alexis, at his very first visit. hafte Prinz (The Steadfast Prince) MWV M 7, even before the The trilogy was just about to be printed at that time. Three composer had moved to Düsseldorf. With its five movements, and a half years later, the orchestration of this song constituted it was the longest contribution to the category of minor stage Mendelssohn’s last contribution to the Düsseldorf Theater as works. the incidental music to Alexis MWV M 10. One could say that As Düsseldorf’s municipal music director, it was Mendelssohn’s this work conveys a good idea of the relationship between the duty (as of fall 1833) to direct stage productions in addition to two men, a relationship marked by highs and lows between two organizing the church music and the concert programs. One very individual artistic personalities. In the meantime, the strin- of the stage works for which he wrote the incidental music was gent demands made by Mendelssohn of an opera libretto were Andreas Hofer MWV M 8 in December 1833. Mendelssohn’s not fulfilled by Shakespeare’s Tempest.58 In well-chosen words work for the stage in the 1833/34 season did not focus on his addressed to Immermann, the composer carefully formulated own works, however, but on the so-called “Mustervorstellun- his rejection: “After having read your Tempest over and over gen” or Model Performances.62 The brainchild of Karl Immer- again, and after learning to understand and appreciate its great mann, these special events were intended to convey to the pub- beauties, I have nonetheless come to the conclusion that I can- lic, and especially the shareholders of the new municipal theater not put it into music in this form. I would otherwise not dare that was still under construction, a taste of artistic things to

56 District Court Councillor, writer and later theater Intendant Karl (actually Carl) Leberecht Immermann (1796–1840); in this edition, his name is consistently spelled Karl Immermann. 57 Letter to Franz Hauser of 6 December 1831, extant only as a scribal copy, D-B, MA Nachl. 7; 30, 1 [no. 7], pp. 35–38, location of original unknown, printed in: Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy. Sämtliche Briefe, Vol. 2, ed. and with comments by Anja Morgenstern and Uta Wald, Kassel etc., 2009, pp. 423–425, quotation on p. 424. 58 Werner Deetjen, Immermann’s Bearbeitung des “Sturms” als Operntext, in: Jahrbuch der Deutschen Shakespeare-Gesellschaft 57 (1921), pp. 65–76. Immer- mann’s arrangement bore the title Der Zaubermantel in Calibans Händen and was completed on 10 May 1832. 59 Letter to Karl Immermann of 27 July 1832, Heinrich-Heine-Institut, Düsseldorf (hereafter: D-DÜhh), 51.4897/3; first printed in:Jahrbuch der Deutschen Shakespeare-Gesellschaft 57 (1921), pp. 67–72. 60 Letter to Karl Immermann of 7 August 1832, D-DÜhh, 51.4897/4, first printed in:Jahrbuch der Deutschen Shakespeare-Gesellschaft 57 (1921), pp. 72–73 (erroneously dated 17 August 1832 there after a copy). 61 The 22-page manuscript is housed in D-B, MA Ms. 88, see Eva Beck, “Das Auge der Liebe” und seine Wandlung. Zwei unveröffentlichte Bearbeitungen, in: Immermann-Jahrbuch 6 (2005), pp. 9–33, in particular pp. 17–33. The opera libretto written between 1832 and 1834 constituted the revised version of a comedy originally written in 1823, and that was recited in 1827 by Carl von Holtei at the home of the Mendelssohn family. 62 Stage works were of rather secondary importance in Mendelssohn’s compositional work during his Düsseldorf years 1833–1835; see Ralf Wehner, “Ein paar neue Lieder habe ich gemacht, und eine Clavier Etüde, die aber nichts taugt”. Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdys Kompositionen für Düsseldorf, in: “Übrigens gefall ich mir prächtig hier”. Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy in Düsseldorf, ed. by Bernd Kortländer (catalogue of the exhibition of the Heinrich-Heine- Institut, Düsseldorf, 1 October 2009 to 10 January 2010), Düsseldorf, 2009, pp. 70–87. XXXV come in this theater dedicated to the performing arts, and, in Tuesday, and I wished it had ended there.”67 Mendelssohn took particular, to spoken plays and operas.63 Productions of works a decision and wrote to his mother in a spirit of elation: “I had in these art forms were thus mounted in alternation as “models” fallen into a terrible state of confusion and excitement, and or examples for the future. Consequently, everyone involved in felt worse than during my busiest time in London. When I sat this undertaking placed a special emphasis on the acting, the down to my work in the morning, at every bar there was a ring- stage sets, the costumes and, of course, on the quality of the mu- ing at the bell: then came grumbling choristers to be snubbed, sical execution in these productions. Delegates from the Düs- stupid singers to be taught, seedy musicians to be engaged; and seldorf Art Academy provided stage sets, and actors fashioned when this had gone on the whole day, and I felt that all these impressive tableaux vivants or “living pictures” on the stage. In things were for the sole benefit and advantage of the Düsseldorf Düsseldorf, this culture of tableaux vivants reached its high- theatre, I was provoked; at last, two days ago, I made a ‘salto est flowering in the 19th century.64 It affected Mendelssohn as mortale,’ and beat a retreat out of the whole affair, and once well, since background music was played while the tableau was more feel myself a man.”68 being assembled.65 This required a precisely timed operation Immermann managed to stabilize the operation of the theater that not only fit into the time frame needed by the perform- and to keep it going against mounting resistance for three sea- ers, but that also reflected what was happening on the stage. sons.69 Julius Rietz (1812–1877) came to his aid as the theater’s Mendelssohn solved the problem by having certain sections of Kapellmeister. The Düsseldorf Model Performances were ulti- the music repeated, and by not leading into the coda before the mately unable to survive, and the theater closed on 31 March tableau began to reach its completion on stage. This technique 1837 with a performance of the drama Griseldis by the Austrian is evidenced in the incidental music to Kurfürst Johann Wilhelm author Friedrich Halm.70 im Theater(Prince Elector Johann Wilhelm at the Theater) MWV M 9, written for the inauguration of the municipal the- ater on 28 October 1834, and in Mendelssohn’s arrangement of MWV M 7 two movements of Beethoven’s Piano Sonata op. 26.66 The Steadfast Prince: The First Work for Düsseldorf It borders on the tragical that precisely at that time, when the theater was opened, and the toil of many years seemed ready On 20 February 1833 Mendelssohn informed his friend Carl to bear fruit that the artistic views of the Intendant and the Klingemann about a new composition project: “[…] I accepted Music Director diverged so massively that a rift was inevitable, another contract that I very much enjoy. In Düsseldorf there is and Mendelssohn resigned his post as opera director. Only three a society for the cultivation of the theater, with which Immer- days after the opening he admitted to his friend Franz Hauser: mann, Uechtritz71 etc. have classical plays performed as flaw- “There was a great deal of work here with the theater and ad- lessly as possible. I have been asked to write the choruses and ministrative duties: I am not suited for this and am so lacking the apparition of the ghost for The Steadfast Prince, to attend in interest and talent in this field of business that we ultimately the first performance in April when I pass through Düsseldorf, don’t even achieve mediocrity, a word I abhor. It began last and to conduct the orchestra.”72 That same day he wrote to

63 Richard Fellner provides a comprehensive examination of this topic, whose assessments, however, are highly subjective, at least from our present-day viewpoint: Geschichte einer Deutschen Musterbühne. Karl Immermanns Leitung des Stadttheaters zu Düsseldorf, Stuttgart, 1888 (hereafter: Fellner, Muster­ bühne). The book, which exalts Immermann’s merits in a glorifying style, nevertheless deserves its significant status through the wealth of evaluated source material. At the time he wrote his book, Fellner had at his disposal a major segment of Immermann’s estate. 64 Bernhard R. Appel, ‘Mehr Malerei als Ausdruck der Empfindung’ – Illustrierende und illustrierte Musik im Düsseldorf des 19. Jahrhunderts, in: Akademie und Musik. Erscheinungsweisen und Wirkungen des Akademiegedankens in Kultur- und Musikgeschichte: Institutionen, Veranstaltungen, Schriften. Festschrift for Werner Braun on his 65th birthday, ed. by Wolf Frobenius, Nicole Schwindt-Gross and Thomas Sick, Saarbrücken, 1993 (= Saarbrücker Studien zur Musikwissenschaft. Neue Folge; 7), pp. 255–268 and 361–364. 65 Brigitte Metzler, “Denn jedes Bild will seines Rahmens Wände verlassen …” Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy und die Lebenden Bilder, in: Bürgerlichkeit und Öffentlichkeit. Mendelssohns Wirken in Düsseldorf, ed. by Andreas Ballstaedt, Volker Kalisch and Bernd Kortländer, Schliengen/Markgräflerland 2012 (hereafter: Bürgerlichkeit und Öffentlichkeit), pp. 35–55. 66 See Ralf Wehner, “… das sei nun alles für das Düsseldorfer Theater und dessen Heil …” Mendelssohns Musik zu Immermanns “Kurfürst Johann Wilhelm im Theater” (1834), in: Die Musikforschung 55 (2002), Book 2 (April–June), pp. 145–161 (hereafter: Wehner, Kurfürst), on the Beethoven instrumentation in particular see pp. 157–159. 67 Letter to Franz Hauser of 1 November 1834, extant only as a scribal copy, D-B, MA Nachl. 7; 30, 1 [no. 20], pp. 71–76, location of original unknown, first printed in: Eduard Hanslick, Briefe von F. Mendelssohn, in: Aus neuer und neuester Zeit. Musikalische Kritiken und Schilderungen, Berlin, 21900 (= Der modernen Oper IX. Teil), pp. 288–290. 68 Letter to Lea Mendelssohn Bartholdy of 11 November 1834, Music Division, The New York Public Library for the Performing Arts, Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations (hereafter: US-NYp), *MNY++ Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, Felix, Family Letters, No. 211, with divergences and published under the date 4 November 1834 in: Paul and Carl Mendelssohn Bartholdy (ed.), Briefe aus den Jahren 1833 bis 1847 von Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy, Leipzig, 1863 (hereafter: Briefe aus den Jahren 1833 bis 1847), pp. 57–59; quoted from: Clive Brown, A Portrait of Mendelssohn, New Haven and London, 2003, pp. 138–139; similar remarks in Mendelssohn’s letter to his friend Klingemann of 30 November 1834, D-DÜhh, 62.685, printed in: Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdys Briefwechsel mit Legationsrat Karl Klingemann in London, ed. and introduced by Karl Klingemann (Jr.), Essen, 1909 (hereafter: Briefwechsel mit Klingemann), pp. 154–156. 69 A complete register of the theater repertoire under Immermann’s direction is supplied by Karl Leberecht Immermann, Briefe, Text-critical and annotated edition in three volumes ed. by Peter Hasubek, Munich, 1978, 1979 and 1987 (hereafter: Immermann, Briefe), Vol. III.2, pp. 1490–1513. 70 Pseudonym for Eligius Franz Joseph Baron von Münch-Bellinghausen (1806–1871). 71 Like Immermann, Peter Friedrich von Uechtritz (1800–1875) was also a jurist and authored dramatic works as well. 72 Letter to Carl Klingemann of 20 February 1833 (jointly with Rebecka Dirichlet); original in a private collection, quoted from: Briefwechsel mit Klinge- mann [note 68], pp. 112–113. XXXVI

Franz Hauser that he wanted to sprinkle the piece “with digni- The dramas of Calderón77 enjoyed great popularity in early fied chorales.”73 The commission from Düsseldorf arrived with 19th-century Germany and were available in translations by a cover letter from Immermann dated 13 February 1833 (no August Wilhelm von Schlegel (1767–1845) and Johann Die- long­er extant), to which Mendelssohn reacted joyfully and re- derich Gries (1775–1842). Karl Immermann adapted several plied at length: “I, too, have been so involved in projects and plays for the stage,78 among which was Der standhafte Prinz.79 duties of various kinds in the past months that I am almost What was peculiar about the incidental music to this play was ashamed to have just now taken up your commission of the mu- that Mendelssohn followed Schlegel’s translation in his compo- sic to The Steadfast Prince, for I will only be able to devote a few sitional work, while Immermann was adapting the play in Düs- moments to reflect on it; in any event, I shall indeed write it, seldorf, without the chance to hold any further consultations.80 for the opportunity is far too enticing and I would be delighted This resulted in a discrepancy between the intended version as to present something to the Verein. The four musical pieces you transmitted through the autograph score, and the version that write to me about should be in score and in your hands by the was ultimately heard during the performance. Immermann end of March, this much I can promise; obviously, it would be had sent the composer the text of a chorus that he had addi- splendid if I could attend the performance myself and oversee tionally inserted, but left Mendelssohn in the dark concerning, the music. Thus please let me know whether early April is the for example, the use of Schlachtmusik (battle music). Mendels- latest possible date for this, or whether it could not be post- sohn worked on his Symphony in A major MWV N 16, the poned until the middle of the month, which is what almost Italian Symphony, until 13 March 1833. Five days later the always happens in such complex situations. If it is delayed until music to Der standhafte Prinz had been set to paper and was mid April and I know this beforehand, then I might be able to dispatched to Düsseldorf on 18 March with the explanatory come and rehearse the piece and work on it properly with the words: “Herewith enclosed the desired musical pieces to The orchestra. I would also like to know whether I am expected to Steadfast Prince. I had planned to write an overture, but my du- write for full orchestra and full chorus. I would like to begin as ties prevented this, as you wished to speed up the matter. I have soon as I obtain this information, and send you the pieces in not even managed to have it reach you by the 21st, but the one time to have them copied out. It would suit me best to write an day will hopefully not cause any problems. – Unfortunately I overture of my own, since every piece from a different hand re- do not know whether the music will fit everywhere, since your mains foreign to the piece. However, I fear that I shall not have five-act structure has shown me that you were using a different the time to do so, no matter how much I would like to. Along arrangement than the Schlegel translation, and I could not tell with the incidental music, I could send you either the overture where the ending of the first act should be, with its chorus, that was performed here74 or, if theirs is too jolly (as is wont to where the battle begins etcetera. I would have preferred discuss- happen with tragedies) I would try to find you a different one. ing this with you beforehand, so that the endings of the musical But I don’t want to entirely exclude an original composition. pieces fit together properly, but there was no time left and my The task fascinates me far too much.”75 Mendelssohn hinted music, the hastiness of which can be discerned, especially in that he knew the play fleetingly and had read it a long time ago. the first two pieces, is at your total and utter disposal, for as “It would also make sense for me to be there personally as I have many cuts and da capos as you wish; but please let there be a no idea how you organize these productions, and I could see that splendid bass drum and cymbals in the orchestra for the battle, everything fits together properly. This way, no one but me would for without this there are no Moors.”81 Nothing is known about have to change anything if changes become necessary.”76 Immermann’s reaction to Mendelssohn’s words. In his Diarium

73 Letter to Franz Hauser of 20 February 1833, surviving only as a scribal copy, D-B, MA Nachl. 7; 30, 1 [no. 14], pp. 50–54, printed in: Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy. Sämtliche Briefe, Vol. 3, ed. and with comments by Uta Wald in association with Juliane Baumgart-Streibert, Kassel etc., 2010, pp. 129–131, quotation on p. 130. 74 Der standhafte Prinz was last given in Berlin in 1824/1825 in a reprise of the premiere production of 15 October 1816 with music by Joseph Augus- tin Gürrlich (also Gürlich, 1761–1817). Individual string parts, including those of two choruses, a battle music and a march, have survived in D-B, Mus. ms. 8790/5. The Berlin performance had a certain importance for the Düsseldorf stage production in that descriptions and illustrations of the original costumes served as models for the production on the Rhine, see below, note 87. 75 Letter to Karl Immermann of 18 February 1833, D-DÜhh, 51.4897/5, printed in excerpts for the first time in: Ursula Galley,Bilder aus Düsseldorfs musikalischer Vergangenheit, in: 110. Niederrheinisches Musikfest in Düsseldorf, Jahrbuch 1956, ed. by Julius Alf, Düsseldorf [1956], pp. 33–49, quotation on pp. 45–46. Today, only a summary of the contents of Immermann’s letter of 13 February 1833 is known from his diary concerning the work [for further details see below note 82], Goethe- und Schiller-Archiv, Weimar (hereafter: D-WRgs), GSA 49/382, fol. 131. 76 Letter to Karl Immermann of 18 February 1833, Ibid. 77 Calderón, whose complete name was Pedro Calderón de la Barca y Barreda González de Henao Ruiz de Blasco y Riaño (1600–1681), was a Spanish writer whose martyr tragedy El príncipe constante was printed in Madrid in 1636. 78 Revisions and stage arrangements for the performances of: Das Leben ein Traum (18 January 1835), Der Arzt seiner Ehre (9 August 1835), Der Richter von Zalamea (17 January 1836, with music by J. Rietz), Der wundertätige Magus (21 November 1836, dto.), Semiramis, oder Die Tochter der Luft (8 January 1837). The premieres are communicated in parentheses. 79 Immermann’s arrangement remained unprinted to this day. Information on his artistic views and the concept of his staging is provided by the document: Ueber die Darstellung des standhaften Prinzen und die Recitation des Calderonischen Verses, D-WRgs, GSA 49/382, fols. 140–143, printed in: Immermann, Briefe [note 69], Vol. III.2, pp. 788–790. 80 The alterations can be traced back into the prompt book, D-WRgs, GSA 49/355. This is how Immermann had re-cast the original three acts into a five- act form and eliminated lengthy text passages as well as several dramatis personae. A survey of the cuts and shifts can be found in: Fellner, Musterbühne [note 63], pp. 241–244, see also Rebecca Rosenthal, Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdys Schauspielmusiken. Untersuchungen zu Form und Funktion, Frankfurt am Main etc., 2009, pp. 95–98. 81 Letter to Karl Immermann of 18 March 1833, extant only as a scribal copy, D-WRgs, GSA 49/202,2, fol. 13, location of original unknown, first printed in: Immermann, Briefe [note 69], Vol. III.2, pp. 804–805. XXXVII

über die Vorbereitungen zum “standhaften Prinzen” (Diary on fate under the oppressive yoke of the tyrant, the elderly King the Preparations for The Steadfast Prince), he only noted on of Fez. Mendelssohn evoked this oppressive atmosphere in a 22 March 1833: “Mendelssohn’s music arrived and was handed chorus in f minor that is characterized by evenly repeated fig- over to the directorate.”82 ures in the string instruments and piercing, “sighing” interjec- The play was performed as the Third Subscription Performance tions of the woodwinds. Immermann consolidated Calderón’s on 9 April 1833. The program booklet noted: “Tragedy in first scenes into one large scene, at the end of which he added five acts translated from the Spanish of Calderón de la Barca another slave chorus. This second chorus sports a more optimis- by A. W. v. Schlegel. Arranged for performance by K. Immer- tic mood due to the anticipated arrival of the hoped-for savior, mann. Music by Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy. The prospect of the Prince of Portugal, Don Fernando:88 “Überm Meere wallet the city of Fetz after a colored sketch by W. Schirmer, a mem- fröhlich Held Fernandos Kreuzpanier!” (“The hero Fernando’s ber of the Academy here, next to the other new decorations by cross-bearing banner merrily sails the seas!”) Hausmann. The costumes were newly tailored for the produc- Placed triumphantly at the center of the work, the Battle Music tion.”83 Immermann had invested six weeks of work in the proj- is unique in the composer’s oeuvre. In Immermann’s arrange- ect and was crowned with success. He reported to his brother ment, the electrifying piece occurs at the end of the second act. that “Don Fernando made landfall on the stage here, close to This meant winds used as signals, jagged string figures and the Tangiers, the evening before last, suffered under the King of Fez presence of instruments such as the piccolo flute, bass trom- and led the Portuguese army to victory as a spirit engulfed by a bone, bass drum and cymbals – everything that was necessary blue flame. […] I only wished that you could have been there for effective program music. Mendelssohn continues the battle with us! Let me tell you, the chaps spoke the Calderonian verses music in the style of a quick march in a middle section intro- as if they had never had to chew on prose by Theodor Hell.84 duced by a change of key. While writing the music, he had had Every artistic branch was represented, as confirmed by the en- the idea of creating a kind of Ottoman “Janissary” music, as closed program notes. I arrived home feeling both joyous and can be seen in the formulation of the “Mohren.”89 The dynamic earnest about the metamorphosis of such beautiful poetry.”85 reduction at the end of the piece, the repeated trumpet signals The daily newspapers also hailed the performance: “The stage from the beginning, the fading away in pianissimo – all of this work was suitably arranged, the prospect of the city of Fez most creates the impression that a military band is marching by, a accomplished, the extras skillful in their interventions, and the highly effective theatrical technique. In the Düsseldorf produc- overall staging genuinely dignified. We must extend our hearti- tion, this music was played behind the stage and thus alluded est thanks to the directors and producers.”86 Particular care had only symbolically to the battle foreseen in the plot and as a re- been lavished on the designing of the costumes and a copy of sult of which the hero Fernando was captured.90 Two short, mu- the Berlin production of 1824/25 had been ordered especially sically corresponding pieces in the style of a funeral march bring for this purpose.87 about the close of the musical contributions. Mendelssohn, who ultimately did not come to the premiere in At the end of Act IV, Don Fernando – who had proven himself Düsseldorf, wrote altogether five instead of the four planned in the course of the drama as a prince of high moral character pieces. The beginning was made by two male choruses with and steadfast in his faith – dies of his injuries. The short Act orchestral accompaniment. At the outset of the action, which V plays out at night on the seacoast near Tangiers, where the unfolds in Morocco, the maidservant Zara is in the royal garden Christian troops had landed for the liberation of the Christian by the sea and exhorts the Christians who are held as slaves slaves. In his no. 4 Mendelssohn called for ten winds “on stage.” to “Sing because our lovely Phoenix sometimes wishes to have At the end, the string instruments in the orchestra pit add a her ears caressed while she is dressing.” The “Christian slaves” gentle tremolo here. The music then metamorphoses into a initially refuse, but ultimately join in the song and lament their melodrama through the interjection of the spoken words, and

82 Immermann, Briefe [note 69], Vol. III.2, p. 805. Housed in D-WRgs, GSA 49/382, fol. 131, the diary ranges from 13 February to 9 April 1833; see also comment in Ibid., Vol. III.2, p. 788. 83 Immermann, Briefe [note 69], Vol. II, pp. 172–173. A copy in D-WRgs, GSA 49/382, fol. 165, an orthographically slightly altered advertisement of the repeat performance (Siebente Vorstellung im sechsten Abonnement) on 14 April 1833 Ibid., fol. 168. Friedrich Hausmann (ca. 1800–1871) was a theater painter and stage technician. 84 Referred to the then popular comedies of Karl Gottfried Theodor Winkler (1775–1856), who published under the pseudonym Theodor Hell. 85 Letter from Karl Immermann to Wilhelm Ferdinand Immermann (1802–1847) of 11 April 1833, original, whenever not otherwise indicated, as all Immermann documents quoted here below, in D-WRgs, Bestand 49, quoted from: Immermann, Briefe [note 69], Vol. II, pp. 165–172, quotation on p. 168. The “enclosed note” mentioned here was the program notes. 86 Düsseldorfer Zeitung of 14 April 1833, p. [4]. 87 Der standhafte Prinz. Costüme auf dem Berliner Theater (aus dem Garderobebuche. ausgezogen). This document bears various sketches and contains a de- tailed list of all the garments as well as a complete illustration of the clothed actors Don Enrique and Don Fernando, as they had been dressed ten years earlier in Berlin, Immermann, Briefe [note 69], Vol. II, pp. 136–142 with reproductions. 88 The character is based on the historical figure of Ferdinand the Holy Prince (Fernando de Portugal, 1402–1443), who was beatified in 1470. A book with the biography of the prince was published a few years before Immermann’s arrangement: Ignaz von Olfers, Leben des standhaften Prinzen. Nach der Chronica seines Geheimschreibers F. Joam Alvares u. a. Nachrichten, Berlin/Stettin, 1827. 89 See the aforementioned letter to Karl Immermann of 18 March 1833 [note 81]. 90 Fellner, Musterbühne [note 63], p. 242 quotes from the prompt book: “Battle music behind the stage. Signals of horns and trumpets. Drums. Cannon- ades. The stage remains empty throughout.” The original is housed today in D-WRgs,GSA 49/355, the entry on fol. 23v. XXXVIII now provides the musical accompaniment for the manifesta- “As to my music for the steadfast prince, you know that I shall tion of the “apparition”91 of the spirit of Fernando, who entreats always gladly send you everything that I write.”99 Mendelssohn’s his fellow citizens to fight. The last piece (no. 5) is expanded reservations chiefly concerned its performance on a Berlin with timpani and oboes to form a funeral march which is to be stage,100 which is why he did not send the music, as he states performed to accompany the prince’s casket.92 Here, too, the in his reply.101 By this time, however, Mendelssohn no longer composer had also prescribed an independent orchestra “at the had a score of the piece, so that when his attention was drawn very front of the stage.” In these two pieces, in which contem- to it once again, he was already living in Leipzig, and thus had poraries discerned “boiled-down” Catholic church hymns,93 the to write to Düsseldorf: “Could you have my incidental music to difference between composition and stage direction is rendered the steadfast prince (score) copied and sent to me at your ear- particularly strikingly by having the music heard behind instead liest convenience (through music dealer Beyer)102 via Breitkopf of on the stage. The prompt books provide information about & Härtel? You would be doing me a great favor.”103 Rietz ran Immermann’s intentions and the use of music. Richard Fellner into unexpected difficulties in his search for the score, since he summarized it as follows: “During Fernando’s words ‘Attack, no longer had any access to the music archive. “The music to Hero Alfonso! Arms! Arms!’ solemn music behind the stage. the steadfast prince should come straightaway upon the return Music again, as the ghost strides across the stage.”94 At the end: of mayor von Fuchsius, who is the custodian of the key for the “The raising of the casket signalizes that the first measures of the library of the former municipal theater.”104 It is presently im- march are reprised.”95 possible to establish when the material was sent, but the manu- If we are to give credence to the comments of a critically script music catalogue of 1844 lists a corresponding entry that schooled contemporary of Mendelssohn’s, the execution of the hints at a score copied by Julius Rietz.105 music was “virtually intolerable, on account of the poor prepa- ration of the orchestra.”96 Thanks to its outstanding quality, however, the music did not fall into oblivion in the following MWV M 8 years because of its quality. Immermann’s adaptation of the play Andreas Hofer: A Tyrolean Song and a French March with Mendelssohn’s incidental music was repeated as late as 1840.97 In 1834 Eduard Devrient expressed his wish to learn On 19 December 1833, the Düsseldorf theater was the scene more about the play while preparing a new production planned of a formidable tumult when Mendelssohn conducted the in Berlin for the fall of that same year and wrote: “I […] would “Model” interpretation of Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart’s Don like your music for this. Would you entrust it to us if we made Giovanni, which was generally called Don Juan at that time. an official request for it?”98 Mendelssohn replied post-haste: The opponents of the new theater had insinuated their way

91 The apparition was an art form that was often integrated into the activity on stage back then, and in which music served to emphasize the presence of a spirit. It must have been precisely this section which Mendelssohn’s formulation of the planned “ghostly apparition” referred to in his letter of 20 Feb- ruary 1833 [note 72]. 92 With its outward form characterized by repeated segments and the closing coda, it anticipates the incidental music to Kurfürst Johann Wilhelm im Theater MWV M 9. 93 Fellner, Musterbühne [note 63], p. 244. 94 Ibid., p. 243. Immermann’s instructions in the prompt book, D-WRgs, GSA 49/355, fols. 65v and 66v. 95 Ibid., p. 244 and prompt book, Ibid., fol. 71v. Immermann saw to it that the curtain fell when the beginning of the march was repeated again. Thus ended the stage play with Mendelssohn’s music. 96 Aus Biedermeiertagen. Briefe Robert Reinicks und seiner Freunde, ed. by Johannes Höffner, Bielefeld/Leipzig, 1910, p. 63. 97 Invitation for Friedrich Wilhelm and Elisabeth Grube “to the reading of the tragedy of Calderon: Der standhafte Prinz with musical accompaniment by Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy” for 22 March 1840, Stadtarchiv Aachen, quoted from: Immermann, Briefe, [note 69], Vol. 2, p. 1063. Mendelssohn learned about this performance through the communication of an unknown sender of 11 March 1840: “These days Immermann wants to read us the steadfast prince as well, but with your music, about which he speaks with genuine enthusiasm.” GB-Ob, MS. M. Deneke Mendelssohn d. 37, Green Books XI-89 (fragment). 98 Letter from Eduard Devrient to Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy of 14 June 1834, GB-Ob, MS. M. Deneke Mendelssohn d. 29, Green Books III-175. 99 Letter to Eduard Devrient of 25 June 1834, Halifax (Canada), Dalhousie University Library, Ellen Ballon Collection, first printed in: Eduard Devrient, Meine Erinnerungen an Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy und Seine Briefe an mich, Leipzig, 1869 (= Dramatische und Dramaturgische Schriften; Vol. 10), p. 170. 100 “[…] but since it is my foremost desire to not show myself as being accommodating towards the Berlin Theater, and as I, even if it were officially- de manded from me (but they would most probably try to conceal this), would officially turn it down; I would like to ask you not to use my name as a reference. Otherwise you can do what you want - use it or not use it.” Ibid. 101 “I reckoned as much that you would be reluctant to give the music to the steadfast prince to our theater and I basically don’t hold it against you. Before I now start to torment you again about this for my own sake, I would like to find out first whether the compositions which served earlier for this work are still acceptable.”, and asks: “Had you written the song of the slaves ‘zur Eroberung Tangers sandte etc.’ (4th Act)? In four parts? Or two parts?,” Letter from Eduard Devrient to Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy of 29 June 1834, GB-Ob, MS. M. Deneke Mendelssohn d. 29, Green Books III-189. 102 G. H. Beyer & Comp. was a book and music dealer’s in Düsseldorf, which was headquartered in the Neustrasse, see Offizielles Adress-Buch für Rhein- land-Westphalen, ed. by Rüttger Brüning, Elberfeld, [1838], p. 15. 103 Letter to Julius Rietz of 28 September 1837, location of original unknown, quoted from: Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy. Sämtliche Briefe, Vol. 5, ed. and with comments by Uta Wald in association with Thomas Kauba, Kassel etc., 2012, p. 342. 104 Letter from Julius Rietz to Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy of 12 October 1837, GB-Ob, MS. M. Deneke Mendelssohn d. 32, Green Books VI-84. 105 For verification and attribution see the Critical Report, source description, Source D[ ]. XXXIX into the hall and massively disturbed the performance. The it to the Düsseldorf audience. Mendelssohn chose the compo- specific reason was the raising of the ticket prices by the act- sition of a scene in which cheerfully celebrating Tyroleans were ing theater director Derossi.106 The events escalated into a caught off guard by news of the approaching French army. He full-scale scandal107 which, nevertheless, also had a good side wrote to his father: “I have written a song for Immermann’s to it: “What I particularly admire is that the singers, who, as Hofer, or rather just arranged a Tyrolean folk melody along with I initially heard it, were against these Model Performances a French march, but I like the piece and want to send it to from the start, and resented my person as well, were now let- Fanny. We’re also planning to mount Hofer this winter […].”114 ting themselves be beaten to a pulp and could hardly await the His sister Fanny Hensel sent her views on this by post on moment when I would bring another opera to the stage.”108 18 February 1834: “The Hofer pleases me very much and can’t Mendelssohn had invested a great deal of time in the rehears- fail to make a splendid impression wherever it is performed.”115 als109 and had worked very assiduously on it; it was, after all, his To illustrate the action unfolding in the Tyrolean mountains, first public opera performance. The rehearsals had taken place Mendelssohn began by setting the dialect text: “Trala. A frischer every day since 30 November, especially since other pieces such Bua bin i, hab drei Federle am Hut” to the melody “Kommt a as Beethoven’s incidental music to Goethe’s tragedy Egmont had Vogerl geflogen.” This folksong was already very popular in the to be prepared for the next Model Performance on 18 January 1820s and entered the domain of art music through Carl von 1834.110 It was in this tense and eventful phase of his life that Holtei, who had used it in a striking scene of his musical farce Mendelssohn set out to write some rather bizarre incidental Die Wiener in Berlin, premiered in Berlin in 1824.116 At the be- music to Andreas Hofer MWV M 8. ginning of the piece, Mendelssohn engaged the two tenors in a Immermann had already written a Trauerspiel in Tyrol (Tragedy yodeling duet. The search for the “French march” mentioned in in Tyrol) in 1826. A reading of this play by Carl von Holtei the letter turned out to be more difficult, and the piece was long (1798–1880) was held in the Mendelssohn home in Berlin in thought to have been lost.117 But when examining the surviving 1827; it was also Immermann’s first contact with the compos- piano-vocal score, it emerged that this march was not an inde- er’s family.111 Thrilled, Lea Mendelssohn Bartholdy wrote to the pendent piece. Rather, Mendelssohn significantly distorted the author on 17 September 1827 asking him to send her a copy Marseillaise in the middle section (from measure 64) and ended of the drama, a wish he gladly complied with. Prior to this, she by combining it with the second verse of the former mentioned had sent him several thematically related drafts.112 In 1833 Im- Tyrolean song: “A Büchsel zum Schieß’n, a Stoßring zum mermann revised the tragedy and transformed it into the drama Schlag’n, a Dirnerl zum Lieben muss a frischer Bua haben.” The Andreas Hofer, der Sandwirth von Passeyer (Andreas Hofer, the world premiere on 26 April 1834 was a complete success.118 Bas- “Sandwirt” Innkeeper of Passeyer).113 Now he wanted to present ing themselves on a color sketch made by their teacher Johann

106 Joseph Derossi (1768/70–1841) headed the theater for nearly 20 years altogether; see comments in: Immermann, Briefe [note 69], Vol. III.2, pp. 765–766. 107 In his notebook Mendelssohn wrote about a “grand scandale,” GB-Ob, MS. M. Deneke Mendelssohn g. 4, fol. 31r; a detailed description can be found in the Düsseldorfer Zeitung of 22 December 1833, newly printed in: Matthias Wendt, Amt und Alltag. Annotationen zu Mendelssohns Notizen aus Düssel­ dorfer Zeit (hereafter: Wendt, Amt und Alltag), in: Bürgerlichkeit und Öffentlichkeit[note 65], p. 69. 108 Letter to his parents of 28 and 29 December 1833, US-NYp, *MNY++ Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, Felix, Family Letters, No. 174, printed in: Briefe aus den Jahren 1833 bis 1847 [note 68], pp. 17–23. 109 Reminiscing, Mendelssohn mentioned twenty rehearsals; see the detailed report about the performance in the letter to Ignaz Moscheles of 7 February 1834, University of Leeds, Leeds University Library, Brotherton Collection, without shelfmark (album Mendelssohn’s Letters to Moscheles 1826–1847), fol. 15, printed in: Briefe von Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy an Ignaz und Charlotte Moscheles, ed. by Felix Moscheles, Leipzig, 1888, pp. 72–77, in partic- ular pp. 75–76. There were exactly twenty days between the beginning of the rehearsals and the premiere. 110 Mendelssohn’s notebook affords us an insight into his wealth of appointments; GB-Ob,MS. M. Deneke Mendelssohn g. 4, fols. 29–31, where we can also reconstruct part of the Mozart rehearsals; see Wendt, Amt und Alltag [note 107], pp. 56–78, with transcription of the notes from 30 November up to 23 December, the date of a second performance of Don Juan, pp. 65–67. 111 Immermann, Briefe [note 69], Vol. III.2, p. 907. 112 Immermann, Briefe [note 69], Vol. III.1, pp. 485–486, see letter from Karl Immermann to Wilhelm Ferdinand Immermann of 25 October 1827: “A lady from Berlin who was thrilled with the reading of Hofer sent me original sketches depicting Speckbacher, his wife and his alpine hut.”, quoted from: Immermann, Briefe [note 69], Vol. I, pp. 606–608, quote on p. 607. 113 The work was printed in 1835. The arrangement took place primarily in February and March 1833, but was given its final polish after Immermann had also seen Tyrol on a journey there in the fall of 1833 and, as Peter Hasubek writes, had sought out “historical sites, museums of local history and relatives of the freedom fighters,”Immermann, Briefe [note 69], Vol. III.2, p. 791. 114 Letter to his parents of 28 and 29 December 1833 [note 108]. 115 Letter from Fanny Hensel to Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy postmarked 18 February 1834, GB-Ob, MS. M. Deneke Mendelssohn d. 29, Green Books III-47, first printed in:The Letters of Fanny Hensel to Felix Mendelssohn. Collected, Edited and Translated with Introductory Essays and Notes by Marcia J. Citron, [Stuyvesant, N.Y.], 1987, p. 454. 116 The play was performed in Düsseldorf on 17 December 1834, program note in D-WRgs,GSA 49/392, fol. 34. A piano reduction had been published by Cranz in Hamburg in 1825: Ouverture und Gesänge der Liederposse “Die Wiener in Berlin”, eingerichtet für das Pianoforte. A facsimile of the duet “Kommt a Vogerl geflogen,” in which the melody is sung in thirds, similarly to Mendelssohn, can be found in Hans Schneider, Tutzing, catalogue 446 (2009), p. 35. The second stanza begins here as well as with Immermann with “Und a Büchserl zum Schiessen,” see also Otto Erich Deutsch:“Kommt a Vogerl geflogen”. Woher und wohin?, in: Österreichische Musikzeitschrift 13 (1958), pp. 253–257. 117 On this problematic topic see Ralf Wehner, “It seems to have been lost”: On Missing and Recovered Mendelssohn Sources, in: The Mendelssohns: Their Music in History, ed. by John Michael Cooper and Julie D. Prandi, Oxford etc., 2002, pp. 3–25. 118 Of all the Immermann plays with Mendelssohn pieces in them, this work was repeated more often than any other: Bremen (26 May 1834), Düsseldorf (8 May 1836, 26 January 1837), Elberfeld (17 October 1836) and Krefeld (12 May 1836). XL

Wilhelm Schirmer (1807–1863), four Düsseldorf painters had posed by the legal and police authorities concerning the field of designed the stage decoration with the Tyrolean mountain pan- theater – the regulations presently in effect and those to come orama so convincingly that both the public and the otherwise as well, and to fulfill the stipulated agreement pertaining to the very self-critical Immermann were mesmerized: “The play de- legally imposed contribution to the poor.”123 Also anchored in lighted me with its fresh form and truly progressive life.”119 this concession was a passage concerning the directorate: “The managing board of directors has been assumed by Herr Landes- gerichtsrat Immermann, and the post of music director by Herr MWV M 9 Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy.”124 Both positions were thus Kurfürst (Prince Elector) Johann Wilhelm: Music for the closely connected, which inevitably led to friction arising from Inauguration of the Düsseldorf Theater the great difference in age and in aesthetic views – above all with regard to the organization of a theatrical enterprise – between The institutional groundwork for a new theater in Düsseldorf the two men. Not surprisingly, considerable turmoil marred the was finally laid down in 1834.120 “The Düsseldorf theater ceases last days before the festive inauguration on 28 October 1834. to be a private enterprise; the city – as proprietor of the theater Immermann worked until the last minute on a prologue which – establishes and continues to operate it as a municipal organ- he called Kurfürst Johann Wilhelm im Theater.125 ism under the name ‘Stadt-Theater zu Düsseldorf’ (Düsseldorf This prologue, which opened the evening, consists of a short Municipal Theater).”121 Formulated on 3 April 1834, this an- three-person play with a sparkling, often witty dialogue between nouncement marked the beginning of the statute of the new the architect of the new theater and his apprentice.126 Complet- theater. In 26 paragraphs, the particular attributes of the the- ing the trio is a silent role for the larger-than-life equestrian ater and the duties of all involved were described. On 18 July statue of Prince Elector Johann Wilhelm (called Jan Wellem), 1834 the “Ober-Präsident” of the Rhine Province, Baron Ernst which Immermann evocatively intertwined with the other two von Bodelschwingh (1794–1854), issued a “Concession for the actors. Every Düsseldorfer knew the statue of the city’s guard- Administrative Council of the Municipal Theater of Düssel- ian which stood on the market square in front of the theater.127 dorf for theatrical performances in the cities of Düsseldorf and The idea was as original as it was compelling, since Immermann Elberfelt, for the five years spanning 1 July 1834 to 1839.”122 This could rely on the public’s being more familiar with the bronze presupposed the liquidation of the previous enterprise. Here we statue made by the court sculptor Gabriel Grupello (1644– can read: “After the theatrical impresario Joseph Derossi refused 1730) as a symbol of the city than with the historical person to accept the concession granted to him on 28 June 1832 for six of Johann Wilhelm of the Palatinate Neuburg, Duke of Jülich years for theatrical productions in the cities of Düsseldorf and and Berg, born in 1658 and Prince Elector of the Palatinate Elberfeld in favor of a shareholder company that would set up a since 1690, who passed away in Düsseldorf in 1716. The author municipal theater in Düsseldorf which, along with its statutes, thus devised a specific identification level for the audience while has been approved by me today, the requested concession is providing an effective and evocative stage setting which culmi- granted to the Administrative Council of the municipal theater nated in the incorporation of a tableau vivant. The first scene in Düsseldorf in the person of its chairman, mayor von Voiss, depicts the Düsseldorf market place with the equestrian statue; called Fuchsius, to give theatrical performances in the cities to its right is the façade of the old Giesshaus (casting house) in of Düsseldorf and Elberfeld with the company set up for the which the statue was cast in 1711 and where the new theater abovementioned company during the five-year period ranging was now located. At the end of the second scene, the architect from 1 July 1834 to 1839, under the condition: to obtain the invites the statue of the Prince Elector to come and have a closer necessary trade license, to strictly observe the regulations im- look at his birthplace, which has now been transformed into a

119 Karl Immermann. Zwischen Poesie und Wirklichkeit. Tagebücher 1831–1840. Edited from the manuscripts by Peter Hasubek in collaboration with Bodo Fehlig, Munich, 1984 (hereafter: Immermann, Tagebücher), p. 248. 120 On the difficult path to the renewal of the Düsseldorf Theater and the various documents needed for the preparations seeImmermann, Briefe [note 69], Vol. III.2, pp. 739–752. A collection of manuscript and printed statutes, regulative guidelines and theater laws today in D-WRgs, GSA 49/383. 121 Statut des Stadt-Theaters zu Düsseldorf, Separate print of several official documents pertaining to the theater, p. [1], D-WRgs,GSA 49/383, fols. 36–43, a further copy accessible in the Digital Library of the Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Düsseldorf; the section of 3 April 1834 printed in its entirety in: Immermann, Briefe [note 69], Vol. II, pp. 486–492. 122 Statut des Stadt-Theaters zu Düsseldorf, Separate print, p. 7. 123 Statut des Stadt-Theaters zu Düsseldorf, Separate print, p. 7. Also printed in: Immermann, Briefe [note 69], Vol. III.2, p. 745. The aforementioned Joseph von Voiss, called Fuchsius (1793–1854) was acting mayor of Düsseldorf from 1833–1848. 124 Statut des Stadt-Theaters zu Düsseldorf, Separate print, p. 8, information of 20 August 1834 courtesy of the mayor. 125 Draft in D-WRgs, GSA 49/38. Mendelssohn’s music to this piece was unknown until the end of the 20th century; for further information on the context and the discovery of the manuscript see Wehner, Kurfürst [note 66]. The following works were also performed for the opening festivities: Carl Maria von Weber’s Jubelouvertüre and a Festmusik von Beethoven, most probably his Overture to Die Weihe des Hauses op. 124. The evening closed with Heinrich von Kleist’s play Prinz Friedrich von Homburg. 126 Original print of Immermann’s text in the Appendix of [Dietrich Christian] Grabbe, Das Theater zu Düsseldorf mit Rückblicken auf die übrige deutsche Schaubühne, Düsseldorf, 1835, pp. 91–111 (hereafter: Kurfürst, Textbuch). Immermann substantially influenced the design of this publication; see Alfred Bergmann, Zur Entstehung von Grabbes Abhandlung über das ‘Theater zu Düsseldorf mit Rückblicken auf die übrige deutsche Schaubühne’, in: Düssel- dorfer Heimatblätter 5 (1936), Book 9, pp. 226–231 as well as Peter Hasubek, Karl Leberecht Immermann. Ein Dichter zwischen Romantik und Realismus, Cologne etc., 1996, pp. 190–192. 127 Mendelssohn was also immensely fascinated by this statue, as is suggested by the fact that a sketch of that equestrian statue graced the first letter which the composer wrote to his friend Friedrich Rosen in London on 27 September 1833, shortly after his arrival in the city. The sketch is reproduced, among other places, in: Briefwechsel mit Klingemann [note 68], p. 117, the original is preserved in D-DÜhh, 62.687. XLI theater.128 In another scene that unfolds inside the theater, the piece bolsters the likelihood that the second part of the inciden- skeptical apprentice and the optimistic architect engage in a di- tal music to Immermann’s prologue Kurfürst Johann Wilhelm im alogue about the goals and requirements of the theater.129 While Theater was played once again for this occasion.137 the dialogue devolves into an argument over whether the stage Mendelssohn’s musical contribution to the inauguration of the still has a chance at all in this day and age,130 the statue appears Düsseldorf theater also provides an example of a spirited Mozart and, solely through gestures, reveals the Prince’s favorable dis- reception. This is particularly evident in the first part of the position towards the design of the new building. In this scene, work, with its musical references to the famous Commendatore the Prince Elector is also asked whether his blessing still extends scene in Don Giovanni. On the one hand, Mendelssohn was over the city. His reaction is both positive and conciliatory alike. alluding to the controversial Model Performance of Mozart’s Immermann’s instructions for the ending of his stage work read: opera just barely one year earlier. On the other, the composer “The statue (points and waves toward the rear wall and then had musically transposed the parody intended in Immermann’s descends so slowly that it hasn’t completely sunk before the mu- text by choosing Mozart’s musical accompaniment at the ap- sic has stopped.)”131 The last section also begins simultaneously: pearance of a marble figure as the point of departure for his “(The rear wall rises to reveal Raphael’s painting Parnassus with incidental music with the appearance of a bronze figure. He living characters. The music continues until the curtain falls. always had it played when the statue moved on stage. When By the time the painting is entirely visible, the architect and his the statue stopped, so did the music. Thanks to the background apprentice have quietly and discreetly withdrawn.)”132 A differ- music to the pantomime, Mendelssohn let the music support ent tableau had originally been planned for the climax: “Herr the non-verbal means of communication of Johann Wilhelm Hilde­brandt presented Volpato’s copperplate print ‘The Par- “the Silent” and the two speaking actors, the theater’s architect nassus by Raphael.’ It was decided to depict the tableau in the and his apprentice. prologue and to paint it after the aforementioned print and not from Ruscheweih’s print. Herr Hildebrandt promised to direct the arrangement of this tableau vivant.”133 Immermann’s aim MWV M 10 to address the public in a direct and modern way with a text Alexis: The First and Last Incidental Work for Karl written especially for this occasion was achieved to the full sat- Immermann isfaction of the author at the first performance: “[…] and since the people could see their marketplace with the horse, and hear Mendelssohn informed his father about his first personal con- speeches made by the shareholders, Pempelfort, the Council of tact with Karl Immermann in late November 1831: “Immer- the Elders, the superstructure a. o., several passages did not fail mann, who had only gone traveling for a few days, has long to elicit applause. The tableau then materialized at the end, af- been back here and received me with the greatest cordiality. fording us a vision of delight for which the public also demon- I am all the more delighted as his entire being seems to be very strated its appreciation.”134 The positive impact made by the tab- closed and lonely, and I hear that he is generally very cold and leau was such that the depiction was used again a few days later, standoffish. I have no doubt that he is a true poet and that if when the “Tableaux vivants with musical accompaniment”135 he wanted to, he could supply me with what I am lacking, and were performed on 8 December 1834. The living paintings were what is indispensable: my libretto. Judging from his overall dis- staged by the artists Theodor Hildebrandt (1804–1874) and position, however, I am convinced that he will accept my of- Carl Ferdinand Sohn (1805–1867), and the music composed fer. I saw him for the first time yesterday evening at Schadow’s, by Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy. The pieces performed were: and he spoke practically the whole evening with me. We talked “1) Raphael and his Beloved by Raphael. 2) The Bereaved Royal about operas and libretti, and from what he said, it became Couple by Lessing. 3) The Parnassus by Raphael.”136 The latter clear that he must certainly have often thought about this and

128 “[…] Should you be so gracious as to work a little miracle and dismount from your horse so as to pay us a visit at your birthplace.” Kurfürst, Textbuch [note 126], p. 101. 129 Characteristic is a claim such as: “I am a Rhinelander. That means one who sits behind his goblet and erects buildings reaching up to the clouds, but who, in the end, is also grateful and satisfied if he can manage to live in a modest little house.”Kurfürst , Textbuch [note 126], p. 97. 130 Apprentice: “The days of the theater in Germany are completely over.” Architect: “Yes, this bleating and whining of the newspapers, repeated ad nause- am. And yet precisely this general lament proves at least the general necessity of [theater].” Kurfürst, Textbuch [note 126], pp. 103 f. To the apprentice’s fear that there will be nothing to hear “but tragedies in five acts, and old, forgotten classical operas,” the architect responds by mentioning the many rehearsals which are necessary for such works, so that “we are not buried under iambs and Gluck.” Ibid. p. 105. 131 Kurfürst, Textbuch [note 126], p. 111. 132 Ibid. 133 Entry for 15 October 1834, Immermann, Tagebücher [note 119], p. 353. A reproduction of the aforementioned copperplate engraving of Volpato in: Bürgerlichkeit und Öffentlichkeit [note 65], p. 52 and in: Wehner, Kurfürst [note 66], p. 158. Originally from Neustrelitz, the draftsman and copperplate engraver Ferdinand Ruscheweih (1785–1845) had been living in Italy since 1808, where he became a member of the Catholic Church. 134 Entry for 28 October 1834, Immermann, Tagebücher [note 119], p. 368. 135 According to an advertisement in the Düsseldorfer Zeitung of 7 December 1834, p. [4], and to the program notes in D-WRgs, GSA 49/392, fol. 29, the evening consisted of three sections. It began with Pierre-François Merville’s comedy Les deux Anglais (1817), which was liberally based on the French by Carl Wilhelm August Blum and called Die beiden Briten; this was followed by the “Symphony in c minor by Beethoven,” and the close consisted of the tableaux vivants. For further information see Wehner, Kurfürst [note 66], p. 158. 136 Düsseldorfer Zeitung, Ibid. 137 Der Parnaß was also assembled as a tableau vivant on 16 September 1836 as well, on the occasion of a visit by the Prussian Crown Prince. On this occasion, Immermann gave a more comprehensive description of the tableau, Immermann, Tagebücher [note 119], p. 499 as well as Immermann, Briefe [note 69], Vol. III.2, p. 1117. One can assume that here, too, Mendelssohn’s music was heard. XLII would be able to respond to such an idea. We then walked home unaffected by the elimination of individual scenes, whereby together, one accompanying the other. Tomorrow he wants to reservations arose concerning a revision of the production read me his new tragedy Alexis, and today or tomorrow I want among those involved in the performance: “The Todesgesang to make my solemn proposal to him.”138 It is quite possible that der Bojaren dragged on. During a rehearsal, it was suggested Mendelssohn, while he was listening to Immermann read the that Gordon speak during the song and that perhaps only one manuscript of Alexis, hit upon the idea of setting to music the verse was enough.”144 One can thus most likely assume that Todeslied der Bojaren (Death Song of the Boyars), which was in- the song was not performed with piano accompaniment, but tended for the first part of the tragedy. Mendelssohn also made in the scoring printed here in the present volume for the first a good impression on Immermann. In a letter dated 12 De- time. cember 1831, Immermann shared his views with his brother Nearly ten years after the composition of the Death Song, Joseph Hermann Immermann (1807 – 1868): “His works are original, Fischhof (1804–1857) of Vienna turned to the composer with and I have great hopes for him. This was also partly why I am a special request in September 1841: “And now here is yet doing him this favor and writing the opera libretto for him. […] another wish that you encouraged me to express.145 Namely, However, we must see whether this can be carried out or not.”139 I own neither your Rhapsodie, which was printed in the Ber- As a confirmation, Hermann received the song with the mes- liner Musikzeitung, nor the four-part song from Immermann’s sage: “Herewith I am sending you a musical setting of my Boyar Alexis.”146 These designations most probably stemmed from song by Felix Mendelssohn, which you can have performed by a Mendelssohn work catalogue that Dr. Alfred Julius Becher Hermann Voigtel. I feel that it has turned out well and char- (1802–1848) had compiled for Orpheus and which listed a acteristic.”140 Immermann entered a somewhat more differen­ “Four-Part Song from Immermann’s tragedy Alexis printed tiated view of the situation into his diary: “Felix Mendelssohn’s there as a supplement.”147 Mendelssohn used the opportunity visit from 27 Nov. to 4 Dec. Our friend Schadow had babbled a to show his gratitude to Fischhof. He revised a copy of the great deal about M[endelssohn]’s interest in me, which is what Death Song,148 added a dedication to it on 13 October 1841, motivated this visit; in the end, what really brought him here and enclosed the sheet in a letter to Fischhof dated 12 October was nothing more than a young composer’s wish to obtain an 1841.149 Also on 13 October 1841, Mendelssohn contacted an- opera libretto from me. I then agreed to do it, for I would wel- other correspondent in Vienna. In the meantime, the composer come the chance to write a lyrical opera and learn something of had also received a copy of Orpheus.150 He now wrote to the au- this field. Also, I found the young man most endearing. A thor- thor of the work catalogue and returned to the idea of obtaining oughly fresh, youthful enchanting nature.”141 an opera subject now from Vienna. “What I would most prefer, The Todeslied der Bojaren began to take flight with the pub- of course, is if I could get an agreement upon a proper subject lication of Alexis in summer 1832, when the Boyar song was with you or Prechtler beforehand,151 as neither the Tempest nor published as a musical supplement in the version for voice and The Steadfast Prince – both of which I often used to think of – piano. In spring 1835, Immermann produced his own stage are the sort of works that I now envision in my dreams. I want version of his work. “It was a mighty task, to adapt 10 acts in something really passionate, human, natural, something that so few weeks. The main difficulty that first came to light when moves people everywhere, equally, genuinely! Either no love in I was working on it was that almost all the roles were character it at all, or enough to drive you mad! Something that everyone roles and none of them were to be interpreted in a traditional has felt at some time and that no one has yet set to music – that’s stage manner.”142 Yet the work really did make it to the stage what I would love to have.”152 A complete realization of this on 20 and 21 April 1834.143 The Todeslied der Bojaren was concept failed to materialize.

138 Letter to Abraham Mendelssohn Bartholdy of 27 November 1831, US-NYp, *MNY++ Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, Felix, Family Letters, No. 140. Mendelssohn had already become acquainted with poems by Immermann in Italy in spring 1831 through the portrait and historical painter Friedrich Wilhelm Schadow (1788–1862). 139 Letter from Karl Immermann to Hermann Immermann of 12 December 1831, Immermann, Briefe [note 69], Vol. I, pp. 1007–1010, quotation on pp. 1008–1009. 140 Ibid., quotation on p. 1008, Carl Hermann Voigtel was born in 1807 as the son of the royal government director Johann Karl Traugott Voigtel (1761–1840). 141 Immermann, Tagebücher [note 119], pp. 61–62. 142 Immermann, Tagebücher [note 119], p. 458. 143 Program notes in D-WRgs, GSA 49/392, fols. 112–113. Reprise on 26 January 1837. A marked-up printed copy of Alexis of 1832 served as Immer- mann’s director’s script for the first section,Die Bojaren, D-WRgs, GSA 49/33,3. 144 Immermann, Tagebücher [note 119], p. 460. The director’s script [note 143] contains on p. 158 further thoughts of Zimmermann on the presentation of this scene. The role of the Scottish Colonel Gordon was interpreted by Eduard Euling. 145 In Mendelssohn’s preceding letter to Joseph Fischhof of 23 September 1841 the composer encouraged his correspondent to give him a commission so that he would be able to procure something in Berlin. 146 Letter from Joseph Fischhof to Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy of 30 September 1841, GB-Ob, MS. M. Deneke Mendelssohn d. 40, Green Books XIV-103. 147 Orpheus. Musikalisches Album für das Jahr 1842, ed. by August Schmidt, 3rd series, Vienna [1841], p. VII. Ibidem, the “Rhapsodie for Piano” is men- tioned, but the Scherzo in b minor MWV U 69 was intended. 148 See the Critical Report for MWV M 10, Source D. 149 Letter to Joseph Fischhof of 12 October 1841, University of Leeds, Leeds University Library, Brotherton Collection, without shelfmark (album Mendelssohn’s Letters to Moscheles 1826–1847). 150 Mendelssohn’s copy with a dedication by August Schmidt dated 12 September 1841 is located in GB-Ob, Deneke 313. 151 Otto Prechtler (1813–1881) delivered several libretto drafts in 1842, but they were rejected by Mendelssohn. 152 Letter to Alfred Julius Becher of 13 October 1841, D-DÜhh, 51.4916, printed in: Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy. Sämtliche Briefe, Vol. 8, ed. and with comments by Susanne Tomkovič, Christoph Koop and Sebastian Schmideler, Kassel etc., 2013, pp. 219–220, quotation on p. 220. XLIII

MWV M 11 a more delightful experience than most of my other pieces. We Music to Ruy Blas by Victor Hugo: Incidental Music for repeated it again on popular demand at the next concert, but I Leipzig shall not call it Overture to Ruy Blas but to the Theater Pension Fund.”156 The repeat performance at the Gewandhaus men- In November 1844 Mendelssohn set about collecting ma- tioned above marked the upbeat to a development that took the terial for an autograph album that he wanted to present to original opening piece of the incidental music back to the form his wife at Christmas. In this context, he asked Julius Stern of an independent concert overture.157 (1820–1883), who lived in Paris, for an autograph by Victor Mendelssohn’s spontaneous decision to contribute an overture Hugo (1802–1885), phrasing his request with the words: “Since was also underlined in the public announcement of the benefit I once wrote the complete incidental music to Ruy Blas, perhaps performance two days earlier: “N. B. the respondent has just re- Victor Hugo would do me a favor, even if the much-impor- ceived the positive news that Herr Dr. Mendelssohn=Bartholdy tuned author refuses this to others … You would make me very has surprised the Pension=Administration=Committee with the happy! Forgive me! Forgive me!”153 The “complete incidental gift of a new overture composed expressly by him for the char- music” mentioned by Mendelssohn was in reality a full-fledged itable purpose of the performance, and which will imposingly overture and a piece for women’s chorus and orchestra, which open the concert on Monday. Through the generous support he had written five and a half years earlier for the Stadttheater of this fine gentleman, revered by all art lovers, the institute Leipzig and had been given its stage premiere on 11 March gains a new sponsorship for the active participation of the pub- 1839.154 As to the specific circumstances, the composer filled in lic now as in the future.”158 On the newspaper’s front page was his mother a few days after the world premiere: “You will surely an “Announcement” bearing the news that “the music for the want to know155 how the overture went – merrily enough; six Romance that is heard in the second act was written by Herr to eight weeks ago I received a request to write for the presen- Doctor Mendelssohn=Bartholdy, as is a new overture.”159 The tation of the theater pension fund (a very serious and charitable performance itself, however, precluded any equitable judgment organization here which gave a benefit performance of Victor through a variety of unfortunate circumstances: “The noise and Hugo’s Ruy Blas) an overture and the romance that is heard commotion made by the people who kept coming and going in the play, since they hoped to increase their sales if my name completely prevented us from appreciating the structure of the were on the title page. I then read the drama, which is unbeliev- overture, whose gentle, skillful interconnections swathed us in ably heinous and below all dignity. I said that I had no time to vague murmurs. The aforementioned audience members man- write an overture, but I managed to put pen to paper and wrote ifested their approval through the usual outbursts of applause. them the Romance. The performance was scheduled to take The piece will be played once again at the final subscription place on Monday (eight days ago today); on Tuesday, then, the concert so that it can be enjoyed without any disturbances. people arrived, thanked me politely for the Romance and said The Romance (of the flower girls) was heard much better, even that it was most deplorable that I had not written an overture. It though it was played backstage to a light, guitar-like accom- was clear to them that a considerable amount of time is required paniment. It fits ideally and makes the most delightful effect. for such a task, and in the following year they would tell me Nevertheless, the action continues on stage during the song, much earlier, if they had the permission to do so. This made me with spoken passages requiring the attention of most listeners; uncomfortable; Cécile had caught a cold and was asleep in bed, performed in a non-theatrical context, the music can only stand around nine, when I got to thinking about the piece and began to win.”160 with the score; on Wednesday we spent the whole morning re- Just as the Overture, the aforementioned “Romance” for wom- hearsing with the orchestra; on Thursday we held the concert; en’s chorus also developed a life of its own. The autograph first on Friday morning the entire overture was at the copyist’s; we passed into the hands of Friedrich Wilhelm Jähns (1809–1888). played it through three times in the concert hall on Monday Upon sending him the manuscript, Mendelssohn apologized at first, and then once in the theater; in the evening we were for not being able to write a new piece; he went on to explain regaled by the infamous drama, and the Overture proved to be the particular position and role played by the women’s choral

153 Letter to Julius Stern of 4 November 1844, original in private collection, quoted from: Hartung & Hartung, Munich, catalogue 107 (13–15 May 2003), p. 414 (Lot 2464). 154 The world-premiere performance of the drama had taken place four months previously in Paris. In 1838, a society called Théâtre de la Renaissance had been founded at the initiative of Victor Hugo and Alexandre Dumas. This theater company made its first public appearance with Hugo’sRuy Blas on 8 November 1838 in Paris’ Salle Ventadour. 155 Felix’s mother had already written him: “Your overture has whetted my appetite to read Ruy Blas, my Felix! […] Please tell me for what occasion, for you oppose and despise even Notre Dame, which I feel is the best of his works. I did not quite understand whether there was a performance in the theater, or only for the concerts? Let me also know what you think of the play!” Letter from Lea Mendelssohn Bartholdy to her son of 17 March 1839, GB-Ob, MS. M. Deneke Mendelssohn d. 36, Green Books X-235. 156 Letter to Lea Mendelssohn Bartholdy of 18 March 1839, US-NYp, *MNY++ Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, Felix, Family Letters, No. 398; the letter was printed for the first time (with discrepancies) in:Briefe aus den Jahren 1833 bis 1847 [note 68], pp. 189–190. 157 This further use as Concert Overture MWV P 15 and Mendelssohn’s later distanced relationship to his work will be be examined more closely in another context; see presumably Series I, Vol. 9 of this edition. 158 Leipziger Tageblatt und Anzeiger, no. 68 of 9 March 1839, p. 390. 159 Ibid., p. [389]. 160 Allgemeine musikalische Zeitung 41 (1839), no. 12 (20 March), cols. 239–240. XLIV song in the drama: “It was my intent to personally copy out celebrated compositeur may excuse the poet,” and be so kind as one of my pieces for you […]. Unfortunately, (non-musical) to send him “a copy of this work with, for example, a pianoforte business constantly prevented me from carrying out my plan, accompaniment.”167 Mendelssohn thanked the translator on which is why I beg you to forgive me if I can only offer you the 3 May 1839 and sent him the desired piano arrangement under little piece herewith enclosed for your collection. It is a little the condition that he not publish it.168 Rudolf Elvers was the choral song found in Victor Hugo’s Ruy Blas and composed first to draw the public’s attention to the song’s further peregri- for the Leipzig production. The queen is in her chambers with nations.169 Mendelssohn’s wish to leave the piece unpublished her court, and longs for a breath of fresh air. Then she hears the was not respected: in October 1839, the Romance was printed washerwomen outside, singing as they return home after work, in Vienna as a musical supplement to Orpheus, a musical note- and envies them with all her heart. All that I can offer you by book for the year 1840.170 There ensued an unpleasant corre- way of apology is that no one else possesses the little piece. Yet spondence171 with the editor of Orpheus, Dr. August Schmidt even as I send it to you, I can still hardly apologize enough (1808 – 1891), which did nothing to alter the fact that from for the poor quality of the form and writing, and can only this time on the Romance “Wozu der Vöglein Chöre” was often hope to be granted leniency!”161 Jähns thanked him straight- sung as a duet with piano accompaniment and was broadly dis- away for sending the desired contribution and was genuinely seminated in the 19th century.172 satisfied with theChorus of the Washerwomen, which he called As discussed earlier, Julius Stern complied with Mendelssohn’s “a work full of character and grace, and a solitaire to boot.”162 wish for an autograph by Victor Hugo. Stern thanked him from The German text for the chorus (and for the entire stage play163) Paris and sent him the verses in question by Victor Hugo for was made by Carl Ferdinand Dräxler (1809 –1879), called Cécile Mendelssohn Bartholdy’s Album.173 He also confided to Dräxler-Manfred, on the basis of Hugo’s original.164 Six weeks Mendelssohn that the French literary giant was charmed that after the world premiere in Leipzig, the translator addressed the German composer had written the incidental music to his the composer: “Journals and friends tell me, Dear Sir, that the Ruy Blas.174 rather unsuccessful – with the exception of your lovely music With the incidental music to Ruy Blas ends the disparate com- – production of my translation165 of ‘Ruy Blas’ was enhanced plex of the minor stage works of Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy. through your most estimable composition of the song that is This group was followed in the early 1840s – and in the wake performed within it.”166 Dräxler expressed the wish “that the of his appointment first as Capellmeister and then as Gene­ral-

161 Letter to Friedrich Wilhelm Jähns of 7 April 1844, New York, The Morgan Library & Museum,Heineman MS 144. 162 Letter from Friedrich Wilhelm Jähns to Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy of 8 April 1844, GB-Ob, MS. M. Deneke Mendelssohn d. 45, Green Books XIX-217. 163 Victor Hugo, Ruy Blas. Drama in fünf Handlungen, German translation by C. Dräxler-Manfred, Frankfurt am Main, 1839, including Romance pp. 74–75. The introduction of the author – as in the French original, see following note – is dated 25 November 1838, and the afterword of the trans- lator on 18 December 1838. Between the world premiere and the German translation are only a few weeks. 164 The theatrical play was published by Brockhaus and Avenarius: Victor Hugo,Ruy Blas, Drame en cinq actes, Leipzig, 1838; the introduction is dated 25 November 1838. Hugo’s original manuscript, penned between 8 July and 11 August 1838, and further material on the origin and on the world premiere are housed today in Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Département des Manuscrits, NAF 13373. 165 The translation had been highly praised even before the work’s debut in the theater. TheLeipziger Tageblatt [note 158], p. 390, quoted from the news- paper Die Eisenbahn. Unterhaltungsblatt für Volk und Haus, no. 16: “Dräxler Manfred’s Germanization is a masterpiece from every point of view; the rhythmic swagger of Victor Hugo’s verses is reproduced with a portrait-like resemblance. In any case, the stage repertoire of our theater has a welcome novelty thanks to our pension fund.” 166 Letter from Carl Ferdinand Dräxler to Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy of 18 April 1839, GB-Ob, MS. M. Deneke Mendelssohn d. 35, Green Books IX-130. 167 Ibid. The letter is signedDr. Draexler Manfred. 168 Letter to Karl Ferdinand Dräxler of 3 May 1839, private collection. Currently accessible is only a short summary of the letter in: Dr. Ernst Hauswedell, Hamburg, catalogue 63 (2 December 1955), no. 383: “As thanks for, and acknowledgment of, the successful translation, the composer gifts him with the piano reduction of a Romance which he asks not to be published. With the Romance, which he had set to music for the translation, what seemed to be most important of all was to create a truly simple little song, in full contrast to the stifling, uncomfortable court air’ etc.” 169 Die erste Veröffentlichung der Romanze zu Victor Hugo’s “Ruy Blas”, in: Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy. Briefe an deutsche Verleger, ed. by Rudolf Elvers, Berlin, 1968 (hereafter: Elvers, Verlegerbriefe), pp. 349–352. 170 See source description in the Critical Report, Source F. 171 Treated at length by Elvers, Verlegerbriefe [note 169] with complete printing of a letter from A. Schmidt to Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy of 12 March 1841, Ibid. pp. 350–351. Schmidt justified his position by claiming that he believed Mendelssohn to be a friend of Dräxler’s and had offered him the manuscript for printing. Original letter in GB-Ob, MS. M. Deneke Mendelssohn d. 39, Green Books XIII-122. There is no further documented corre- spondence on this subject, either between the translator, the publisher or the composer. 172 This, in particular, after the piece was included in the collection of three Duets opus 77 of 1849 (as no. 3). 173 GB-Ob, MS. M. Deneke Mendelssohn b. 2, fol. 62. 174 “From Victor Hugo, who was very delighted with the news that you have now endowed Ruy Blas with musical value as well through your musical com- position – from Hugo please find herewith enclosed the desired verses with his best wishes.” Letter from Julius Stern to Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy of 19 November 1844, GB-Ob, MS. M. Deneke Mendelssohn d. 46, Green Books XX-172. XLV

Musik-Director in Berlin – by the complete incidental works Stadtarchiv; Stadtgeschichtliches Museum Leipzig; Music Di- after themes from Antiquity,175 the expansion of the Midsummer vision, New York Public Library for the Performing Arts, As- Night’s Dream Overture into the complete incidental music to tor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations; New York, The Morgan A Midsummer Night’s Dream176 MWV M 13, and the stage mu- Library & Museum; Bodleian Library, University of Oxford; sic to Racine’s Athalia177 MWV M 16. They now held center Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris; Washington, D.C., stage in the composer’s creative efforts. Without the experiences The Library of Congress, Music Division; Goethe- und Schiller- that Mendelssohn had gathered with the music for the Düs- Archiv, Weimar; Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, seldorf and Leipzig stages, and without his first childhood at- Musiksammlung. tempts, these full-scale stage works commissioned for the King Our special thanks go out to Camille Richez (Berlin), who ad- of Prussia would be unthinkable. vised the editor in particular with the linguistic and historical references to France that appear in this volume. Birgit Müller and Christian Martin Schmidt also collaborated substantially *** on the edition, along with Thomas Frenzel, Clemens Harasim and, in earlier stages, Salome Reiser (†), Armin Koch and Chris- The editor obtained considerable aid in preparing this volume. toph Hellmundt. The editorial work and commentaries on the His first thanks go out to the libraries that allowed him to ex- stage works connected with Karl Immermann would hardly amine and evaluate their stocks and to reproduce selected pages. have been possible without Peter Hasubek’s publications and The manuscripts, along with the documents cited in the Intro- personal communications. My most cordial thanks to them all duction, are housed in the following libraries: Staatsbibliothek for their participation in the edition of this work group. zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Musikabteilung mit Men- delssohn-Archiv; Heinrich-Heine-Institut Düsseldorf; Halifax (Canada), Dalhousie University Library; University of Leeds, Leipzig, Pentecost 2015 Ralf Wehner Leeds University Library, Brotherton Collection; Leipzig, (Translation: Roger Clement)

175 Incidental music to Antigone MWV M 12, Incidental music to Oedipus in Kolonos MWV M 14 and Incidental Music to König Oedipus MWV M 15. See also Susanne Boetius, Die Wiedergeburt der griechischen Tragödie auf der Bühne des 19. Jahrhunderts. Bühnenfassungen mit Schauspielmusik, Tübingen, 2005 (= Theatron. Studien zur Geschichte und Theorie der dramatischen Künste; Vol. 44). 176 Series V, Vols. 8 (2000) and 8A (2002) of this edition, as well as Christian Martin Schmidt, Mendelssohns Schauspielmusik zum ‘Sommernachtstraum’, in: Carl Maria von Weber und die Schauspielmusik seiner Zeit. Bericht über die Tagung der Carl-Maria-von-Weber-Gesamtausgabe in der Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz am 26. und 27. November 1998, ed. by Dagmar Beck and Frank Ziegler, Mainz etc., 2003 (= Weber-Studien; Vol. 7), pp. 268–277. 177 Series V, Vols. 9 (2010) and 9A (2005) of this edition.