She Just Wanted to Be Like Any Other Canadian.Pdf

SHE JUST WANTED TO “BE LIKE ANY OTHER CANADIAN TEENAGER”: REPRESEN- TATIONS OF MUSLIM WOMEN IN LOCAL NEWSPAPERS, LEGISLATION AND POLITI- CAL DEBATES IN POST 9/11 CANADA

JACLYN ALLEN

A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Arts in History Nipissing University School of Graduate Studies North Bay, Ontario

Abstract This MRP, “She just wanted to “be like any other Canadian teenager”: Representa- tions of Muslim Women in Canadian newspapers, legislation, and political debates in the context of post 9/11 Canada,” analyzes local newspaper coverage of the murders of Muslim women. It focuses, in particular, on the 2007 murder of Aqsa Parvez in Mississauga, On- tario, but also considers reports on the 2009 murder of Rona Mohammad, Zainab Shafia, Sahar Shafia, and Geeti Shafia in Kingston, Ontario. Alongside this analysis this MRP considers the Zero Tolerance for Barbaric Practices Act, Quebec’s Bill 94, and political debates at the federal and provincial level about these pieces of legislation. Post 9/11 discourses in newspapers, legislation, and political debates mobilize gendered and racialized stereotypes about Muslim women and men, which have particular consequences for Muslim women and men living in Canada. They raise important historical questions: What is the history of women like Aqsa Parvez, Rona Mohammad, Zainab Shafia, Sahar Shafia, and Geeti Shafia in Canada? What stories are shared about them, and the men in their families and communities, in these public discourses? How does this impact ideas about the past and present of Muslim people in Canada? To answer these questions, I examine local newspaper coverage from the Mississauga News and the Kingston Whig-Standard, as well as, Canadian legislation and political debates. I argue that these discourses do little to complete the story of Muslim women in Canada, such as Parvez, and even less to challenge incomplete understandings of Muslim people and Muslim culture, which continue to be deployed in media and inform those ignorant about the Muslim community in Canada. I argue that when media, politicians and lawmakers generalize, prescribe, or make assumptions about people they perpetuate, often with dangerous consequences, stereotypes and Islamophobia and do not challenge structural inequalities that lead to violence. This MRP highlights the per- sistence and growth of such misunderstandings for Muslim people in Canada in the post-9/11 era and contributes to historical discussions about the Canadian nation, which have highlighted the gendered and racialized dimensions of multiculturalism, immigration, and citizenship by extending these discussions to ideas about Muslim men and women.

!iv Acknowledgements

These individuals have had a great influence on my passion for history and on making this project into something of which I am very proud. First, I would like to thank my advi- sor, Dr. Katrina Srigley, whose door was always open whenever I had a question or needed to talk through my thoughts. Thank you for your patience, knowledge, editing, encouragement, and support throughout this process. I also want to thank Dr. Hilary Earl for taking the time to work and meet with me this past year. Thank you for your guidance, encouragement, and insightful comments, which have shaped and strengthened this MRP. I would also like to acknowledge Dr. Murton, Dr. Kozuskanich, Dr. Neal, Dr. Gendron, Dr. Connor,

Dr. Thorn and Dr. Wenghofer for taking the time to attend our Methods II meetings. Thank you for those hard questions that encouraged me to widen my research from various perspectives. I would like to extend my gratitude to Nipissing University, the Graduate Studies

Department, and the entire History Department for providing the tools necessary to complete this project.

I want to thank Stephen, Emily, and Nick, for their support and for their continuous encouragement throughout this year. Thank you for the gym sessions, editing, and late- night laughter. I am profoundly grateful for my family, especially my mom, dad, and broth- ers, for supporting and listening to me throughout writing and researching for this thesis. I am also grateful for my dear friend, Meghan Dovey, for her constant support this year and for always being so enthusiastic and excited about my project. This accomplishment would not have been possible without them. Thank you.

!v Table of Contents

Abstract iv

Acknowledgements v

Introduction 1

Methodology 6

Historiography 12

Context 23

1. National Identities 27

1.1 Exploring ‘Canadian’ As A Category Of Analysis 27

1.2 Exploring Muslim Femininity 31

2. Unsettling Multiculturalism: Muslim as ‘Other’ 39

2.1 “Honour Killings”: Imported or Domestic Violence? 45

3. Listening to Muslim Women 50

Conclusion 55

Bibliography 58

!vi !1

INTRODUCTION

The following is an experience of one immigrant girl in Canada, as told by the Mis-

sissauga News. In 2001, eleven-year-old Aqsa Parvez moved with her family from Pakistan

to Canada.1 The family settled in Mississauga, Ontario where Parvez attended Applewood

Heights Secondary School. The Mississauga News reported that the women of the Parvez

family observed gendered customs of the Muslim faith: Parvez wore a hijab and her father

and mother had arranged her marriage.2 As is often the case for young immigrants adjust- ing to a new culture and country, when Parvez was in the eleventh grade she began to experiment with her identity, incorporating the Muslim traditions of her family and the secular,

‘Western’ influences of her friends and school. According to her friends, Parvez started taking off her hijab in gym class, increased the amount of time she spent out with friends, and skipped some school classes.3 The story in the Mississauga News suggests these behav-

iours created tension at home between Parvez and her parents.4 It was later reported that

Mohammad Parvez, in particular, felt that his daughter was ignoring her Muslim identity.5 In

the fall and winter of 2007, when Parvez was sixteen-years-old, she was prompted by a

school counselor to move into a women’s shelter.6 At 7:20 am on December 10, 2007,

Parvez was picked up at a bus stop by her brother, Waqas Parvez.7 At 8:03am Peel Re-

1! Louie Rosella, “Aqsa ‘just wanted to be herself,’” Mississauga News, June 16, 2010.

!2 Louie Rosella, “No parole for 18 years,” Mississauga News, June 16, 2010.

!3 Rosella, “Aqsa ‘just wanted to be herself.’”

!4 Ibid.

!5 Louie Rosella, “50th Anniversary: Aqsa Parvez murder: Did father or brother fatally strangle teen?” Mississauga News, July 26, 2015.

!6 Louie Rosella, “Culture clash led to fatal attack, friends say,” Mississauga News, December 11, 2007.

!7 Adrian Humphreys, Megan O’Toole, and Kenyan Wallace, “Aqsa Parvez’s father, brother plead guilty in death,” Global News, June 15, 2010. 2 gional Police responded to a 911 call by Mohammad Parvez who confessed to killing his daughter “with [his] hands.”8 As a young woman who grew up with primarily male family members close to Mississauga in Burlington, Ontario, I was interested in this story and how it was reported.

This MRP investigates representations of the 2007 murder of Aqsa Parvez in the

Mississauga News and the 2009 murder of Rona Mohammad, Zainab Shafia, Sahar

Shafia, Geeti Shafia in the Kingston Whig-Standard. These local online newspapers pro- vide a particular type of reporting relevant to my analysis of them as discourses. While the reports from these papers are picked up and reproduced by nationally-circulated newspapers including the Toronto Star they reflect a pattern of news reporting found in local online newspapers. First, these are free online newspapers designed to share quick digestible sound bites that will easily resonate with readers, encourage repeat visits and, as a result, grow advertising revenue. The news reports are rarely longer than a page, generally string- ing together quotes from various people with generalizations rather than nuanced analysis.

Local news reporters, in this case Louie Rosella for the Mississauga News and Paul

Schliesmann for the Kingston Whig-Standard, construct narratives to achieve these goals and, as this MRP will show, in the process deploy gendered and racialized discourses about Muslim men and women that do little to connect with the contexts of and information about the murders. Rather, these local newspapers deploy gendered and racialized discourses that have long animated Western imaginations of the backwardness of Muslim people and that have shape ideas about the Canadian nation, particularly as they relate to immigration, citizenship, and multiculturalism. This MRP also analyzes similar representations of Muslim masculinity and femininity, as they exist more broadly in other discourses.

!8 Bob Mitchell, “‘I killed my daughter…with my hands,’” Star, June 16, 2010. 3

In the Zero Tolerance for Barbaric Cultural Practices Act, assented to on June 18, 2015, and in legislative amendments to the Citizenship Act, which emerged particularly under the

Conservative Stephen Harper Government, I find remarkable consistency in the ways Mus- lim women are described. I argue that this approach does little to complete the story of

Muslim women in Canada, such as Parvez, perpetuates stereotypes and Islaophobia, and fails to challenge structural inequalities that lead to violence in Canada.

Where relevant this MRP points to discourses found in popular culture, social media, and art exhibitions (particularly the Aga Khan exhibit – Rebel Jester Mystic Poet), which challenge the discourses that ignore or do not include Muslim women or rely on simplified representations of them, highlighting differences between representations of Muslim women and how Muslim women describe and define themselves in Canada after 9/11, but this is not the focus of this MRP.

Defining Muslim women as a group is in itself an impossible task. Muslim women are from and live in diverse spaces and define what it means to be Muslim in different ways.

Pakistani and Arab women have different views on and experiences in the world. The ‘Mus- lim’ diaspora is not “as self-explanatory as it may appear, particularly when considered in reference to the vast number of ethnically, culturally, linguistically, nationally, and religiously diverse migrant populations of Muslim cultural backgrounds in the West.”9 Like any other society, there are a variety of types of identities in Muslim countries. For instance, Muslim- majority countries are made up of “orthodox believers, practising (sic.) individuals, non- practising (sic.) sceptics, secular and laic members, and atheists.”10 Muslim populations

!9 Haideh Moghissi, Saeed Rahnema, and Mark J. Goodman, “Introduction,” in Diaspora by Design: Muslims in Canada and Beyond, ed. Haideh Moghissi, Saeed Rahnema, and Mark J. Goodman (Ontario: University of Toronto Press, 2009), 3.

!10 Ibid. 4 also differentiate along ethnic, cultural, and national lines with major differences in terms of class, gender, age “and generational gaps that make them even more heterogeneous.”11 In order to not re-make homogenous, and at times inappropriate, depictions of Muslim women, this paper will address Parvez, and other historical actors, as specifically as possible. Today, perhaps more than ever, it is essential to populate our understanding of Muslim women’s histories with diverse voices and stories in order to challenge and expose the limits and dangers of homogenous understandings of Muslim people. This MRP considers

Muslim women as active participants in the construction and re-construction of their identities, and argues that it is important to locate Muslim women’s voices within a Canadian multicultural context.

Irrespective of this complexity, Muslim women are often represented as victims in need of saving with reference to honour killings and veiling in local newspapers and legislation since the 2000s. In the Mississauga News, the murder of Parvez is interpreted as a

“clash [of] Western and Middle Eastern cultures” mobilizing a binary between the global

West and East.12 A simplistic difference between the West and the East does not allow for a complex understanding of Parvez, her family, or her murder. It perpetuates stereotypes that support Islamophobia. The hijab, in this discourse, is associated with patriarchy, control and is identified as the reason for the Parvez murder.13 Friends say that Parvez chose to take off her hijab because she “just wanted freedom, freedom from her parents” and to be like a

“normal person.”14 The hijab is neatly incorporated into the East/West and free/unfree di-

!11 Ibid., 10.

!12 Rosella, “Aqsa ‘just wanted to be herself’”; Rosella, “Culture clash led to fatal attack, friends say,”; Rosella, “50th Anniversary: Aqsa Prvez murder: Did father or brother fatally strangle teen?”

!13 Rosella, “Aqsa ‘just wanted to be herself.’”

!14 Rosella, “Culture Clash led to fatal attack, friends say.” 5

chotomy, circulated throughout the discourse, by the suggestion that Parvez removed her

hijab in order to be “more Western, and less Muslim.”15 By reducing differences between

people to religion, ethnicity, or dress we miss out on understanding the complicated ways

people live their lives, build families, contribute to communities, and are part of the history

of Canada. Perhaps more importantly we miss opportunities to understand and challenge

structural inequalities that lead to violence against women.

This MRP poses the following questions: how is the murder of Muslim women de-

scribed in two local newspapers? What stories are shared about them, and the men in their

families and communities, in these public discourses? How does this impact ideas about

the past and present of Muslim people in Canada? And, how does a history of Muslim peo-

ple in Canada help us understand and contextualize why they are described in this way?

These research questions are answered through an analysis of local newspaper coverage

of the 2007 murder of Aqsa Parvez and the 2009 Shafia family murders.16 The Shafia family murders refers to the murder of Zainab Shafia, Sahar Shafia, and Geeti Shafia, who were murdered by their father, mother, and brother in Kingston, Ontario on June 30, 2009. Rona

Mohammad was also murdered. She was the first wife of the father and “stepmother” or

“aunt” to the young women. Significant to this narrative is the particular context of post-9/11

Canada. Analyzing coverage of the murder of Muslim women in Canada, as well as, political debates and legislation, allows us to explore larger issues relevant to the history of

Muslim women in post-9/11 Canada. This MRP investigates the questions these particular discourses raise about gendered and racialized violence, multiculturalism, and citizenship

!15 Rosella, “Aqsa ‘just wanted to be herself.’”

!16 This murder was sensationalized in the Kingston Whig-Standard as an “honour killing.” 6

in Canada.

METHODOLOGY

This MRP builds on the questions and methods of women’s and gender historians who use discourse analysis to centre and analyze the stories of women in their historical work. These scholars ask questions about the formation, deployment, and influence of ideas, as well as, the implications of discursive characterizations of gender, along with oth-

er categories of identity, for the lives of women. By uncovering the stories of women, these

historians and scholars offer ways to understand the subjective dimensions of experience,

those that are racialized and gendered, those that are shaped by religion, class, citizenship,

and the mobilization of power in different circumstances. Women’s and gender historians

shape my understanding of identity as malleable and as an intricate intersection of lived

experience and discursive constructions. Much like women’s and gender historians, in this

project I take care not to pre-suppose or project categories of analysis onto my subjects of

inquiry. As gender historian Joan Scott reminds us, identity is at times supposed onto bod-

ies; however, real men and women do not always or literally “fulfill the terms of their soci-

ety’s prescriptions or of our analytical categories.”17 Knowing this led me to ask questions

about the fixed and homogenous ways that Muslim people are described in some discours-

es. In particular, this MRP analyzes representations of the murder of Aqsa Parvez, Rona

Mohammad, and the Shafia sisters in the Mississauga News and Kingston Whig-Standard, which in some cases were picked up by other national newspapers.

Gender historians have demonstrated that class, race, and gender hierarchies, and their associated systems of power, shape the lives and stories of racialized women in particular ways. In North America, the scholarship in the history of Black, African Canadian,

!17 Joan Wallach Scott, “Gender a Useful Category of historical Analysis,” The American Historical Re- view Vol. 91, no. 5 (December 1986): 1068. 7

and Indigenous women has revealed this most clearly.18 In Canada’s backwoods colony of

British Columbia, British settlers struggled to “assert the[ir] whiteness.”19 White observers saw First Nations women as a “threat to white men’s fragile moral and racial selves;” yet, in the colony some Indigenous women lived powerful and privileged lives in mixed-race relationships.20 Power in this instance cannot be understood as linear, but is better understood as “dispersed constellations of unequal relationships.”21 Barrington Walker argues that black women’s bodies occupied an “unstable space, resting at the interstice of hyper visibil- ity and invisibility, the centre and periphery” in nineteenth century Ontario.22 Walker’s exploration of the murder trials of two black women reveals that their gender and race intercon- nected to ensure their identities were made invisible, while the “frank commentary on their mutilated bodies rendered them hyper-visible.”23 Methodologically, I build from the historical approach of these and other works to investigate how categories of class, race, and gender intersect and how such historic gendered and racialized discourses shape the lives of women in post-9/11 Canada. Muslim women in particular are subject to characterization using these narratives and distinct forms of racism and sexism, which are both different from the racism Muslim men encounter, and different from the sexism non-Muslim women encounter. In news coverage, women such as Aqsa Parvez and the Shafia family murders are

!18 Adele Perry, On the Edge of Empire (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2001); Rinaldo Walcott, “‘Who is She and What Is She to You?’: Mary Ann Shadd Cary and the (Im)possibility of Black/Canadian Stud- ies,” Atlantis Vol. 2, no. 24 (2000): 137 - 146; Barrington Walker, “Killing the Black Female Body: Black Wom- anhood, Black Patriarchy, and Spousal Murder in Two Ontario Criminal Trials, 1892-1894,” in Sisters or Strangers?: Immigrant, Ethnic, and Racialized Women in Canadian History, ed. Marlene Epp and Franca Ia- covetta, 89-11 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2016).

!19 Perry, On the Edge of Empire, 14.

!20 Ibid., 51 and 58.

!21 Scott, “Gender a Useful Category of Analysis,” 1067.

!22 Walker, “Killing the Black Female Body,” 95.

!23 Ibid., 100. 8

simultaneously invisible and hyper-visible.

While Muslims themselves are engaged in public debate about representations of

them and their communities, including consistent discussion in the Globe and Mail between

2007 and 2017, discourses such as those found in local newspapers and recirculated na-

tionally continue to circulate freely.24 Communications professor Bhodan Szuchewycz as-

serts that nations are discursively constructed and “articulat[e] difference and contrast with

respect to other nations and national identities” through the press.25 In her work document- ing and challenging these discourses, Women’s Studies and Communications scholar

Yasmin Jiwani argues that in national imaginaries “developing nations are portrayed as backward, barbaric, traditional, and primitive…highlighting their perceived excessive sexu- ality while at the same time representing them as dangerous and engulfing.”26 In post-9/11

Canada, the Muslim body is often treated as the ‘other’ and understood through binaries

such as civilized and uncivilized which Szuchewycz and Jiwani highlight. They are then in-

scribed by “all that the West finds alien and abhorrent,” while “simultaneously [being] exotic,

and alluring.”27 This structuring of difference is based on the common misconception in

newspapers that cultural practices are connected to inherent and innate traits that situate

people in particular relations with one another, which become normalized, particularly when

!24 For example, Louie Rosella, “Mississauga dad who killed teenage daughter dies in prison,” Hamil- ton Spectator, March 2, 2017; Joe Warmington, “Mississauga dad in jail for daughter’s honour killing dies,” Toronto Sun, March 1, 2017; Bob Mitchell, “’I killed my daughter…with my hands,’” Toronto Star, June 16, 2010.

!25 Bhodan Szuchewycz, “Re-Pressing Racism: The Denial of Racism in Canadian Press,” Canadian Journal of Communication Vol. 25 (2000): 498.

!26 Yasmin Jiwani, “Gendering Terror Post-9/11,” in Rethinking Canada: The Promise of Women’s His- tory, ed. Lara Campbell, Tamara Myers, and Adele Perry (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 2016), 403.

!27 Jiwani, “Gendering Terror Post-9/11,” 402. 9

few counter narratives exist or are as easily accessible.28 The theories of women and gender historians, and the interdisciplinary scholarship of writers such as Szuchewycz and Ji- wani, inform my analysis of newspapers, legislations, and political debates, as discursive constructions that mobilize and legitimize, particular identities and power structures that reflect aspects of the society in which they are created.

I build from scholars who have long highlighted the ways in which newspapers and broadsides expose societal understandings of intersecting categories of identity, with particular attention to gendered and racialized representations of women. In Struggle for the

Breeches, gender historian Anna Clark utilizes newspapers as an example of the discursive mobilization of gendered expectations for the working class.29 Her work is particularly useful in this regard. Gender historian Antoinette Burton utilizes theories of Orientalism in Bur- dens of History to reveal that the “dark places of the earth,” and inhabitants there, became

British women’s purview and “special burden.”30 Burton employs British feminists’ periodi-

cals as an example of the discursive normalization and organization of Indian women as

subordinate to, and in need of help from British women. Indigenous scholars have also an-

alyzed how newspapers perpetuate particular identities and normalize power structures

that enfranchise some and disenfranchise others. In Seeing Red: A History of Natives in

Canadian Newspapers, Historians Mark Anderson and Carmen Robertson argue that

Canadian newspapers “conflate [First Nations, Inuit, and Metis], into one heavily stereo-

!28 Ibid., John Porter, The Vertical Mosaic: An Analysis of Social Class and Power in Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2015).

!29 Anna Clark, The Struggle for the Breeches: Gender and the Making of the British Working Class (California: University of California Press, 1997), 199.

!30 Antoinette Burton, Burdens of History: British Feminists, Indian Women, and Imperial Culture, 1865-1915 (North Carolina: The University of North Carolina Press, 1994), 121. 10

typed monolith, patterned on a colonial ideology that flourishe[s] to this day.”31 Communica-

tions and Applied Linguistics Professor Rachelle Vessey asserts “newsworthiness is deter-

mined by evaluating events in terms of their contrast with the ‘norm.’ In other words, events

are ‘newsworthy’ if they are unexpected or unusual according to community values of ‘nor-

mality.’”32 While the media has certainly changed and online local newspapers generate

news in particular ways, this scholarship offers guidance for thinking about the ways in

which dominant ideas are mobilized in the media and have an impact on historical actors.

In ways similar to newspapers, political debates and the laws that result from them can reinforce existing ideologies, attitudes, and prejudices of a particular society. Laws, like newspapers, can be used as a tool of the dominant society to shape the behaviour and ideas of citizens: they perpetuate racialized and gendered hierarchies, manifest colonial power, and protect particular ideologies.33 Historians Tina Loo and Carolyn Strange argue

that laws are in place to regulate human behaviour in ways that govern the gender, class,

and racial moral conduct of citizens.34 Legal philosopher Hans Kelsen describes law as a

system of norms that regulate human behaviour.35 Laws create legally defined categories

that can be difficult to question, but definitions of morality and laws do shift and change

!31 Mark Anderson and Carmen L. Robertson, Seeing Red: A History of Natives in Canadian Newspa- pers (Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 2011).

!32 Rachelle Vessey, Language and Canadian Media: Representations, Ideologies, Policies, (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016), 79.

!33 Paula Butler, Colonial Extractions: Race and Canadian Mining in Contemporary Africa (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2015), 126.

!34 Carolyn Strange and Tina Loo, Making Good: Law and Moral Regulation in Canada, 1867-1939 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1997), 4.

!35 Hans Kelsen, Pure Theory of Law (Berkley: University of California Press, 1978), 4.

!36 Strange and Loo, Making Good: Law and Moral Regulation in Canada, 1867-1939, 4 and 7. 11

over time.36 Actions are not innately legal or illegal but are interpreted as such based on the

meaning given to them in particular contexts.37

Law cannot exist independently from the government that writes it, the judiciary who

applies it, or the population who votes these bodies into power. In the scholarship of Cana-

dian legal historian Richard Risk, it is made clear that legal history is closely aligned with

cultural and social history.38 In order to understand law, we must look to the cultural context

in which our historical subjects lived. Through a variety of legal means past and present,

including immigration laws, the Indian Act, and vagrancy laws, the Canadian Government

has constructed and reinforced societal demands and ideals.39 Like newspapers, laws reg-

ulate normative and non-normative behaviour based on what it discursively means to be a

law-abiding or “good” Canadian. What this means changes over time, and as attitudes

change, so do laws. Law is not static, it is pliable, adaptable, and interpreted; the life and

meaning of laws is impacted by judicial decisions. Law offers a window on ideas in a par-

ticular time and place, “tell[ing] us a great deal about…the Canadian mainstream imagina-

tion, about Canada as a ‘imagined community,’ as well as how [these discourses] operate

ideologically” to include and exclude certain communities and people.40 The tools and

methods of women’s, gender, Indigenous, legal and other scholars, allow me to question

intersecting categories that organize people in Canadian newspapers and laws based on

their gender, ethnicity, race, and class.

!37 Anderson and Robertson, Seeing Red, 4. For example, now that marijuana is in the process of le- galization, people in Canada think more positively of those who smoke it.

!38 R.C.B. Risk, “Introduction,” in A History of Canadian Legal Thought: Collected Essays, ed. G. Blaine Baker and Jim Phillips (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2006).

!39 Strange and Loo, Making Good, 10.

!40 Anderson and Robertson, Seeing Red, 14. 12

HISTORIOGRAPHY

With some important exceptions, Canadian historians have yet to adequately document and analyze the stories and experiences of Muslim women in Canada. At present, under ten publications exist providing us with a comprehensive understanding of what it means to be a Muslim woman living in Canada in a post 9/11 context. This may be due to the relatively small population of Muslims in Canada, the current growth of Canada’s Mus- lim population, the recentness of 9/11, or a general lack of understanding. Historian Nadia

Jones-Gailani argues that the

historian’s task of tracing migrant populations over time in the context of Iraqi immigration to North America is challenging, owing to the ways in which immigrants are officially recorded as well as the ways in which Iraqis themselves have chosen to identify in diaspora. In both the American and Canadian federal Census, ethno- nationality character izes the ways in which immigrants are grouped, and religious affiliation is often categorized as ‘other,’ causing the total group population numbers

41 to be somewhat misleading. Jones-Gailani considers Muslims in Canada to be “‘invisible immigrants,’” because they

“evade detection by the broader Canadian and American population who are unaware of the growing communities of Iraqis forming in urban (and increasingly suburban) regions of

Southern Ontario and Michigan.”42 A historical approach to investigating the experiences of

Muslim women in Canada will help to uncover, and diversify, the voices of those Muslim women who are written out or left out of Canada’s historical record. Considering the voices of Muslim women, from a historical perspective, allows us to notice similarities and differences between the experiences of immigrant groups and communities in Canada. A historical approach examines discourse and ideology in a particular time and place and makes it possible to connect it to the day-to-day lives of immigrants in Canada.

!41 Nadia-Jones Gailani, “Iraqi Women in Diaspora: Resettlement, Religion, and Remembrance in the Iraqi Diaspora in Toronto and Detroit, 1980-present,” (PhD dissertation, University of Toronto, 2013), 4-5.

!42 Jones-Gailani, “Iraqi Women in Diaspora,” 7. 13

Like many historians exploring areas underdeveloped in historiography, this project

builds from a diverse disciplinary framework, which includes the work of sociologists, an-

thropologists, historians, and Muslim women who are not within the Academy, who have

told stories and asked questions about the Muslim woman’s experience in post 9/11 Cana-

da. Many of these scholars identify as Muslim or with Muslim heritage. They investigate,

and some have spent time listening to, women from Muslim communities. Their works challenge stereotypical conventions of the Muslim woman and also attempt to understand how and why simplistic representations become dominant over time, by contextualizing, compli- cating, and revealing the heterogeneity of Muslim people, communities, and experiences.

The scholarship emphasizes three themes relevant to this study: the belief that Muslim women are in need of saving, honour killings, and the veil.43 The scholarship also highlights

the different and gendered dimensions of the immigrant experience in Canada from the

Second World War to 2017.

The Cold War shapes histories of immigration to Canada from 1945 to the late

1960s. This is evident in the celebratory narratives of the successful settlement and inte-

gration of white, European, migrants. Success is attributed to those who had the ability to

‘become’ Canadian based on the compatibility of their cultures, their skin colour, and their

willingness to assimilate.44 This early history does not point out or help us to understand the

experiences of non-white, non-European immigrants in Canada; however, it discusses

!43 Nadje Al Ali, Iraqi Women: Untold Stories from 1948 to the Present (London: Zed Books, 2007); Nadia Jones Gailani, “Iraqi Women in Diaspora: Resettlement, Religion, and Remembrance in the Iraqi Dias- pora,” and “Generations of Difference: Unveiling the politics of hijab for first and second generation Iraqi Women in Toronto,” The Journal of Historical Studies at U of T Mississauga Vol. 1, no. 1 (2013); and Nadia Lewis “Iraqi Women, Identity and Islam in Toronto: Reflections on a New Diaspora,” Canadian Ethnic Studies Journal Vol. 40, no. 3: 131-147; Lila Abu-Lughod, Do Muslim Women Need Saving? (Harvard University Press, 2015); Globe and Mail columns written by Zarqa Nawas and Sheena Khan.

!44 John Kosa, The Hungarians in Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1957); Antony H. Richmond, Post-War Immigrants in Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press). 14

some key themes about the ways immigrants form identity in transnational contexts and are

accepted or rejected by host countries.45 The self-identity of migrants is often broken down

as they find themselves in new contexts and between two worlds. In addition, host popula-

tions often project identities onto new immigrants.46

By the 1970s, Canadian immigration historians followed social historians who ques-

tioned Canada’s history and considered the agency of a variety of historical actors. By

1986, women started to incorporate their immigration stories into Canadian history with the

publication of Looking into My Sister’s Eyes: an Exploration in Women’s History.47 This an- thology challenges Canadian histories that focus on “a history of men and of the public life in which women’s participation has been restricted.”48 While the immigrant women who

contributed to this collection were understood as sisters because of their shared identities

as immigrant women, by 2004 they questioned whether they were Sisters or Strangers?

Significantly, a woman’s gendered experience and identity depends on an intersection of

social and ideological categories, such as, class, ethnicity, race.49 Yet, this scholarship does

not address the stories and experiences of Muslim women. This may be because of the

reasons aforementioned: a relatively recent period of study or Canada’s small Muslim pop-

!45 Transnationalism is the “awkward, unequal, unstable and creative qualities of interconnection across difference.” Using a transnational framework lets scholars explore the movement of ideas and people across national boundaries where gender, class, and race function simultaneously. Anna Lownhaupt Tsing, Friction: An Ethnography of Global Connection (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2005), 3-4; Laura Briggs, Gladys McCormick and J.T. Way, “Transnationalism: A Category of Analysis,” American Quarterly Vol. 60, no. 3 (2008): 625, 632-633, 637-638.

!46 Max Bruyn, “A Search for Identity,” in Between Two Worlds: The Canadian Immigration Experience, ed. Milly Charon (Ontario: Quadrant Editions, 1983), 202-228.

!47 Jean R. Burnet, ed., Looking into My Sister’s Eyes: An Exploration in Women’s History (Toronto: The Multicultural History Society of Ontario, 1986).

!48 Epp, Iacovetta, and Swyripa, “Introduction,” in Looking into My Sister’s Eyes: An Exploration in Women’s History, ed. Jean R. Burnet (Toronto: The Multicultural History Society of Ontario, 1986), 1.

!49 Epp, Iacovetta, and Swyripa, “Introduction,” in Sisters or Strangers? 3-4. 15 ulation, but may also be because of a lack of understanding. These historiographical limits could also stem from an uncomfortable relationship between second wave feminism and the narrative that the Muslim women is in need of saving.50 Nadia Jones-Gailani argues that

for too long feminist studies of women’s lives and subjectivities have privileged a Western, liberal, and secular construction of womanhood. As Chandra Mohanty, Lila Abu-Lughod and others have argued, a feminist methodology employed to understand women on their terms has been tinged with imperial overtones, casting

51 religious third world women as victims in need of saving. In her analysis of British feminists’ periodicals, Antionette Burton finds that the female Other also “furnish[es] evidence for the universality of women’s oppression and the timelessness of the ‘woman’s question.’”52 While studying representations of Muslim women in Canada,

Jasmin Zine highlights a collision of feminism and orientalism, where the two allow for the othering of Muslim women through the lens of the feminist gaze.53

Within this scholarship, discussions and debates also developed that questioned

Canada’s national identity as multicultural and accepting. What were historians to make of the suggestion that Canada welcomed all immigrants with open arms? Multiculturalism was introduced as government policy in 1971 and constitutionally entrenched in 1982 in Section

27 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. The dominant view of multiculturalism

!50 Second Wave Feminism was influenced by the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s where women began to fight to secure a stronger role in North American society. In particular, these women were often white and middle-class. Women filled significant roles in organizations fighting for civil rights, and began to believe that while enlightened about racial issue or the war in Vietnam, they could still be affected by patriarchal ideas of male superiority. Second Wave Feminism, https://www.khanacademy.org/humanities/ap-us-history/ period-8/apush-1960s-america/a/second-wave-feminism.

!51 Jones-Gailani, “Iraqi Women in Diaspora,” 9.

!52 Ibid., 94.

!53 Jasmin Zine “Muslim Women and the Politics of Representation,” The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences Vol. 19, no. 4 (2002): 13. 16

is that it “should assist and encourage integration (but not assimilation) of all immigrants.”54

Yet, historians Ricardo Lopez and Barbara Weinstein establish that the 1950s and 1960s

saw the incorporation of about “2.5 million immigrants from Europe, Britain, and elsewhere

into the Canadian polity without massive societal rupture or institutional crisis.”55 While multiculturalism is a policy enshrined in Canada’s constitution, the highest law in the nation, it is experienced differently because structural oppression, individual agency, as well as, law are not static but are applied differently, according to our particular locations and identification with categories of race, gender, and class. Historians Franca Iacovetta and Heidi Bo- haker complicate Canada’s multicultural agenda by revealing that after the Second World

War the Canadian government constructed immigrants and Indigenous peoples as outsiders who were in need of assimilation and were encouraged, or forced in many cases, to adopt dominant, middle class, Canadian social and moral codes.56 In a study of more con-

temporary contexts, Political Scientist Nina Markovi finds similar patterns, asserting that the

policy and practice of multiculturalism operates with the “underlying assumption [and] in-

evitable assimilation of immigrant groups.”57 A policy of diversity is highly misleading because a “racial vertical ordering of Canadian society” continues to operate.58 In this order-

!54 Canada, Parliament, Senate, Standing Committee on Multiculturalism: Report of the Standing Committee on Multiculturalism: Building Canada’s Mosaic. 2d session, 33rd Parliament, 1986-87.

!55 Ricardo Lopez and Barbara Weinstein, The Making of the Middle Class: Toward a Transnational History (London: Duke University Press), 104.

!56 Heidi Bohaker and Franca Iacovetta, “Making Aboriginal People ‘Immigrants Too’: A Comparison of Citizenship Programs for Newcomers and Indigenous Peoples in postwar Canada, 1940s-1960s,” Canadian Historical Review Vol. 90, no. 3 (2009): 430.

!57 Nina Markovi, Muslim Citizens in the West: Spaces and Agents of Inclusion and Exclusion (London: Ashgate, 2014), 42.

!58 Bohaker and Iacovetta, “Making Aboriginal People ‘Immigrants Too,’” 431; Zine, “Introduction,” in Islam in the Hinterlands, 3; John Porter, The Vertical Mosaic: An Analysis of Social Class and Power in Cana- da (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1992). The vertical mosaic, originally proposed by John Porter, theo- rizes the continuation and maintenance of the colonial project and explains how white settler norms, culture, and societies are dominant in Canada. 17

ing, immigrants are often “perceived as members of discrete groups, as ‘everlasting immi-

grants,’ [and] not as individuals.”59 Feminist legal scholar Vrinda Narain argues that multi-

culturalism is not a cultural liberator but a “cultural strait jacket forcing those described as

members of a minority cultural group into a regime of authenticity, denying them the chance

to cross cultural borders, borrow cultural influences, [or] define and redefine themselves.”60

Political Science and Equity scholars Moghissi, Rahnema, and Goodman argue that multi-

culturalism does not establish mutual understanding and respect, but “rather tend[s] to cor-

don off areas, demarcate boundaries and encourage a sense of fearful exclusion.”61

Markovi suggests racist hostility in Canada diminishes “the potential of immigrant individu-

als and groups to positively integrate into the dominant economy and society” and in re-

sponse, ethnic minorities “retreat into their communities” for support.62 Consequently,

Canada is made up of fixed, exclusionary enclaves instead of diverse integrated societies.

Sociologist Jasmin Zine, whose work focuses specifically on Muslim Canadians, argues

that Canada has evolved from a “society of white settlers to a society of settled whiteness

where white, Christian, Eurocentric norms and ideals are still hegemonic despite projec-

tions [made in 2000] that by 2017 one-fifth of Canadians will belong to a ‘visible minority.’”63

While Canada has portrayed itself as an enlightened and inclusive nation through policies

such as multiculturalism, this downplays or hides the country’s “history of immigrant restric-

!59 John C. Harles, “Immigration, Multiculturalism and the Canadian Polity,” Canadian Journal of Politi- cal Science Vol. 30, no. 4 (1997): 711-736, 715.

!60 Vrinda Narain, “Taking ‘Culture’ out of Multiculturalism,” Canadian Journal of Women and the Law Vol. 26, no. 1 (2014): 123.

!61 Moghissi, Rahnema, and Goodman, “Introduction,” in Diaspora by Design, 23.

!62 Markovi, Muslim Citizens in the West, 42.

!63 Jasmin Zine, “Unsettling the Nation: Gender, Race, and Muslim Cultural Politics in Canada,” in Is- lam in the Hinterlands: Muslim Cultural Practices in Canada, ed. Jasmin Zine, 41-60 (British Columbia: UBC Press, 2012), 46. 18

tions, institutionalized racism, and mistreatment of Aboriginal peoples.”64 This project adds

to discussions questioning the way multiculturalism is framed and understood, its problems,

and how it excludes, as much as it might include.

Integration into Canadian society is a complex, multi-faceted, and gendered phe-

nomenon that is different for men and women. The scholarship of women’s and gender historians who work on immigrant women make this point very clearly.65 In a post- 9/11 context, Muslim masculinity is often associated with terrorism and fear.66 Women’s Studies professor Shahin Germani explains that Muslim men are often associated with terrorism in media discourses and associated with “bearded, gun-toting, in long robes or military fa- tigues of some Islamist organization or country.”67 While Muslim men are perceived as ter-

rorists, Muslim women are often situated in news media as victims in need of saving from

their male, patriarchal, terrorist family members and from Muslim culture. Female Third

World, refugee, and immigrant bodies are often understood as ‘saved’ in Canada and

therefore “remain permanent outsiders within the Canadian nation even when [they] attain

the legal right of citizenship.”68 Anthropologist and women’s and gender scholar Lila Abu-

Lughod argues that it is dangerous to “reify” culture and “plaster neat cultural icons like the

!64 Bohaker and Iacovetta, “Making Aboriginal People ‘Immigrants Too,’” 431.

!65 Jean R. Burnet, ed., Looking in my Sisters Eyes: An Exploration in Women’s History, (Toronto: Mul- ticultural History Society of Ontario, 1986); Marlene Epp, France Iacovetta, Frances Swyripa, ed., Sisters of Strangers: Immigrant, Ethnic, and Racialized Women in Canadian History, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2004); Marlene Epp, Women without men: Mennonite refugees of the Second World War, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2003); Jennifer Evans; Baukje Miedema and Evangelia Tastsoglou define the term “immigrant woman” as both legal and social. The use of the term “immigrant woman” commonly refers to “women of colour,” from developing countries, who speak little English or speak English with an accent other than British or American. Yet, many immigrant women in Canada are “white” and speak English well.

!66 Shahin Gerami, “Islamist Masculinity and Muslim Masculinities,” in Handbook of Studies on Men and Masculinities, ed. Michael S. Kimmel, Jeff Hearn, and Raewyn Connell, 448- 458 (London: Sage Publica- tions, 2005), 449.

!67 Gerami, “Islamist Masculinity and Muslim Masculinities,” 449.

!68 Lorena Gajardo and Teresa Macias, “From Terrorist to Outlaws: Transnational and Peripheral Artic- ulations in the Making of Nation and Empire,” Atlantis Vol. 24, no. 2 (2000): 27. 19

Muslim woman over messy historical and political dynamics.”69 Abu-Lughod posits that

“sensationalized stories of oppression captured by the media contribute to the widespread

sense of certainty about the direness of the situation of ‘the Muslim woman.’”70 Representa- tions of the Muslim woman as necessarily oppressed also demonstrates a continuation and prevalence of “racial dimensions of gender ideology,” which are centred around a fear that the racial female other threatens the national community.71

Iraqi immigrant women negotiate, change, and adopt identity in new cultural, social,

and political contexts, which challenges static representations of these women, which cast

them as Muslim and as victims.72 In her dissertation, “Iraqi women in Diaspora,” Women’s

and Gender Historian Nadia Jones-Gailani emphasizes and investigates the construction,

imagination, and performance, as well as, difference between the identities of Iraqi women

in the city of Amman and their identities in host cities of Toronto and Detroit. Women’s Stud-

ies Professor and Anthropologist Nadje Al-Ali questions the cataloguing of Iraqi women and

argues that Iraqi women are products of economic, political, and social contexts that

change over time and are informed by local, national, regional and international factors.73 In

Canada, Muslim women face particular cultural, political, and social forces that shape their

identity. Amani Hamdan shares in Muslim Women Speak that patriarchy and racism shaped

the construction of her identity as a Muslim woman living in Canada in gendered and racial

!69 Lila Abu-Lughod, “Do Muslim Women Really Need Saving? Anthropological Reflections on Cultural Relativism and its Others,” American Anthropologist Vol. 104, no. 3 (2002): 783-790.

!70 Abu-Lughod, Do Muslim Women Need Saving? 17.

!71 Burton, Burdens of History, 49 and 92.

!72 Nadia-Jones Gailani, “Iraqi Women in Diaspora: Resettlement, Religion, and Remembrance in the Iraqi Diaspora in Toronto and Detroit, 1980-present,” ii.

!73 Nadje Al-Ali, “Iraqi Women and Gender Relations: Redefining Difference,” British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies Vol. 35, no. 3 (2008): 405. 20

ways.74 These scholars challenge simplified understandings of Muslim women as neces-

sarily or inherently victims in need of saving. They identify and define what it means to be

Muslim in a variety of ways.

A few scholars have investigated the use of the term “honour killing” in connection

with gender and Muslims in Canada. Women’s and gender scholar Dana Olwan asserts

that the term “honour killing” draws on particular cultural ideas about race, gender, and

sexual violence. Olwan suggests that the label “honour killing” refers to the foreign nature

of gender-based violence, which “bolster[s] notions of cultural superiority and redraw[s] the

civilizational line between an inherently violent and barbaric Muslim East and a democratic,

gender equal, and nonviolent secular West.”75 Abu-Lughod argues in Seductions of the

“Honour Crime” that “[n]either values of honour nor their enforcement through violence are

ever said to be restricted to Muslim communities.”76 Nevertheless, “their constant associa-

tion with stories and reports from the Middle East and South Asia, or immigrant communi-

ties originating in these regions, has given them a special association with Islam.”77 Jasmin

Zine asserts that defining violence by culture further marginalizes those people who identify

as Muslim in Canadian society.78 Building from these discussions, this MRP considers the

use of the term “honour killings” in relation to the murders of Aqsa Parvez, Rona Moham- mad and the Shafia family.

The veil is another symbol that scholars have identified as representing Muslim

!74 Amani Hamdan, Muslim Women Speak: A Tapestry of Lives and Dreams (Toronto: Women’s Press, 2009), 9.

!75 Dana M. Olwan, “Gendered Violence, Cultural Otherness, and Honour Crimes in Canadian Nation- al Logics,” The Canadian Journal of Sociology Vol. 38, no. 4 (2013): 536.

!76 Abu-Lughod, Do Muslim Women Need Saving? 114.

!77 Abu-Lughod, “Seductions of the ‘honour crime,’” Differences Vol. 22, no.1 (2011): 1.

!78 Zine, “Resettling the Nation,” 49. 21 women in Western discourses and imagination. The various meanings attributed to the veil reveals that it does not have inherent meaning but is given meaning by particular people, in particular times, and in particular places. Yasmin Jiwani asserts that the West’s fascination with the veil is based on what it seemingly represents. The veiled woman is closely associated with Muslim culture and its putative backwardness; yet, “the veil is in fact an old eastern Mediterranean practice that was assimilated to Islam in its early stages of expansion. In the two suras in the Qur’an that refer to the veil, there is no specific mention of veiling the face.”79 Nonetheless, the veiled woman is often portrayed or imagined in Western popular imagination as a woman wearing loose, black garments, whose face is completely covered, except for her eyes. Jiwani reminds us that while some Muslim women choose to veil for religious reasons, religion is not always the only reason, and that many women who identify as Muslim do not engage with the practice of veiling. In a recent newspaper article about the controversy over a Muslim cemetery in Quebec, writer Zarqa Nawaz argued that “veiled

Muslim women” are cast as and then become “the biggest threat to Western civilization” through such characterizations in both the media and political discourse.80 In a 2010 New

York Times blog, Martha Nussbaum, a feminist philosopher, points out, that those who criti- cize the veil do not “know the first thing about Islamic symbols.”81 Jones-Gailani’s article

“Generations of Difference: Unveiling the politics of hijab for first and second generation women in Toronto,” seeks to understand why many Iraqi women choose to veil after they

!79 Jiwani, “Gendering Terror Post 9/11,” 404.

!80 Zarqa Nawas, “Even in death, we find no peace. The rejected Muslim cemetery in Quebec reminds us that anything associated with Islam often becomes controversial,” Globe and Mail, July 19, 2017.

!81 Martha Nussbaum, “Veiled Threats,” New York Times: Opinionator, July 11, 2010. 22

emigrate to Canada.82 Jones-Gailani argues that in Toronto, a diverse Canadian city, female Muslim immigrants experience struggle, reconstruction of individual identities, pres- sures from their cultural community and from western ideals of womanhood. Some Iraqi women choose to veil when they arrive in Canada as “defensive modesty,” in response to the different cultural norms they encounter in Canada.83 Wendy Brown concludes that convictions about Muslim women’s relative lack of choice ignores “the extent to which all choice is conditioned by as well as imbricated with power.”84 We are all born into particular

“social[, political, and legal] worlds. We are placed in certain social classes and communi-

ties in specific countries at distinct historical moments. Our desires are forged in these con-

ditions and our choices limited by them.”85 A more complete history of Muslim women in

Canada must involve critically analyzing representations of the veil, honour killings, and the

common belief that Muslim women are in need of saving in newspapers, political debates,

and legislation, all of which impact their lives.

Homogenous understandings of what it means to be Muslim, and a Muslim woman

in particular, overshadow real Muslim women’s experiences and identities within and out-

side of Canada. We need an appreciation of differences among women in the world, “as

products of different histories, expressions of different circumstances, and manifestations of

differently structured desires.”86 Difference, in fact, is based on a complex set of intersect-

!82 Nadia Jones-Gailani, “Generations of Difference: Unveiling the politics of hijab for first and second generation women in Toronto,” The Journal of Historical Studies at U of T Mississauga Vol. 1, no. 1 (2012); Canadian Council of Muslim Women, “Women in Niqab Speak: A study of the Niqab in Canada,” http://ccmw.- com/women-in-niqab-speak-a-study-of-the-niqab-in-canada/.

!83 Nadia Lewis, “Iraqi Women, Identity, and Islam in Toronto: Reflections on a New Diaspora,” Cana- dian Ethnic Studies Vol. 40, no. 3 (2008): 141; Canadian Council of Muslim Women, “Women in Niqab Speak: A study of the Niqab in Canada.”

!84 Abu-Lughod, Do Muslim Women Need Saving? 19.

!85 Ibid.

!86 Abu-Lughod, “Do Muslim Women Really Need Saving?” 784. 23

ing variables that should not be reduced to ethnicity or religion. While this project does not

exhaust the possibilities for telling the history of Muslim women in Canada, it extends con-

versations by historians such as Nadia Jones-Gailani and Nadje Al Ali, and draws connec-

tions between Muslim women's experiences in Canada, Canada’s national history, multicul-

turalism, and immigration.

CONTEXT

This MRP focuses on the period after September 11, 2001, when a group later iden-

tified as the Islamic extremist group Al-Qaeda, hijacked four airliners in the United States.

Two of the planes were flown into the towers of the World Trade Center in New York City.

One plane hit the Pentagon just outside of Washington, DC, and the fourth plane crashed in

a field in Pennsylvania. The attacks, now commonly referred to as 9/11, resulted in the

death of more than three thousand people. Although the attacks are commonly understood

as Acts of Terrorism, some scholars argue they were only defined this way by the United

States government. Director of the Terrorism Research Initiative, Alex P. Schmidt, asserts

that due to globalization, terrorism should be studied “in broader contexts of political con-

flict, taking into account both governing state and opposition parties and their allies in soci-

ety.”87 Schmidt argues that by conceptually isolating terrorism from “less repulsive modes of

conflict behaviour, condemnation by the international community is more likely.”88 Neverthe- less, in Western nations, the events of 9/11 have come to signify terrorism and the onset of aggressive anti-terrorism. As one scholar notes this interpretation tells us that “there is a clash of civilizations or cultures in our world. They tell us there is an unbridgeable chasm

!87 Alex P. Schmidt, “Frameworks for Conceptualizing Terrorism,” Terrorism and Political Violence Vol. 16, no. 2 (2004): 201.

!88 Schmidt, “Frameworks for Conceptualizing Terrorism,” 204. 24

between the West and ‘Rest.’”89 These ideas about Islamic culture as a special, subaltern, and threatening culture also had traction in Canada with significant consequences for Mus- lim citizens, migrants, and refugees in Canada.90 Zine asserts that profiling Muslims in

Canada “allows dominant citizens to define others as subaltern and keep them outside of the guarded boundaries of community and nation.”91 As Moghissi, Rahnema, and Goodman note more recently, the identity of Muslim Canadians, especially in the post-9/11 period, is

“not a matter of choice. It is not fluid. It is fixed by forces of racism and xenophobia, despite the possibility of social mobility and regardless of the individual’s wishes or desires.”92 In host countries, ideas about immigrant groups are often reflected in local newspapers, political debates in provincial and federal legislatures, and in legislative and judicial legal decisions. These discourses, and the ideas about a particular group that are mobilized within them, are then imposed on the lived, imagined, and in the case of this study, dead bodies irrespective of how they self-identify or actually live their lives.

In a post-9/11 context, generalizations about Muslims men and women are common.

Discursive and literary theorist Edward Said writes that “terrible conflicts herd people under falsely unifying rubrics like ‘America,’ ‘The West,’ or ‘Islam’ and invent collective identities for large numbers of individuals who are actually quite diverse.”93 Moghissi, Rahnema, and

Goodman assert that 9/11 “brought the vast communities of Islamic origin closer, increasingly politicized them,” and fixed them as the “anchor of opposition, fitting the needs of an

!89 Abu-Lughod, Do Muslim Women Need Saving? 6.

!90 Alan Scott, New Critical Writings in political Sociology: Volume Two: Conventional and Contentious Politics (New York: Routledge, 2009), 164.

!91 Zine, “Unsettling the Nation,” 55.

!92 Moghissi, Rahnema, and Goodman, “Introduction,” in Diaspora by Design, 7.

!93 Edward Said, Orientalism (London: Vintage, 1979), xxviii. 25

aggressive agenda among political leaders in the West.”94 Stereotypes often conceptualize

Muslims as “savage, backward, and hostile to the West,” which “generates fear, and suspi-

cion,” and constitutes the “social context within which Muslim identity is reformed and per- formed” in Canadian communities.95 By focusing on the brutish fathers and sons who kill

daughters and sisters, newspapers, particularly local on-line sources reinforce these

stereotypes. Since 9/11, a pattern of a kind of ethnic absolutism, the idea that ethnicity and

culture are unchanging, operates in some Canadian newspapers, political debates, and

legislations that discuss Muslim people.96 These were created and exist mainly in the era of

the Conservative Stephen Harper government. While the Liberal and NDP parties, as well

as others in Canadian society have offered counter narratives and initiatives, discourses

that perpetuate homogenous and simplified representations of Muslims living in Canada

continue to exist. This MRP offers an opportunity to reflect on this in a particular context

and problematize this ongoing trend.

Canada’s current Muslim population is a relatively new and community made up of

descendants of Muslims who emigrated to Canada in the nineteenth and twentieth cen-

turies, recent immigrants, children born in Canada, converts to Islam, and continues to

grow with increased immigration, marriage, and procreation. As of 2010, Indonesia, India,

and Pakistan housed the highest percentage of Muslims; yet, Muslims are also born in, em-

igrate to, and live around the globe in countries such as Nigeria, Egypt, Germany, France,

and Canada. By 1911, five hundred Muslims lived in British Columbia, mostly from Turkey

!94 Moghissi, Rahnema, and Goodman, “Introduction,” in Diaspora by Design, 11 and 13.

!95 Evelyn Leslie Hamdon, Islamophobia and the Question of Muslim Identity: The Politics of Differ- ence and Solidarity (Winnipeg: Fernwood Publishing, 2010), 16.

!96 Moghissi, Rahnema, and Goodman, “Introduction,” 12. 26

and Bulgaria.97 By the 1920s, race riots, discriminatory law, and racist attitudes made life

for many non-Europeans increasingly difficult in the province, and by 1921 only eighty-two

Muslims remained in British Columbia.98 In the 1960s, the Muslim population in Canada in-

creased after the adoption of the points system, where individuals applying for immigration

were graded according to their skill and educational level. Through this program, many

French-speaking Muslims from North Africa settled in Quebec. Muslims from Africa, South

and Southeast Asia, and the Caribbean also migrated to Canada for education at the Insti-

tute of Islamic Studies at McGill University and the University of Toronto’s Department of

Middle Eastern Studies.99 As of 2016, Muslims made up twenty-three percent of the total

global population and three percent of Canada’s population.100 Today, Ontario is home to

sixty-one percent of Canada’s Muslim population and a large concentration live in the

Greater Toronto area.101

Statistics Canada is an important resource for becoming aware of the recent growth

of the Muslim community in Canada. In 2001, Statistics Canada reported that Islam was the

fastest growing non-Christian religion in Canada and in-between 1991 and 2001 the popu-

lation of Muslims in Canada grew by 128.9 percent.102 While Statistics Canada is a critical

!97 “A New Life in A New Land: The Muslim Experience in Canada,” last modified March 11, 2015, http://www.anewlife.ca/muslim-demographics-in-canada/.

!98 “A New Life in A New Land: The Muslim Experience in Canada.”

!99 Ibid.

!100 Jewish Virtual Library, “Islam: Muslim Population, Worldwide,” last modified 2017, http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/muslim-population-worldwide.

!101 Abdul Malik Mujahid, “Profile of Muslims in Canada,” https://www.soundvision.com/article/profile- of-muslims-in-canada.

!102 Moghissi, Rahnema, and Goodman, “Introduction,” 7; Statistics Canada, “2011 National House- hold Survey: Data Tables,” last modified 14 February 2017, http://www12.statcan.gc.ca/nhs-enm/2011/dppd/ dttdRpeng.cfmLANG=E&APATH=3&DETAIL=0&DIM=0&FL=A&FREE=0&GC=0&GID=0&GK=0&GRP=0&PID =105399&PRID=0&PTYPE=105277&S=0&SHOWALL=0&SUB=0&Temporal=2013&THEME=95&VID=0&VN AMEE=&VNAMEF=. 27

resource it also perpetuates generalized categories and reduces the variety of Islamic reli-

gions to one: Muslim. In fact, Islam is not a monolithic religion, but has over seventy-two

sects.103 Statistics Canada does not differentiate between those who adhere to different

branches of Islam including Sunni, Shi’a, Kharijites, or the sub-sects of these, Hanafi, Mali-

ki, Shafi’i, Hanbali, Zahiri, Kaysanites, Fivers, Seveners, Twelvers, Qarmatians, Islmailis,

and the list goes on. Yet, in the survey Christianity is broken down into nine sections with

twenty-four sub-sects.104 The Environics Institute’s “Survey of Muslims in Canada 2016,”

asserts that the Muslim community in Canada is poorly understood, and in fact, the first

recorded Muslim family in Canada arrived from Scotland in the early 1850s.105 The prob-

lem, the authors suggest, comes from the fact that other Canadians understand Muslims

through simplistic and negative stereotypes.106 The multiplicity of migrants from Islamic cul-

tures reflects the immensely complex history and diversity of the Muslim community in

Canada. In 2017, Canada is understood globally as a welcoming, multicultural society but

the Muslim community faces unique challenges with respect to religious freedom, accep-

tance by the broader society, and national security profiling.

1. NATIONAL IDENTITIES

1.1 Exploring ‘Canadian’ as a Category of Analysis

The Federal Government of Canada utilizes law to manage immigration, screen newcomers, and sustain an imagined national identity. In Canada, national mythologies rely on both race and gender in their formation and are inscribed, socially perpetuated, and

!103 Moghissi, Rahnema, Goodman, “Introduction,” 8.

!104 Statistics Canada, “2011 National Household Survey: Data Tables.”

!105 The Environics Institute for Survey Research, “Survey of Muslims in Canada 2016,” http://www.environicsinstitute.org/uploads/instituteprojects/survey%20of%20muslims%20in%20canada%202016%20- %20final%20report.pdf, 5.

!106 Ibid. 28

maintained by Immigration and Citizenship Laws.107 Canada’s Immigration Laws are

shaped by shifting social, political, and economic climates, as well as, changing beliefs

about race, desirability, and integration, and reveal a history of inclusion and exclusion.108

Following Confederation in 1867, Canada’s Immigration policy contained few restrictions

and was in place to settle the Canadian West; however, overt discrimination soon became

a part of Canadian Immigration Law. In 1885, a Royal Commission on Chinese Immigration

imposed a ten dollar duty on Chinese people seeking entry to Canada. By 1903, the duty

was raised to five hundred dollars. In 1908, Japanese immigration to Canada was limited to

four hundred a year.109 Further to this, the Continuous Journey Regulation required

prospective citizens to travel to Canada non-stop from their country of origin, which meant

migrants from more distant lands, particularly Asian countries such as India, were excluded

from entry.110 After the First World War the government excluded certain groups from enter-

ing the country based on nationality and some religious practices. At this time, Canadian

officials claimed that their policies did not discriminate based on the colour of one’s skin;

yet, African American immigrants were explicitly deemed “unsuited to the climate or re-

quirements of Canada.”111 In the 1930s and 40s, Jews were unwelcomed in Canada because it was believed they could not farm and “it was impossible to keep [them] on the

!107 Benedict R. Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of National- ism (London: Verso, 1983), 6-7; G. Hage, White Nation: Fantasies of white supremacy in a Multicultural Soci- ety (New York: Routledge, 2000), 39; Zine, “Unsettling the Nation,” 56.

!108 “Immigration to North America: Immigration Act (CANADA) (1919),” last modified 2015, http://im- migrationtous.net/142-immigration-act-canada-1919.html.

!109 National Association of Japanese Canadians, “Early History,” last modified 2017, http://najc.ca/early-history/.

!110 Ayesha Hameed and Tamara Vukov, “Animating Exclusions: Ali Kazimi’s Continuous Journey and the Virtualities of Racialized Exclusion,” Topia: Canadian Journal of Cultural Studies Vol. 17 (2007): 87.

!111 Historica Canada, “Order-in-Council P.C. 1911-1324 — the Proposed Ban on Black Immigration to Canada,” http://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/order-in-council-pc-1911-1324-the-proposed-ban- on-black-immigration-to-canada/. 29

land.”112 The application of Immigration legislation is also shaped by discretion and context.

For example, Muslim immigrants, who are technically accepted in Canada, experience par-

ticular forms of exclusion when travelling across national borders. These examples demon-

strate the influence of a distinct ‘Canadian’ identity on the construction and application of

Immigration legislation in Canada and challenge Canada’s celebratory mythos of inclusivity.

Canada’s original 1947 Citizenship and Immigration Act also exemplifies an exclusionary side of Canada’s national history. The 1947 Act favoured European descendants, stipulating that all European descendants born in Canada or on a Canadian ship, British subjects living in Canada, and women married to male British subjects were automatically considered Canadian citizens. The 1947 Citizenship and Immigration Act also required that an applicant only be granted citizenship if they were a “fit and proper person,” implying white and British, which points to the ways that race and racial ideologies informed the exclusion of non-white, non-European migrants to Canada.113 Bohaker and Iacovetta write

that after the Second World War a goal of the Department of Citizenship and Immigration

was to “make Canadian citizens of those who [came to Canada] as immigrants and to

make Canadian citizens of as many as possible of the descendants of the original inhabi-

tants of this country.”114 In other words, in order for immigrants and Indigenous peoples to

be considered citizens they would have to be made into someone different, someone

‘Canadian.’ Historian Franca Iacovetta argues that social services, in place to “help” new

immigrants in the post-war period, “sought to transform the immigrants into culturally assim-

!112 Irving Abella and Harold M. Troper, None is Too Many: Canada and the Jews of Europe, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press), 54.

!113 10 George VI, An Act Respecting Citizenship, Nationality, Naturalization, and Status of Aliens, Chapter 15, 27 June 1947, 78.

!114 Bohaker and Iacovetta, “Making Aboriginal People ‘Immigrants Too,’” 459. 30

ilated Canadians,” through classes in English, Canadian customs and laws.115 While the

1947 Act did not “refer to specific racial, religious, cultural, or linguistic characteristics,” it

“affirmed a vision of a nation composed of two charter groups, English and French, and an

array of other (mostly European) ethnic groups.”116 This vision continues to have a great

deal of traction, as demonstrating good knowledge of the English or French language is re-

quired in order to gain Canadian citizenship.117 Citizenship in Canada is a legal determinant

of belonging; however, citizenship does not always equal acceptance and it is clear that it

cannot be understood in direct or simplistic ways.

After the Second World War, Canada’s restrictive Immigration legislation eased. This

was in part due to economic growth and demand for labour, but was also influenced by

changing social attitudes that were embodied in the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human

Rights of which Canada was a major contributor. Through the 1967 points system, Immi- gration officials assessed individual applicants based on specific categories related to their education, occupational skills, employment prospects, age, proficiency in English and

French and personal character. Canadian historian Barrington Walker asserts that the 1967 points system was not “colour blind,” but was in fact the “absorption and transmogrification of the racially differentiated into a state of values and rationality defined by white standards and norms, ways of knowing, thinking, and doing.”118 Despite a more open immigration pol-

icy, acceptance of immigrants was attributed to their level of conformity to Euro-Canadian

!115 Iacovetta, Such Hardworking People, 126.

!116 Bohaker and Iacovetta, “Making Aboriginal People ‘Immigrants Too,’” 433.

!117 Citizenship and Immigration Canada, “Discover Canada: The Rights and Responsibilities of Citi- zenship,” 2, http://www.cic.gc.ca/english/pdf/pub/discover.pdf.

!118 Barrington Walker, “Finding Jim Crow In Canada, 1789-1967,” in A History of Human Rights in Canada: Essential Issues, ed. Janet Miron (Toronto: Canadian Scholars’ Press, 2009), 93; Parin Dossa, Racialized Bodies, Disabled Worlds: Storied Lives of Immigrant Muslim Women (Toronto: University of Toron- to Press, 2009), 2. 31

lifestyles, languages, education and preferred job skills. Historians Tania Das Gupta and

Franca Iacovetta argue that those “who got to be Canadian” were drawn from “white” coun-

tries and by the late 1960s, the four largest immigrant groups in Canada were “white” na-

tions including Britain, Italy, Germany and the United States.119 Canadian political historian

Freda Hawkins argues that by 1976 Canadian immigration officers adhered to broader categories of exclusion relating to health, public safety, criminality, violence, and fraudulent immigration claims.120 After the 2001 attacks, Canada replaced its 1976 Immigration Act

with the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act. The new Act, which came into effect in

2002, in an era of aggressive anti-terrorism, gave the government more authority to detain

and deport immigrants suspected of threatening national security.121 Historian and Sociolo- gist Marnina Gonick’s case study from the early 2000s reveals that non-white, non-Euro- pean immigrants in Canada situate themselves outside the boundaries of acceptance and internalize the belief that a Canadian is someone who is “blonde, English, and white.”122

Canada’s British and European heritage and identity influences the experience of non-

white, non-European migrants, as European values and norms continue to be the yardstick

by which ‘others’ are measured and defined in Canada.

1.2 Exploring Muslim Femininity

!119 Tania Das Gupta and Franca Iacovetta, “Introduction: Whose Canada Is It? Immigrant Women, Women of Colour and Feminist Critiques of ‘Multiculturalism,’” Atlantis Vol. 24, no.2 (Spring/Summer 2000): 1; John Kosa, The Hungarians in Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1957); Antony H. Richmond, Post-War Immigrants in Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press); and Franca Iacovetta, Gatekeepers: Reshaping Immigrant Lives in Cold War Canada (Toronto: Between the Lines, 2006), 6. Iacovetta lists ap- proximate totals from 1946-67. These include more than 800 000 Britons, more than 400 000 Italians, almost 300 000 Germans and more than 240 000 Americans.

!120 Freda Hawkins, Critical Years in Immigration: Canada and Australia Compared, 2nd ed. (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1991), 73.

!121 Canadian Council for Refugees, “Refugees and Security,” revised February 2003, http://ccrweb.ca/ files/security.pdf.

!122 Marnina Gonick, “Canadian=Blonde, English, White: Theorizing Race, Language, and Nation,” Atlantis Vol. 2, no. 24 (2000): 94. 32

While Muslim masculinity is dominantly associated with ideas of patriarchy, control and terrorism, Muslim femininity is often represented by victimized, oppressed, and submissive women who are in need of saving from patriarchy, their male family members, and

Muslim culture. Jones-Gailani asserts,

‘politics of dislocation’ cause [Iraqi] women to become trapped between masculine ideals of nationalism and nation-states, and mainstream feminist ideals, that Orientalize and re-colonize their identities. Diasporic religious women are in many ways caught between oppressive systems of patriarchy (Arab and Western) and imperialisms that victimize them, silencing their subjectivities and marginalizing them

123 from the historical record. The discourse of the Mississauga News mobilizes these tropes in their interpretation of the murder of Aqsa Parvez. Parvez is described as a “witty,” “feisty,” and “rebellious” teenager; yet, Parvez’s actions, as stated by her school friends: “hanging out with friends for a bit after school,” “listening to hip-hop,” “shouting in the halls” at school, and being “into fashion,” are behaviours shared by Canadian teenagers from a variety of ethnic and religious backgrounds and are not necessarily “feisty” or “rebellious.”124 Similar representations of the

Shafia sisters are mobilized when the Crown “argued that the girls had been murdered because they had been dating boys whom the family didn’t approve, and they were wearing revealing clothes and jewelry.”125 Nineteen-year-old Zainab Shafia, the eldest Shafia sister, is described in the Kingston Whig-Standard as a “rebel, [and] a closed off young woman who fought authority.”126 Paul Schliesmann reported that Zainab Shafia clashed with her family about going “to the library and [going] on the internet.”127 The discussion in these re-

!123 Nadia Jones-Gailani, “Iraqi Women in Diaspora: Resettlement, Religion, and Remembrance in the Iraqi Diaspora in Toronto and Detroit, 1980 to Present,” 7.

!124 Rosella, “Aqsa ‘just wanted to be herself.’”

!125 Paul Schliesmann, “Defendent Weeps,” Kingston Whig-Standard, October 22, 2011.

!126 Mathieu Turbide, QMI Agency, “A mourning family speaks,” Kingston-Whig Standard, July 4, 2009.

!127 Paul Schliesmann, “Startling testimony,” Kingston Whig-Standard, November 8, 2011. 33

ports is framed in a way that signifies the behaviours of Parvez and Shafia are not attached

to their prescribed identities as Muslim women. Since their actions do not align with repre-

sentations of Muslim women they are automatically described as wishing to be less Muslim,

and understood through simplistic and generalized stereotypes. Do Muslim women not

wear tight clothes, listen to hip-hop music, or go on the Internet? Gender scholar Leslie

Evelyn Hamdon writes that the veiled Muslim woman has become symbolic of the “Muslim

woman/non-Muslim woman binary. In this binary, the Muslim woman is unfree, undifferenti-

ated, and without voice, a perpetual victim waiting to be rescued from her culture; whereas

the Western woman is individuated, self-expressive, and self-actualized.”128 In reports of

the murder of Parvez, the Shafia sisters, and Mohammad, the Mississauga News and the

Kingston Whig-Standard perpetuate a simplistic binary between the submissive, quiet Mus-

lim girl, and the outgoing, rebellious, ‘Canadian’ girl, which does not allow us to understand

Muslim women as embodying multiple and varying identities, particularly in Canada.

Discussions of Muslim women in these discourses often mobilize the veil as a sym-

bol of victimhood and oppression. In the Mississauga News, the hijab is understood as

constraining Parvez as it is reported that she “wanted to wear Western clothes and didn't

want to wear her hijab…because she wanted more freedom.”129 Rosella, in particular reports that in grade nine Parvez walked the halls “with her head down and eyes piercing the floor. Her head was covered by a hijab, the traditional shoulder-length head scarf worn by

Muslim girls and women.”130 Parvez’s friends state that in grade ten her personality

!128 Hamdon, Islamophobia and the Question of Muslim Identity, 18.

!129 Louie Rosella, “Mississauga dad who killed his daughter dies in prison,” Mississauga News, March 2, 2017; Louie Rosella, “Culture clash led to fatal attack, friends say,” Mississauga News, December 11, 2007.

!130 Rosella, “Aqsa ‘just wanted to be herself.’” 34

changed “and began to evolve. And it started in gym class,” when she took off her hijab.131

In a more nuanced article about media and Muslim peoples from the Toronto Life magazine entitled “Girl Interrupted,” Journalist Mary Rogan writes, that although Parvez took off her hijab she “didn’t turn her back on her culture…She just wanted to have freedom; that’s all she wanted.”132 Bob Mitchell, a reporter for the Star, writes that Parvez “ran away twice from home, seeking to have more freedom than she could enjoy under her father’s rigid rules in a traditional Islamic family.”133 These statements and discourses reinforce the common understanding that adhering to Muslim culture necessarily means a lack of freedom for women. Categorizing the Muslim woman as a victim can also be understood as an expression of fear: fear of the unknown, fear of the exotic, and fear of the dangerous ‘other.’

Abu-Lughod asserts that while some of the Muslim women she writes about are resigned, others are defiant and proud.134 Some young women want to escape what they believe are their communities flaws, but that does not mean they do not “fiercely defend [their] central values.”135 Understanding Muslim women as necessarily victims does not allow us to see them beyond stereotypes.

In the discourse of the local newspapers, the veil also symbolizes a national binary, hardened since 9/11, between the secular, liberal, West, and the traditional, patriarchal,

Muslim.136 In the Mississauga News, Rosella reports that Parvez was the “victim of the col-

!131 Ibid.

!132 Sobia, “How to Use a Murder Victim: The Exploitation of the Aqsa Parvez Tragedy,” MuslimahMe- diaWatch, http://www.muslimahmediawatch.org/2008/11/18/how-to-use-a-murder-victim-the-exploitation-of- the-aqsa-parvez-tragedy/.

!133 Bob Mitchell, “Father and son plead guilty to murdering Aqsa Parvez,” Star, June 15, 2010.

!134 Abu-Lughod, Are Muslim Women in Need of Saving? 2-4.

!135 Ibid., 3.

!136 Rosella, “Aqsa ‘just wanted to be herself.’” 35 lision of two cultural worlds: the restrictive one her Pakistani parents prescribed for her and the westernized, liberal one she tried to choose for herself.”137 In the Kingston Whig-Stan- dard, Rob Tripp reports that Mohammad Shafia is “a native of Afghanistan, [who] clung to very strict, old-fashioned views about how women should behave.”138 The article also explains that Mohammad Shafia was “always trying to have complete control over [his] family in an ancient way” and that the Shafia sisters had “gone very bad,” because they “were going out without veils,” and were “wearing skirts instead of pants, [and] short sleeved tops.”139 These discourses mobilize binaries between the global East and West by utilizing words like Middle Eastern, Pakistani, Islam, restrictive, traditional, and old-world, with no attempt to define or differentiate between them. In doing so, they use gendered and racialized discourses that have long collapsed differences among members of Muslim-majority communities —between Pakistanis and Arabs, Pakistanis and Muslims, and Arabs and

Muslims— while also othering them by neatly connecting words like Western, freedom, and liberal, to being Canadian in ways that effectively placing Parvez, the Shafia sisters, and their families outside the imagined national community. This approach has the effect of making points raised about systemic gender violence or Islamic fundamentalism ineffectual because they are never used to frame discussions. As a consequence, the stories of

Parvez and the Shafia sisters and their identities, bodies, and selves become, as Jasmin

Zine argues, the “new frontier on which battles for national identity and citizenship are being waged” in the West.140

!137 Rosella, “50th Anniversary: Aqsa Parvez murder: Did father or brother fatally strangle teen?”

!138 Rob Tripp, “Parents ‘both so evil,’” Kingston Whig-Standard, July 25, 2009.

!139 Ibid.

!140 Zine, “Unsettling the Nation,” 45. 36

In reports in the Mississauga News on the murder of Aqsa Parvez the veil is often

described inaccurately. The discursive interpretation of veils taken by the Mississauga

News aligns with common misunderstandings about the hijab, describing it as a “traditional

garment” made up of “loose clothing.”141 In one article, Louie Rosella reports that Parvez’s

“long black hair and deep green eyes, which complemented her charming, captivating per-

sonality, were barely visible” under the hijab.142 One of Parvez’s friends stated that Parvez

removed her hijab so she could “be herself; honestly, she just wanted to show her beauty

and not be pushed around by her parents.”143 This statement mobilizes the belief that the

hijab hides the individuality and beauty of women. In fact, the hijab refers to multiple head

coverings worn by some Muslim women, but most often refers to a headscarf or covering,

which leaves the entire face exposed. Historian Joan Wallach Scott writes that the “confla-

tion of headscarf and veil, [with] the persistent reference to hidden faces when, in fact, they

were perfectly visible” is common in media.144 The discourse of the Mississauga News mobilizes European standards of individuality, beauty, clothing, and appearance to understand the hijab as abnormal in Canada. This interpretation of the hijab highlights the dominant understanding that beauty in Canada is measured by an individual’s ability to participate in

Euro-Canadian cultural norms (Figure 2).145

!141 Rosella, “Aqsa ‘just wanted to be herself.’”

!142 Ibid.

!143 Rosella, “Aqsa ‘just wanted to be herself.’”

!144 Joan Wallach Scott, Politics of the Veil (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2007), 17.

!145 Ibid. 37

Figure 2 A photo of Aqsa Parvez posing at Applewoods Heights Secondary School

Source: Image from the Star146

I share this photo mindful of who Aqsa Parvez was, her story, and the tragedy of her death.

In this photo, Parvez’s personality is noticeable, and her eyes, smile and earrings represent who she is, along with her hijab. This photo of Parvez, from her grade eleven year, reveals that while she may have removed her hijab for gym class in grade ten, she did not always unveil. There are many different veils, meanings for veils, and ways to wear veils. They do not hide personality or beauty but can support or enhance an individual’s sense of self and their ability to share their identity with those around them. In the Mississauga News Parvez is often defined by Western interpretations of the hijab; yet, Muslim women are more than their religion, ethnicity, and veil.

The photo titled “Miss Hybrid 3” by Shirin Aliabadi challenges dominant assumptions of veiled Muslim women as submissive and quiet victims (Figure 3).

!146 Bob Mitchell, “Father and son plead guilty to murdering Aqsa Parvez.” 38

Figure 3 Photograph titled Miss Hybrid 3 by Shirin Aliabadi

Source: Image from Rebel, Jester, Mystic, Poet147

The face, eyes, and hair of the subject are present and reflect agency, while accompanied

by a hijab. The artist raises questions about beauty and its association with Iranian woman

and Western expectations of beauty. What characteristics are necessary to be beautiful? Is

it necessary to have blue eyes, blonde hair, sculpted eyebrows, and a small nose? And

how do we reconcile this with Muslim women who actually look this way? In similar ways,

the subject’s purple jean jacket and vibrant pink bubble push back against anticipated

codes of dress for Muslim women. The gum represents humour, resistance, agency, hope,

!147 Shirin Aliabadi, “Miss Hybrid 3,” Photograph, in Rebel, Jester, Mystic, Poet: Contemporary Per- sians, by Fereshteh Darftari, (London: Black Dog Publishing). 39

and rebellion, traits not normally associated with Muslim women in Canada. The bubble

gum is central and may make the viewer imagine a “pop” sound, which could be under-

stood as the eradication of stereotypical assumptions about Muslim women. In important

ways, images such as this one offer counter-narratives to the representations of Muslim

women in the Mississauga News and Kingston Whig-Standard. Alternative discourses like

the Aga Khan exhibit —Rebel Jester Mystic Poet —reveal that people from Muslim majority

countries do not easily fit into the analytical categories prescribed to them, rather, as further

counter-narratives available in the art, popular culture, and national news media suggest,

constantly challenge them.148

2. UNSETTLING CANADIAN MULTICULTURALISM: MUSLIM AS ‘OTHER’

Hierarchies of power and systems of difference operate in Canada but they are hid-

den within and by discourses of multiculturalism and diversity. Multiculturalism supports tolerance and diversity; however, differences continue to influence the societal, political, and legal exclusion of immigrants in Canada. In some discourses Muslim immigrants are portrayed as threats to Canada, instead of contributing to Canada’s diverse, multicultural make-up. Although multiculturalism is the Canadian social paradigm, not all cultural practices are encouraged or accepted. In the Mississauga News, the Kingston Whig-Standard, and other discourses such as the Zero Tolerance for Barbaric Practices Act and the Cana- dian Citizenship guide, the cultural differences of Muslim immigrants are understood as in-

!148 Some examples of counter-narratives in national news discourses include, Sobia, “How to Use a Murder Victim: The Exploitation of the Aqsa Parvez Tragedy,” MuslimahMediaWatch, http://www.muslimahmediawatch.org/2008/11/18/how-to-use-a-murder-victim-the-exploitation-of-the-aqsa-parvez-tragedy/; Sheema Khan, “DOMESTIC VIOLENCE: A Teenage Muslim girl: Why was she killed? It’s all about violence against women,” Globe and Mail, December 13, 2007; Zarqa Nawas, “Even in death, we find no peace,” Globe and Mail, July 19, 2017; Judith Timson, “Aqsa Parvez: Rebellion is normal. This result is not,” Globe and Mail, December 13, 2007; Tenille Bonoguore, “CULTURE SHOCK: “’Immigrant stress’ can tear a family apart: Hard lessons from Aqsa Parvez’s death,” Globe and Mail, December 15, 2007; Gerald Caplan, “Honour killings in Canada: even worse than we believe,” Globe and Mail, July 23, 2010; Omer Azis, “Hatred of women, not Islam, fuels Pakistan’s honour killings,” Globe and Mail, May 30, 2014. 40

nate and policed.

Gendered and cultural differences underpin the way that Parvez and her family are

discussed in the Mississauga News and work to situate them outside of what it means to be

‘normal’ in Canada. Friends of Parvez stated that she chose to take off the hijab because

she wanted to “experiment being like any other Canadian teenager” by going “out with her

friends; [and] just be[ing] like a normal person.”149 The narrative in this report links Parvez’s

removal of her hijab with the idea that she wanted to be “more western, and less

Muslim.”150 Such statements characterize Parvez as abnormal or an outsider in Canada

unless she removes her hijab. Further, Parvez’s friends state that Parvez often changed out

of her loose, traditional garment, into tighter clothes at school and liked “shopping,” “fash-

ion,” and “clothes,” again establishing a binary between the Western normalcy of fashion,

clothes, and shopping, and the abnormal Muslim world Parvez exited when she walked

through the doors of her home.151 Within a multicultural context binaries such as normal

and abnormal continue to operate, with the result that being a ‘normal’ teenager is defined

by participating in Euro-Canadian activities, traditions, and cultures.

When situating Muslim women as the ‘other’ in Canada in this way, their oppression

and victimization become hyper-visible while the diverse and complex nature of their stories

becomes invisible, making it less possible to challenge racialized and gendered violence

and inequality in Canadian society.152 The Mississauga News follows this trend by perpetu- ating the idea. Rosella suggests,

!149 Rosella, “Murdered teen feared for her life, friends say.”; Rosella, “Aqsa ‘just wanted to be herself.’”

!150 Rosella, “Aqsa ‘just wanted to be herself.’”

!151 Ibid.

!152 Zine, “Unsettling the Nation,” 49. 41

Aqsa Parvez became what many girls her age dream of - the most popular teen in school, famous around the globe and the talk of national and international media including broadcast heavyweights CNN and BBC. But she paid dearly for her fame. On Dec. 10, 2007, the feisty, witty and rebellious 16-year-old was strangled to death

153 in her basement bedroom inside her family’s middle-class home. Rosella reports that Parvez’s “gruesome death continues to garner international attention

and remains the subject of worldwide internet discussion involving a clash of Western and

Middle Eastern cultures.”154 Ideas about the hijab and patriarchy are central to this con-

structed dichotomy and to the murder. While Parvez’s murder did garner international atten-

tion, in local news reports focus is given to generalized assumptions about Muslim culture

and the victimization and subordination of Muslim women, which characterize them as

dangerous imports to Canada. Similarly, stories about Rona Mohammad focus on her

polygamous relationship. Rona Mohammad was the first wife of Mohammad Shafia and

they were married in Afghanistan in 1980.155 Rona Mohammad was unable to have children

and in 1989 Shafia took a second wife, Tooba Yahya, who gave birth to seven children.

When the Shafia family moved to Canada, in 2007, Mohammad was presented as an Aunt.

While ninety percent of the reports that discuss the murder of Rona Mohammad in the

Kingston Whig-Standard highlight her polygamous marriage and her victimhood as a Mus- lim woman, the reports cannot seem to agree on her age, some report she was 50, some report 58, while others report she was in her early 50s.156 Zine writes that the media

projects and personifies “the Muslim woman” as a stereotypical image of a “Third World

!153 Rosella, “Aqsa ‘just wanted to be herself.’”

!154 Ibid.

!155 Michael Friscolanti, “Inside the Shafia killings that shocked a nation,” Maclean’s, March 3, 2016.

!156 Ron Charles, “Shafia Appeal: Expert ‘honour killings’ testimony wasn’t cultural profiling, Crown says,” CBC News, March 4, 2016; Paul Schliesmann, “Diary reveals tension between two Shafia wives,” Toronto Sun, November 7, 2011. 42

subaltern woman: beaten, burnt, oppressed, [and] foreign.”157 Yet, statistics about domestic

violence and violence experienced by Indigenous women, for instance, make clear that

gendered and racialized violence against women in Canada is startlingly common. For ex-

ample, approximately every six days in Canada a woman is killed by her intimate partner.158

Further, in Canada, Indigenous women are six times more likely to be killed than non-In-

digenous women and are 2.5 times more likely to be victims of violence.159

Euro-Canadian marriage traditions and norms are also mobilized in the Mississauga

News and Kingston Whig-Standard to situate Aqsa Parvez and the Shafia family as abnor-

mal in Canada. Rona Mohammad tells us in her diary that her “life had become especially

difficult in Canada,” where she moved in 2007; yet, we are constantly reminded in reports

from the Kingston Whig-Standard that the “roots of her discontent began shortly after she

and Mohammad were married” in 1980.160 In reports in the Kingston Whig-Standard Mo- hammad is “alternately described as a desperate victim of domestic physical abuse in a polygamous marriage or a jealous and lazy first wife who had her household power usurped by the new one.”161 These representations raise questions for me about Moham- mad’s experiences in Canada. Is there more to explain her murder than her polygamous

!157 Zine, “Unsettling the Nation,” 53.

!158 Canadian Women’s Foundation, “Fact Sheet: Moving Women Out of Violence,” updated April 2014, www.canadianwomen.org.

!159 Sobia reflects on the journalism style of an article in the Toronto Life magazine on the murder of Aqsa Parvez and concludes that this discourse “simply perpetuates stereotypes about Muslims,” and mobilizes a “tactic used many times – point[ing] out violence against women in other cultures without acknowledg- ing the extent of the problem within one’s own culture.” Out of the 83 police reported intimate partner homi- cides in 2014, 67 of the victims – over 80% - were women. In Canada, between 1980 and 2012 there have been 1181 cases of missing or murdered Aboriginal women, according to the RCMP. This number is much higher, closer to 4000, according to the Minister of the Status of Women and grassroots organizations, Cana- dian Women’s Foundation, “Fact Sheet: Moving Women Out of Violence,” updated April 2014, www.canadianwomen.org; Sobia, “How to Use a Murder Victim: The Exploitation of the Aqsa Parvez Tragedy.”

!160 Paul Schliesmann, “Diary reveals tension between two Shafia wives,” QMI Agency, November 7, 2011.

!161 Paul Schliesmann, “Diary of a dead woman,” Kingston Whig-Standard, January 21, 2012. 43

relationship? Does the illegality of polygamy in Canada have anything to do with her discontent and family conflict? An “immigration lawyer told the court that had [Rona Moham-

mad’s] status as an unwanted first wife in a polygamous union been discovered, trouble

with immigration authorities and the law would have followed.”162 Journalist Timothy Apple- by for the Globe and Mail writes that Mohammad was “trapped in a nightmare [in Canada]: stranded, with no funds of her own, and speaking little English.”163 Similarly in the Missis- sauga News, Rosella reports that Parvez “had been promised to an arranged marriage by her family, [and therefore] told her friends and counselors she was afraid to go home.”164 In

this interpretation the fact that Parvez was promised to an arranged marriage is associated

with her familial problems; yet, we have no evidence that she did not approve of this tradi-

tion. In fact, arranged marriages are not always forced, but the narrative in the Mississauga

News makes this connection. These reports construct a narrative that “others” and as-

sociates abnormality and dysfunction with Parvez and Mohammad’s marriage traditions.

Similar norms and stereotypes about Muslim people and families are inscribed in Bill

S-7, The Zero Tolerance for Barbaric Cultural Practices Act, made official law on June 18th,

2015, which focuses on polygamy, child marriage, and forced marriage. Using the term

barbaric invokes a particular understanding of the ‘other,’ which connects to colonial and

national myths and Canada’s history of excluding those who act, look, or seem different.

The Act states that “a permanent resident or a foreign national is inadmissible on grounds

of practicing polygamy;” however, no procedures are outlined for polygamy that might exist

!162 Timothy Appleby, “Shafia wife killed because she was disposed by husband, second wife,” Globe and Mail, February 1, 2012.

!163 Appleby, “Shafia wife killed because she was disposed by husband, second wife.”

!164 Louie Rosella, “Guilty pleas in teen’s murder,” Mississauga News, June 15, 2010. 44

within Canada’s borders between those considered Canadian.165 The long running “Bounti-

ful BC polygamy group” exists in Canada and they are neither immigrants nor Muslims.166

Law professor Sherry Aiken states that Bill S-7 “is unnecessary,” since “there’s no indication

we need new laws to deal with social problems,” and is an example of “legislating in the

absence of evidence.”167 Aiken argues that the Harper Government’s introduction of Bill S-7

“appeal[s] to their conservative support base.”168 Similar to Bill S-7, the 2012 Canadian Cit- izenship Study Guide states “Canada’s openness and generosity do not extend to barbaric cultural practices that tolerate spousal abuse, ‘honour killings,’ female genital mutilation, forced marriage or other gender-based violence.”169 While forced marriage, domestic violence, and female genital mutilation can be defined as barbaric, the fact that they exist within Canada’s national community is not. Bill S-7 and Bill C-51 emerged in a time of political change, mid-2015. The October 2015 election pushed the Conservative government to make changes that would incite support. These laws came out of a particular political moment that was also embedded in a post-9/11 context. These laws also reveal how people, bodies, and discursive identities can be politicized. The Conservative government is no longer in power and the NDP and Trudeau Liberals reject Bill S-7; however, the Bill can be analyzed as an example of the ways discursive representations of the ‘other’ operate in

Canadian law and might explain why Muslim people in Canada experience social discrimi-

!165 Government of Canada, Bill S-7 “An Act to amend the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act, the Civil Marriage Act and the Criminal Code and to make consequential amendments to other Acts,” Chapter 29, Second Session, 41st Parliament, Statutes of Canada 2015.

!166 Thomas Walkom, “Conservative ‘barbaric practices’ bill panders to fear of immigrants: Walkom,” Star National Affairs, November 7, 2014.

!167 Paul Schliesmann, “Shafia murders cited in introduction of legislation,” Kingston Whig-Standard, November 5, 2014.

!168 Schliesmann, “Shafia murders cited in introduction of legislation.”

!169 Discover Canada, “The Rights and Responsibilities of Citizenships,” http://www.cic.gc.ca/english/ pdf/pub/discover.pdf, 9. 45

nation. Bill S-7 and the Guide to Canadian Citizenship places blame for society’s ills on

‘foreign’ cultures and locates gender-based violence as an abnormal cultural import, which

renders invisible the reality of gendered and domestic violence within Canada’s national

borders, between those believed to belong to Canada’s national community.

2.1 “Honour Killings”: Imported or Domestic Violence?

Internationally recognized and award-winning journalist and human rights defender,

Rana Husseini, writes that crimes of honour develop from the understanding that the hon-

our of a family, or of the men in the family, depends on the “behaviour and morality of its

female members.”170 Husseini asserts that there is nothing honourable about honour

killings, but that crimes of honour are just that: crimes, and it is thus problematic to under-

stand or define them culturally. Zine argues that defining the murder of Aqsa Parvez as an

honour killing locates “religion and culture as the central factors, whereas describing the

case as domestic violence helps us to understand the ubiquity of male domination as it oc- curs in a wide variety of cultural contexts.”171 In 2008, Queen Rania addressed the stereo-

types facing Arab and Muslim communities on YouTube and spoke out against honour

crimes and violence against women. Violence against women does not discriminate based

on religion, culture, or ethnicity and honour killings are “not exclusive to the Arab world [but

are] a ‘worldwide shame’” that “take place in Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Brazil, Ecuador,

Egypt, Palestine, India, Israel, Iraq, Pakistan, Morocco, Turkey, Yemen, Uganda, and

throughout Europe and the USA.”172 While Queen Rania did not identify Canada specifically, violence against women is also a problem here. Many people associate honour killings

!170 Rana Husseini, Murder in the Name of Honor: The True Story of One Woman’s heroic Fight Against an Unbelievable Crime, (London: Oneworld Publications, 2009), 210.

!171 Zine, “Unsettling the Nation,” 49.

!172 Husseini, Murder in the Name of Honor, 3. 46 exclusively with Islamic communities, but while some “Muslims do murder in the name of honour - and sometimes claim justification through the teachings of Islam - Christians, Hin- dus, Sikhs, and others also maintain traditions and religious justifications that attempt to legitimize honour killings.”173 When we generalize about cultures we are prevented from understanding people’s experiences and challenging the very structural inequalities that make young women such as Parvez vulnerable.

In local newspapers, the Mississauga News and Kingston Whig-Standard, the

Parvez and Shafia murders are defined as honour killings. In the Mississauga News Mo- hammad Parvez is defined as the patriarch who “swore on the Quran ‘he would kill [his daughter]’ if she ran away.”174 Rosella reports that Mohammad and Waqas Parvez “thought

[Aqsa Parvez] was an ‘insult’ to them and their religion, and they vowed to silence her.”175

To reinforce the point, the Mississauga News reported that a founder of the Canadian Mus- lim Congress, Tarek Fatah, “labeled [Parvez’s] murder ‘a blight on Islam,’” and said that

“Canadians are justified in raising concerns as to whether [the murder] is a sign of the rise of Islamic fundamentalism in their own backyard. A young life has been snuffed out — likely in the name of honour and Islam.”176 As with other quotes strung together in these reports, this comment from Fatah is left without explanation or context beyond the East-West binaries and Muslim stereotypes used by reporters to frame discussions. What is the difference between Islam and Islamic fundamentalism? In a later article, Parvez’s mother is quoted as saying that in Pakistan “it’s normal to kill a girl or disown her if she doesn’t obey her par-

!173 “One Woman’s Brave Struggle to Expose ‘Honor Killings,’ July 29, 2009, http://www.pbs.org/wnet/ wideangle/uncategorized/one-womans-brave-struggle-to-expose-honor-killings/5302/.

!174 Rosella, “50th anniversary: Aqsa Parvez murder: Did father or brother fatally strangle teen?”

!175 Ibid.

!176 Rosella, “Aqsa ‘just wanted to be herself.’” 47

ents” and that “her daughter would still be alive if she had only listened to her family.”177

Shasma Parvez, Parvez’s sister, is quoted suggesting that Parvez was murdered because

she was “disrespecting her father and her Muslim religion,” saying that “whoever [murdered

her]…shouldn’t go to jail.”178 In this discursive construction the violence of Mohammad and

Waqas Parvez is understood to have originated been adopted from Pakistan, the Parvez’s

‘home’ country. Similarly, Schliesmann reports that Mohammad Shafia felt Zainab was trying to dishonour him and that Zainab Shafia’s uncle said that “if [he] was there [he] would have killed her” as well.179 Mohammad Shafia is also quoted in a statement made before

the murder stating that “if she doesn't come back I’ll kill her…I’ll kill her because she dis-

honoured me,” in reference to Zainab Shafia leaving home.180 In these reports patriarchy

and violence against women are “neatly packaged as foreign cultural imports.”181 The home

and community of Parvez and Shafia are “cited as religiously repressive sites, but there [is]

no interrogation of how Canadian attitudes toward Islam impact young girls who wear the

hijab at school or in society at large and how this may have impacted [their] self-perception

and decision not to cover,” let alone any discussion about home-grown violence against

women.182

There are numerous interpretations of these murders available, such as writer, jour-

nalist, and filmmaker Zarqa Nawas’, who posits that Islam “was never the problem - it was

!177 Rosella, “Guilty pleas in teen’s murder”; Rosella, “50th anniversary: Aqsa Parvez murder: Did father or brother fatally strangle teen?”

!178 Rosella, “Guilty pleas in teen’s murder.”

!179 Paul Schliesmann, “Accused called own girl ‘whore:’ witness,” Kingston Whig-Standard, November 11, 2011.

!180 Paul Schliesmann, “Victims drowned: Expert,” Kingston Whig-Standard, November 29, 2011.

!181 Zine, “Unsettling the Nation,” 50.

!182 Ibid. 48

men and how they interpreted faith to their own advantage.”183 The head Imam at the Cal- gary Islamic Centre and National president of Islamic Supreme Council of Canada, Syed

Soharwardy, went on a hunger strike for two days after the murder of Parvez.184 Sohar- wardy denounces family violence, which he describes as completely against the teachings of Islam.185 Mohammad Alnadui, vice-chairman of the Canadian Council of Imams, stated

that the murder of Parvez is un-Islamic. Yet, these voices have little place in the discourses

produced in local newspapers. In fact, an Imam is only quoted once in the Mississauga

News. By defining the murder of Parvez, the Shafia sisters, and Mohammad as ‘honour

killing’ and connecting it to the family’s religion, the Mississauga News and Kingston Whig-

Standard remove these murders from their Canadian context and leave a simplistic line of

causation from the murder of women for misbehaving to Muslim culture and Pakistan.186

Due to an emphasis of cultural, ethnic, and religious differences we are not able to

understand these murders in alternative ways: as domestic or family violence, as Canadian

immigrant stories, or as violent events that take place across and between a variety of cul-

tures and religions in this country. A witness, in response to Mohammad Shafia’s threats to

murder his daughters, said “this is not Afghanistan or Dubai, this is Canada, and he will not

!183 Zarqa Nawas, “Growing up Muslim: An Individual Story, a universal tale,” Globe and Mail, Sep- tember 16, 2015.

!184 The Canadian Press, “Hunger strike by imam to protest family violence,” CBC News Calgary, De- cember 14, 2007.

!185 The Canadian Press, “Muslim clerics band together to denounce ‘honour killings.’”

!186 “Death by Culture” describes how cultural differences in relation to gender have unsettled Cana- da’s multicultural and tolerant nation. Zine asserts that “any attempt to insert a more normative frame of reference through which to understand Aqsa’s death was overshadowed by the barrage of media sensationalism that framed the issue as “death by culture.” When asked to report on the murder, the reporters overwhelming- ly wanted discuss the “angle of how Muslim girls in Canada are constrained by Islam and their ethnic culture. Not only was it Aqsa’s father who had brutally strangled her: it was her culture that had killed her” in Zine, “Unsettling the Nation,” 48-49. 49

be able to do anything like that.”187 In the Mississauga News the murder of Parvez is described as an “immigrant horror story” and as the “heartbreaking dark side of Mississauga’s multiculturalism.”188 However, parents murdering children and violence against women are

not rare occurrences in Canada, and they certainly do not discriminate based on ethnicity

or immigration status. If we take the murder of Parvez and the Shafia sisters out of their

prescribed Muslim context we might notice that “Canada has seen a long-term problem

with parents who have killed their children.”189 Sociologist and member of Canada’s Do-

mestic Violence Death Review Committee, Myrna Dawson, uses Statistics Canada’s annu-

al homicide survey to conclude that between 1961 and 2011, “at least 1612 children in

Canada were killed by their parents.”190 Education Professor Peter Jaffe writes that parent-

child murders are also gendered, as there is a “60/40 ratio in terms of fathers killing chil-

dren compared to mothers.”191 Conflicts between parents and teens are common in immigrant families, just as they are in non-immigrant families. When the Mississauga News and

Kingston Whig-Standard culturally frame violence, they offer an interpretation that “artificial- ly divides the world into separate spheres — recreating an imaginative geography of West versus East, us versus Muslims.”192 Local news reports, Bill S-7, and The Canadian Citi- zenship Guide, which discuss honour killings, do not contextualize or complicate the mur-

!187 Schliesmann, “Victims drowned: expert.”

!188 Louie Rosella, “Mississauga dad who killed teenage daughter dies in prison,” Mississauga News, March 2, 2017; Rosella, “50th Anniversary: Aqsa Parvez Murder: Did father or brother fatally strangle teen?”

!189 “Thirty children killed by their parents in Canada each year, expert says,” CBC News, October 26, 2015.

!190 University of Guelph, “New Study Compares Mothers, Fathers Who Kill Their Children,” News Re- lease, October 29, 2015.

!191 “Thirty children killed by their parents in Canada each year, expert says.”; University of Guelph, “New Study Compares Mothers, Fathers Who Kill Their Children,” News Release, October 29, 2015.

!192 Lila Abu-Lughod “Do Muslim Women Really Need Saving?” 784. 50

der of Muslim women in Canada. Instead, they draw an uncomplicated association be-

tween Muslim culture and the murder of women for misbehaving, which relies on a ho-

mogenous understanding of the Muslim experience, Muslim identity, and the Muslim com-

munity and situates Muslims outside of the accepted national community.

3. LISTENING TO MUSLIM WOMEN

Bill 94, Bill C-75, and political debates about these Bills, mobilize simplistic represen-

tations of Muslim women and attempt to control what the veil is, what it means, and when it

should be worn. In March 2010, the Quebec government introduced Bill 94, which

“prohibit[s] government employees and those accessing government services from wearing

veils where security, identification, or communication are involved.”193 In Quebec, it is now

legally required that women must remove their niqab and show their face when accessing

government services or working a government job.194 Bill 94 denies essential services like

school, health services, social services, and childcare to women who wear a full veil.195 Bill

94 regulates ‘the norm’ in Quebec and legally situates the veil as abnormal in the provincial

imaginary. Bill 94 has been “attributed with increasing intolerance in Quebec towards

women who wear the niqab.”196 In December 2011, Canada’s federal minister of Citizen-

ship, Immigration and Multiculturalism suggested that all “individuals swearing the oath of

!193 Government of Quebec, Bill 94, An Act to establish guidelines governing accommodations re- quests within the Administration and certain institutions, First Session - Thirty-Ninth Legislature, 2010.

!194 Government of Quebec, Bill 94, An Act to establish guidelines governing accommodations re- quests within the Administration and certain institutions, First Session, 39th Legislature, 2010; “Niqab bans in Canada,” http://rabble.ca/toolkit/rabblepedia/niqab-bans-canada; The niqab is a veil around the face, which leaves the area around the eyes clear. It may be worn with a separate eye cover and a headscarf. http:// www.bbc.co.uk/newsround/24118241.

!195 Ibid.

!196 “Niqab bans in Canada,” http://rabble.ca/toolkit/rabblepedia/niqab-bans-canada. 51

Canadian citizenship must show their faces.”197 Bill C-75 was proposed two times by the

Conservative Government of Canada and would require that all prospective Canadian citizens “swear or affirm the oath [of Citizenship] out loud and with their face uncovered.”198

Martha Nussbaum points out that when it comes to security, transparency, and proper relations between citizens, the arguments in favour of banning face coverings are based on a fear of Muslim culture, rather than any problem with faces being covered. For example, in the winter, people walk the streets with hats and scarves around their faces and no problems of security exists “nor are [they] forbidden to enter public buildings so insulated.

Moreover, many beloved and trusted professionals cover their faces all year round: sur- geons, dentists, football players, skiers, and skaters.”199 Bill C-75 has not been made into legislation in Canada and the Conservative government has been criticized for their position on veils; however, the policy is still listed in the Citizenship and Immigration Act and continues to affect the attainment of citizenship for those women who wear a niqab in

Canada through discretion and application. In 2014, Zunera Ishaq from Mississauga, chal- lenged the Bill C-75. Ishaq removed her niqab for an official before writing and passing her citizenship test in 2013. She was then invited to attend an official oath swearing ceremony in January of 2014, but objected to publicly unveiling. The Ontario government supported

Ishaq and noted that the Bill sends a message to Muslim women that they are not welcome in Canada’s national community. Stephen Harper, the Prime Minister at the time, an- nounced that the federal government would appeal Ontario’s position and that “he and

!197 Government of Canada, “An Act to amend the Citizenship Act and to make Consequential amendments to other Acts,” Bill C-75 Strengthening Canadian Citizenship Act, June 19, 2014.

!198 Government of Canada, “An Act to amend the Citizenship Act and to make Consequential amendments to other Acts.”

!199 Martha Nussbaum, “Veiled Threats.” 52 most Canadians believe it is offensive that someone would hide their identity at the very moment they are committing to join the Canadian family.”200 Ishaq was not trying to hide her identity and she was not refusing to unveil. Ishaq’s struggle is engulfed by a larger conflict involving perceptions of Muslim women, the veil, and Canada’s idealized citizen, which does not seem to include veiled women. While Ishaq won her case two years later in the fall of 2015, her experience exemplifies the reality that stereotypical assumptions inform

Canadian law and politics. In their creation and through the political discussions surround- ing them, Bill 94, Bill C-75, and arguments in favour of banning ‘veils,’ do not comfortably fit ideas of multiculturalism. While Canada is described as an accepting and multicultural nation, the world Muslim women in Canada live in cannot be so easily cast this way.

While the veil has sparked various controversies in Canada, not many people have spent time asking women themselves why they wear them. The number of women who wear a niqab in Canada does not explain the attention paid to them in politics and news media.201 Gender scholar Leslie Evelyn Hamdon attributes this attention to the hyper-visibil- ity of Muslim women in a post 9/11 context. The Muslim woman is recognizable as the

“dangerous mute” and ‘other’ in Canadian society, while her individuality is invisible.202 In truth, Canada’s Muslim community is “moderate by world standards. The sight of a woman

!200 Morgan Lowrie, “Harper says Ottawa will appeal ruling allowing veil during citizenship oath,” Globe and Mail, February 12, 2015.

!201 Canadian Council of Muslim Women Survey states that In Ontario 81 women total wear a full niqab (a full veil that covers the face and eyes), which is 0.000000615385% of the total population of Ontario. The switch to niqab in the text is because the political debates and legislation that refer to the veil are refer- ring to the niqab, a veil which covers the whole face and may incorporate an eye veil. The hijab, however, can refer to multiple head coverings but most often refers to a head scarf that leaves the face uncovered.

!202 Evelyn Leslie Hamdon, Islamophobia and the Question of Muslim Identity, (Nova Scotia: Fern- wood Publishing, 2010), 16. 53

in a full burka is an extraordinary rarity outside of a few small urban pockets.”203 The Cana- dian Council of Muslim Women did a study titled, “Women in Niqab Speak,” and found that of the eighty-one women in Ontario who wear the niqab, the majority agreed they would uncover their face “when necessary for security or identification reasons.”204 The same study found that the majority of the participants chose to wear the full veil after they arrived in Canada.205 Jones-Gailani came to the same conclusion and writes that for some Iraqi immigrants, the veil is “a means of ‘othering’ themselves from the perceived immorality of western culture…in order to protect their modesty and identity.”206 While religious belief is one of the reasons the participants chose to veil, they also mentioned confidence, comfort, and as an expression of their Muslim identity. Being forced to veil was never provided as a reason by participants, which offers an alternative dimension that is not often considered by

Canada’s mainstream discourses.207 Muslim women inscribe the hijab with a variety of meanings shaped by their individual cultural and life experiences.

Muslim people are often represented simplistically in local news discourses; however, more diverse representations are available in other media narratives. Little Mosque on the Prairie, created by Zarqa Nawaz, was broadcast between 2007 and 2012. The humor- ous show takes place in a fictional Canadian city and explores relationships between Mus- lims and non-Muslim people. In the show, religion is always present but is incorporated

!203 James Vyver, “Explainer: Why do Muslim Women wear a burka, niqab, or hijab,” ABC Radio Can- berra, August 17, 2017, http://www.abc.net.au/news/2014-09-23/why-do-muslim-women-wear-a-burka-niqab- or-hijab/5761510.

!204 Canadian Council of Muslim Women (CCMW), “Women in Niqab Speak: A Study of the Niqab in Canada,” http://ccmw.com/women-in-niqab-speak-a-study-of-the-niqab-in-canada/.

!205 Ibid.

!206 Gailani, “Iraqi Women in Diaspora,” ii.

!207 Canadian Council of Muslim Women (CCMW), “Women in Niqab Speak: A Study of the Niqab in Canada.” 54 with, and at times secondary, to other themes like family, friends, and everyday life. The show discusses head coverings and breaks down the binary between Muslim faith and

Western lifestyle. Character Rayyan Hamoudi reconciles her Islamic faith with her Western lifestyle and career. She is a role model for Muslim women in Canada because she main- tains her Muslim identity in a space where it is not always welcome and successfully inte- grates without assimilating. Little Mosque has won international awards for Best In- ternational Television Series and Best Screenplay in 2007. The show also won the Canadi- an award for media representation of multiculturalism at the 2007 Gemini Awards, and the

2007 Search for Common Ground Award, an international humanitarian award. This Cana- dian series illustrates that news media and legal and political discourses portray just one of many narratives and interpretations.208 When we look to other discourses we find complex narratives that problematize the simplistic stereotypes mobilized in the discourses analyzed in this MRP. In a video posted to social media on International Women’s Day by StepFeed titled “From Arab women, to women everywhere…Happy #InternationalWomensDay,” Arab women explain that while they suffer, they are resilient, warriors, and survivors. The video reveals how Arab women originate in different countries and have different, complex, changing, and complicated histories. Despite popular associations, Arab women are not always Muslim, and they do not always veil. Nawas, Little Mosque, the Aga Khan Exhibit, and Muslim women themselves resist and challenge the pressure to supply generalized or simplistic images of Muslims. In doing so, these discourses challenge, construct, and re- construct representations of Muslim people and share diverse and changing Muslim identities.

!208 Aliaa Dakroury, “Toward Media Reconstruction of the Muslim imaginary in Canada: The Case of the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation’s Sitcom Little Mosque on the Prairie,” in Islam in the Hinterlands: Muslim Cultural Politics in Canada, ed. Jasmin Zine (Toronto: UBC Press, 2012), 163. 55

CONCLUSION

This MRP shows that, in the context of post-9/11 Canada, various discourses found

at local, provincial, and national levels, rely on gendered and racialized stereotypes that

homogenize and misrepresent Muslim men and women. In local news reports of the murders of Aqsa Parvez, Rona Mohammad, and the Shafia sisters, homogenized representations of them perpetuate stereotypes about Muslim women and Islamophobia and fail to challenge structural inequalities that result in gendered and racialized violence. As anthro- pologists, sociologists, and women's and gender scholars have established, the result is that uncomplicated and frankly racist connections are drawn between Muslim men and domination and violence, and Muslim women and victimhood, in ways that do nothing to challenge present day and historic violence in this country. This MRP points to the persis- tence of such discourses, despite the existence of counter-narratives, in the post-9/11 era, and in the process, contributes to historical discussions about the Canadian nation, which have highlighted the gendered and racialized dimensions of multiculturalism, immigration, and citizenship by connecting these discussions to ideas about Muslim women and men.

While counter-narratives clearly exist, it is notable that discourses like those available in local online newspapers, as well as those espoused by provincial and federal politicians in the last sixteen years, have resonance in national surveys of majority ideas in

Canada and contemporary events. A 2012 national survey for the Elimination of Racial Dis- crimination disclosed that, “more than half of all Canadians believe Muslims can’t be trusted and nearly as many believe discrimination against Muslims is their own fault.”209 According

to Statistics Canada, the number of police reporting hate crimes against Muslims more than

!209 The Environics Institute for Survey Research, “Survey of Muslims in Canada 2016,” http://www.environicsinstitute.org/uploads/instituteprojects/survey%20of%20muslims%20in%20canada%202016%20- %20final%20report.pdf. 56

doubled in three years, from forty-five in 2012 to ninety-nine in 2014.210 In 2016, one in

three Canadian Muslims reported having experienced discrimination in the past five years,

due to religion or ethnicity.211 Muslim women, in particular, “feel that hostility from the

broader society is systemic rather than isolated.”212 In 2015, Montreal police investigated

an incident in which a group of teenaged boys knocked-down a pregnant women and at-

tempted to remove her head covering.213 In January of 2017, an attack on a Quebec

mosque killed six men and left nineteen injured. On March 22 2017, at a Peel District

School Board public meeting, a discussion on religious accommodation for students erupt-

ed as a member of the audience ripped out pages of a copy of the Quran, and verbally in- sulted Islam and Muslims. Another man stepped on the ripped pages on his way to serve the school trustees legal court papers. In an Anti-Immigrant Facebook group in Norway, contributors posted a picture of empty public bus seats and confused them with women wearing burkas, a full veil with an eye covering.214 One comment reads “it looks really scary

should be banned. You can never know who is under there. Could be terrorists with

weapons.”215 Sindre Beyer, a former Norwegian politician, humorously commented that

“[t]he hatred that was displayed toward some bus seats really shows how much prejudices

trump wisdom.”216 Journalist Kamal Al-Solaylee suggests that Muslims experience a “triple

210! Anna Mehler Paperny, “Hate crimes against Muslim-Canadians more than doubled in 3 years,” Global News, April 13, 2016.

!211 The Environics Institute for Survey Research, “Survey of Muslims in Canada 2016,” 3.

!212 Ibid., 5.

!213 “A pregnant woman wearing a hijab was assaulted in Anjou,” Montreal Gazette, October 1, 2015.

!214 Rebecca Joseph, “Anti-Immigrant Facebook group confuses bus chairs with women wearing burqa,” Global News, August 1, 2017.

!215 Joseph, “Anti-Immigrant Facebook group confuses bus chairs with women wearing burqa.”

!216 Ibid. 57

punch” of anti-Islam, anti-immigrant, and anti-refugee prejudice in Canada, and that this

prejudice trickles down from federal and provincial levels to street level hate crimes.217

Clearly, ideas supported by discourses in local newspapers, as well as political and legal

discourses at the provincial and national level, have traction and impact the lives of those

Muslims living in Canada.

!217 Kamal Al-Solaylee, “Anti-Muslim hate has been in Canada - and our politics - long before the violence,” Globe and Mail, January 31, 2017. 58

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