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In May 2011, Freedom House Issued a Press Release Announcing the Findings of a Survey Recording the State of Media Freedom Worldwide
Media in North Africa: the Case of Egypt 10 Lourdes Pullicino In May 2011, Freedom House issued a press release announcing the findings of a survey recording the state of media freedom worldwide. It reported that the number of people worldwide with access to free and independent media had declined to its lowest level in over a decade.1 The survey recorded a substantial deterioration in the Middle East and North Africa region. In this region, Egypt suffered the greatest set-back, slipping into the Not Free category in 2010 as a result of a severe crackdown preceding the November 2010 parliamentary elections. In Tunisia, traditional media were also censored and tightly controlled by government while internet restriction increased extensively in 2009 and 2010 as Tunisians sought to use it as an alternative field for public debate.2 Furthermore Libya was included in the report as one of the world’s worst ten countries where independent media are considered either non-existent or barely able to operate and where dissent is crushed through imprisonment, torture and other forms of repression.3 The United Nations Development Programme’s (UNDP) Arab Knowledge Report published in 2009 corroborates these findings and view the prospects of a dynamic, free space for freedom of thought and expression in Arab states as particularly dismal. 1 Freedom House, (2011): World Freedom Report, Press Release dated May 2, 2011. The report assessed 196 countries and territories during 2010 and found that only one in six people live in countries with a press that is designated Free. The Freedom of the Press index assesses the degree of print, broadcast and internet freedom in every country, analyzing the events and developments of each calendar year. -
Approaching Rule of Law in Post-Revolution Egypt: Where We Were, Where We Are, and Where We Should Be*
!"#$%&'(%)(*(+&(,-#"./%#0%1'$(,%2*,3.3. !""#$%&'()*+,-./+$0+1%2+()+3$456,/7$.-5($)+8*9"5 !! !!" $ !% "! ! $ #! &$ 314758-TEXT.NATIVE.1350535652.DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 10/17/2012 9:48 PM ! U.C. DAVIS JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW & POLICY VOLUME 18 SPRING 2012 NUMBER 2 ARTICLE APPROACHING RULE OF LAW IN POST-REVOLUTION EGYPT: WHERE WE WERE, WHERE WE ARE, AND WHERE WE SHOULD BE* Ahmed Eldakak** ABSTRACT Partial absence of rule of law was a central reason for the Egyptian Revolution in 2011, and the Revolution provides a golden opportunity to establish full rule of law in Egypt. Using a substantive approach to interpreting the rule of law doctrine, this Article analyzes the aspects of absence of rule of law before the Revolution. The former regime disregarded the rule of law by amending the constitution to promote the rule of the president, issuing laws that served the interests of the president’s entourage, not enforcing judicial decisions, restricting freedom of speech, and concentrating the power in the hands of the president through the disreputable emergency law. The period following the Revolution witnessed an increasing trend toward respecting the rule of law, through changes such as enforcement of judicial decisions, trying the former president and his entourage before courts of law, and increased promotion of freedom of expression. However, several serious obstacles to promoting rule of law remain after the Revolution: the current constitutional mess, the state of emergency, and the military trials for civilians. Ultimately, this Article seeks to provide a roadmap to establishing full rule of law in Egypt, recommending the 314758-TEXT.NATIVE.1350535652.DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 10/17/2012 9:48 PM 262 University of California, Davis [Vol. -
Introduction
Notes Introduction 1. Maye Kassem. 1999. In the Guise of Democracy: Governance in Contem- porary Egypt (London: Ithaca Press); Eberhard Kienle. 2001. A Grand Delusion: Democracy and Economic Reform in Egypt (London: I. B. Tau- ris); Eva Bellin. 2002. Stalled Democracy: Capital, Labor, and the Paradox of State- Sponsored Development (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press); Jason Brownlee. 2007. Authoritarianism in an Age of Democratization (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press); Lisa Blaydes. 2011. Elections and Distributive Politics in Mubarak’s Egypt (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni- versity Press); Ellen Lust-Okar. 2004. “Divided They Rule: The Manage- ment and Manipulation of Political Opposition,” Journal of Democracy 36(2): 139– 56. 2. Barrington Moore. 1966. Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy (Boston: Beacon); Charles Moraz. 1968. The Triumph of the Middle Class (New York: Anchor); Eric Hobsbawm. 1969. Industry and Empire (Har- mondsworth: Penguin). 3. Bellin. 2002. 4. Nazih Ayubi. 1995. Over-Stating the Arab State: Politics and Society in the Middle East (London: I. B. Tauris). 5. Samuel Huntington. 1991. The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press), p. 67. 6. Ray Bush. 2012. “Marginality or Abjection? The Political Economy of Pov- erty Production in Egypt,” in Marginality and Exclusion in Egypt, ed. Ray Bush and Habib Ayeb (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press), p. 66. 7. Bellin. 2002. 8. Amr Adly. 2009. “Politically- Embedded Cronyism: The Case of Egypt,” Busi- ness and Politics 11(4): 1– 28. 9. Bellin. 2002. 10. Adly. 2009. 11. The only Policies Secretariat meeting that Gamal Mubarak missed since the establishment of the Secretariat in 2002 was in March 2010 when he was accompanying his father in Germany for treatment. -
Elections in Egypt RIGHTS State of Permanent Emergency Incompatible with Free and Fair Vote WATCH
Egypt HUMAN Elections in Egypt RIGHTS State of Permanent Emergency Incompatible with Free and Fair Vote WATCH Elections in Egypt State of Permanent Emergency Incompatible with Free and Fair Copyright © 2010 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-721-3 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th floor New York, NY 10118-3299 USA Tel: +1 212 290 4700, Fax: +1 212 736 1300 [email protected] Poststraße 4-5 10178 Berlin, Germany Tel: +49 30 2593 06-10, Fax: +49 30 2593 0629 [email protected] Avenue des Gaulois, 7 1040 Brussels, Belgium Tel: + 32 (2) 732 2009, Fax: + 32 (2) 732 0471 [email protected] 64-66 Rue de Lausanne 1202 Geneva, Switzerland Tel: +41 22 738 0481, Fax: +41 22 738 1791 [email protected] 2-12 Pentonville Road, 2nd Floor London N1 9HF, UK Tel: +44 20 7713 1995, Fax: +44 20 7713 1800 [email protected] 27 Rue de Lisbonne 75008 Paris, France Tel: +33 (1)43 59 55 35, Fax: +33 (1) 43 59 55 22 [email protected] 1630 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Suite 500 Washington, DC 20009 USA Tel: +1 202 612 4321, Fax: +1 202 612 4333 [email protected] Web Site Address: http://www.hrw.org December 2010 ISBN: 1-56432-721-3 Elections in Egypt State of Permanent Emergency Incompatible with Free and Fair Vote Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 1 I. Elections in a State of Emergency ............................................................................................. 4 Disruption of Demonstrations................................................................................................ 4 Media Crackdown ................................................................................................................. 5 Arrests of Campaign Activists ............................................................................................... -
97090865.Pdf
Civil Society and Democratization in the Arab World Contents Civil Society News From Around the Region ........... 1-2 A round-up of important developments in democratization and human rights in the Arab World. The Sociologist Vs. The State: Round II..............................3 Dr. Saad Eddin Ibrahim continues to provoke the ire of the Egyptian regime. What is the Grassroots Democracy Project?..........................5 An overview of an ongoing ICDS democratization project. The Trial of Free Press..................................................6 Matthew Husing examines the assault on press freedoms within AEgypt. Judicial Compromise...................................................7 Ivan Rosales covers the most recent development in the Saudi Arabian legal system. Reluctant Arab Political Reform.......................................8 Dr. Saad Eddin Ibrahim on the hesitant political reform process in the Arab world. A Bittersweet Release....................................................11 An in-depth interview with recently-released prisoner and ICDS employee Amr Tharwat. Al-Rewaq.........................................................................10 A summary of the October weekly forums held at ICDS. Can Any of you Name the Swiss President?................…...12 Dr. Saad Eddin Ibrahim recounts his recent travels to Switzerland. How Long can Egypt Endure Penury?..........................14 Hassan Elsawaf bemoans the stagnation and status quo of Egyptian Thepolitics Copts and of Egypt:society. Victims of Discrimination ...............15 -
Egypt's Press: More Free, Still Fettered
Egypt’s Press: More free, still fettered By Jeffrey Black January, 2008. The court complex on Galaa Street in Downtown Cairo is one of the more dispiriting edifices of the Egyptian justice system. The graying, corpulent building is a warren of dank and cramped courtrooms, leaking pipes and crumbling walls. The general effect is an atmosphere that would inspire dread in all but the most plucky of defendants. It was with a sort of foreboding then, that correspondents went there on October 1st 2007, to cover the first hearing of the trial of Ibrahim Eissa, editor of al-Dostour newspaper, and one of the Egyptian government’s most lively critics. He had been charged with “endangering national stability.” He had apparently done so through a series of articles published during the previous month about the health (or otherwise) of 79-year old Hosni Mubarak, Egypt’s President. It had been a grim few weeks for Egyptian journalists. Seven days earlier, three staff at the opposition daily al-Wafd were sentenced to two years in prison for articles written about members of the judiciary. On September 13th, Mr Eissa himself, along with Wael Ibrashi, editor of Sowt al-Ummah, Adel Hammouda, editor of Al-Fajr and Abdel Halim Qandil, former editor of Al-Karama, were all given jail sentences, subject to appeal, for “insulting the president.” This latest case seemed to be crisis point in a much longer trend. Feature Article 1 Arab Media & Society (January, 2008) Jeffrey Black Human Rights lawyer Gamal Eid, who attended Mr Eissa’s hearing, estimates that around 500 such cases are brought against Egyptian journalists and writers every year.i But aside from the recent spate of state bullying, in the last three or four years it has been much noted that something fundamental has happened to the newspaper business in Egypt. -
MAPPING DIGITAL MEDIA: EGYPT Mapping Digital Media: Egypt
COUNTRY REPORT MAPPING DIGITAL MEDIA: EGYPT Mapping Digital Media: Egypt A REPORT BY THE OPEN SOCIETY FOUNDATIONS WRITTEN BY Rasha Abdulla EDITED BY Marius Dragomir and Mark Thompson (Open Society Media Program editors) Aboubakr Jamaï (regional editor) EDITORIAL COMMISSION Yuen-Ying Chan, Christian S. Nissen, Dusˇan Reljic´, Russell Southwood, Damian Tambini The Editorial Commission is an advisory body. Its members are not responsible for the information or assessments contained in the Mapping Digital Media texts OPEN SOCIETY MEDIA PROGRAM TEAM Meijinder Kaur, program assistant; Morris Lipson, senior legal advisor; and Gordana Jankovic, director OPEN SOCIETY INFORMATION PROGRAM TEAM Vera Franz, senior program manager; Darius Cuplinskas, director 1 August 2013 Contents Mapping Digital Media ..................................................................................................................... 4 Executive Summary ........................................................................................................................... 6 Context ............................................................................................................................................. 10 Social Indicators ................................................................................................................................ 12 Economic Indicators ......................................................................................................................... 14 1. Media Consumption: Th e Digital Factor .................................................................................. -
Freedom in the World - Egypt (2011)
http://www.freedomhouse.org/inc/content/pubs/fiw/inc_country_detail.cf... Print Freedom in the World - Egypt (2011) Capital: Cairo Political Rights Score: 6 * Civil Liberties Score: 5 * Population: 78,629,000 Status: Not Free Trend Arrow Egypt received a downward trend arrow due to extensive restrictions on opposition candidates and reform advocates during the 2010 parliamentary elections, as well as a widespread crackdown on the media that resulted in increased self-censorship. Overview The ruling National Democratic Party won a sweeping victory in November 2010 elections for the lower house of parliament, amid allegations of widespread fraud, violent repression, and severe restrictions on opposition candidates. The authorities pursued a media crackdown throughout the year, closing independent outlets and subjecting journalists and bloggers to physical attacks and arbitrary arrests. High-profile cases of police brutality reflected a growing disregard for the rule of law among state security services. Egypt formally gained independence from Britain in 1922 and acquired full sovereignty following World War II. After leading a coup that overthrew the monarchy in 1952, Colonel Gamal Abdel Nasser ruled until his death in 1970. The constitution adopted in 1971 under his successor, Anwar al-Sadat, established a strong presidential system with nominal guarantees for political and civil rights that were not respected in practice. Sadat signed a peace treaty with Israel in 1979 and built an alliance with the United States, which provided the Egyptian government with roughly $2 billion in aid annually. Following Sadat’s assassination in 1981, then vice president Hosni Mubarak became president and declared a state of emergency, which has been in force ever since. -
The Effect of El Bernameg TV Show on Egyptian Young Viewers' Evaluation
American University in Cairo AUC Knowledge Fountain Theses and Dissertations 6-1-2016 The effect of El Bernameg TV show on Egyptian young viewers’ evaluation of Egyptian media figures Menna Mohamed Kadry Follow this and additional works at: https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds Recommended Citation APA Citation Kadry, M. (2016).The effect of El Bernameg TV show on Egyptian young viewers’ evaluation of Egyptian media figures [Master’s thesis, the American University in Cairo]. AUC Knowledge Fountain. https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds/560 MLA Citation Kadry, Menna Mohamed. The effect of El Bernameg TV show on Egyptian young viewers’ evaluation of Egyptian media figures. 2016. American University in Cairo, Master's thesis. AUC Knowledge Fountain. https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds/560 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by AUC Knowledge Fountain. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of AUC Knowledge Fountain. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The American University in Cairo School of Global Affairs & Public Policy (GAPP) The Effect of El Bernameg TV Show on Egyptian Young Viewers’ Evaluation of Egyptian Media Figures A Thesis Submitted by Menna Mohamed Kadry Submitted to the Journalism and Mass Communication Department In partial fulfillment of the requirements for The degree of Master of Arts in Journalism and Mass Communication Under the Supervision of Dr. Sheila Peuchaud June 2015 ii iii AKNOWLEDGMENT In the name of God, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful First, I would like to thank God for his blessings and for gracing me with the opportunity and perseverance to complete my MA degree. -
The Upheavals in Egypt and Tunisia Peter Schraeder & Hamadi Redissi Tarek Masoud Philip Howard & Muzammil Hussain Strife and Secession in Sudan Khalid Mustafa Medani
July 2011, Volume 22, Number 3 $12.00 The Upheavals in Egypt and Tunisia Peter Schraeder & Hamadi Redissi Tarek Masoud Philip Howard & Muzammil Hussain Strife and Secession in Sudan Khalid Mustafa Medani Belarus: A Tale of Two Elections Rodger Potocki Kathleen Collins on Kyrgyzstan Angelo Izama on Uganda Diego Abente-Brun on the Quality of Democracy Poverty, Inequality & Democracy (III) Francis Fukuyama Dan Banik Charles Simkins Taekyoon Kim et al. The Upheavals in Egypt and Tunisia the road to (and from) liberation square Tarek Masoud Tarek Masoud is assistant professor of public policy at Harvard University’s John F. Kennedy School of Government and a Carnegie Scholar. It is easy now to see why Egypt’s revolution had to happen, and why President Hosni Mubarak’s thirty-year reign had to end in the spectacu- lar manner in which it did. Even the most casual observer of the Egyptian scene can recite from the expansive catalogue of ills that Mubarak had visited upon the land: a large and growing corps of angry young people with no jobs and no prospects; the repeated thwarting of the voters’ will; crumbling public infrastructure whose sole purpose seemed to be supplying newspaper headlines about train crashes and ferry sinkings; corruption so brazen that it was often written into law; and daily acts of casually dispensed brutality, culminating in the June 2010 murder of a young man in a seaside town by the very police who were ostensibly charged with protecting him. And then there was the matter of the dictator’s age. In recent years, the octogenarian ruler’s health had become a matter of state, and woe betide anyone daring (or foolish) enough to suggest that the president could be anything less than fully fit. -
The Other Copts
The American University in Cairo School of Global Affairs and Public Policy (GAPP) The Other Copts: Between Sectarianism, Nationalism and Catholic Coptic Activism in Minya A Thesis submitted to the Middle East Studies Center In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (M.A.) in Middle East Studies By Ana Carol Torres Gutiérrez Under the supervision of Dr. Sandrine Gamblin Spring 2017 The American University in Cairo School of Global Affairs and Public Policy "The Other Copts: Between Sectarianism, Nationalism and Catholic Coptic Activism in Minya” A thesis submitted by Ana Carol Torres Gutiérrez to the Middle East Studies Centre Spring 2017 In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Middle East Studies has been approved by: Dr. Sandrine Gamblin Thesis Adviser _______________________________________________ Affiliation _________________________________________________ Dr. Reem Saad Thesis Second Reader ________________________________________ Affiliation _________________________________________________ Dr. Adam Duker Thesis Third Reader _________________________________________ Affiliation _________________________________________________ Dr. Robert Mason Department Chair _____________________________ Date: ____________ Nabil Fahmy, Ambassador Dean of GAPP _____________________________ Date: ____________ ii Abstract The Other Copts: Between Sectarianism, Nationalism and Catholic Coptic Activism in Minya Ana Carol Torres Gutiérrez Under the supervision of Dr. Sandrine -
MIDDLE Eastbriefing
MIDDLE EAST Briefing Cairo/Brussels, 30 September 2003 THE CHALLENGE OF POLITICAL REFORM: EGYPT AFTER THE IRAQ WAR This briefing is one of a series of occasional ICG briefing papers and reports that will address the issue of political reform in the Middle East and North Africa. The absence of a credible political life in most parts of the region, while not necessarily bound to produce violent conflict, is intimately connected to a host of questions that affect its longer-term stability: Ineffective political representation, popular participation and government responsiveness often translate into inadequate mechanisms to express and channel public discontent, creating the potential for extra- institutional protests. These may, in turn, take on more violent forms, especially at a time when regional developments (in the Israeli-Palestinian theatre and in Iraq) have polarised and radicalised public opinion. In the long run, the lack of genuine public accountability and transparency hampers sound economic development. While transparency and accountability are by no means a guarantee against corruption, their absence virtually ensures it. Also, without public participation, governments are likely to be more receptive to demands for economic reform emanating from the international community than from their own citizens. As a result, policy-makers risk taking insufficient account of the social and political impact of their decisions. Weakened political legitimacy and economic under-development undermine the Arab states’ ability to play an effective part on the regional scene at a time of crisis when their constructive and creative leadership is more necessary than ever. The deficit of democratic representation may be a direct source of conflict, as in the case of Algeria.