Media, Revolution, and Politics in Egypt
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"The Yacoubian Building" by Alaa Al Aswany, Part 1 Reading in Retirement by Dr
"The Yacoubian Building" by Alaa Al Aswany, Part 1 Reading in Retirement by Dr. Charles S. Grippi This is the first of a three part series. Aswany's "The Yacoubian Building" (Arabic version 2002 and the English translation by Humphrey Davies, New York: Harper Perennial Ed., 2006) is a quite cogent novel in a number of ways. Centered in Cairo, Egypt, the cultural capital of the Muslim world, in the early 1990's, the novel reveals an expansively liberating spirit on subjects that were strictly taboo for publication in a Muslim country and certainly are still anathema in fundamentalist countries of the Muslim world. The novel took Egypt by storm by becoming a best seller in 2002 and 2003 and then being proclaimed the best novel in 2003. To date, the novel has been translated into 23 languages. Made into an "Adults Only" film in 2006, it broke a box office attendance record by earning 6,000,000 Egyptian Pounds the first week and 20,000,000 E.Ps. during its initial theatrical run. In 2006, the film was submitted as Egypt's entry to the 79th Academy Awards "Best Foreign Film Category." In 2006, a television series bearing the same name began: however, frank sexual scenes were omitted. The novel created political controversy by its attacks on the corrupt, undemocratic one party system that has ruled since the country gained its independence with the overthrow of the puppet government of King Farouk that was supported by the British. The revolution allowed Egyptians to rule their own country for the first time in almost 2,500 years harking back to the invasions of the Persians and by the Greek Alexander the Great in the 4th century B.C. -
In May 2011, Freedom House Issued a Press Release Announcing the Findings of a Survey Recording the State of Media Freedom Worldwide
Media in North Africa: the Case of Egypt 10 Lourdes Pullicino In May 2011, Freedom House issued a press release announcing the findings of a survey recording the state of media freedom worldwide. It reported that the number of people worldwide with access to free and independent media had declined to its lowest level in over a decade.1 The survey recorded a substantial deterioration in the Middle East and North Africa region. In this region, Egypt suffered the greatest set-back, slipping into the Not Free category in 2010 as a result of a severe crackdown preceding the November 2010 parliamentary elections. In Tunisia, traditional media were also censored and tightly controlled by government while internet restriction increased extensively in 2009 and 2010 as Tunisians sought to use it as an alternative field for public debate.2 Furthermore Libya was included in the report as one of the world’s worst ten countries where independent media are considered either non-existent or barely able to operate and where dissent is crushed through imprisonment, torture and other forms of repression.3 The United Nations Development Programme’s (UNDP) Arab Knowledge Report published in 2009 corroborates these findings and view the prospects of a dynamic, free space for freedom of thought and expression in Arab states as particularly dismal. 1 Freedom House, (2011): World Freedom Report, Press Release dated May 2, 2011. The report assessed 196 countries and territories during 2010 and found that only one in six people live in countries with a press that is designated Free. The Freedom of the Press index assesses the degree of print, broadcast and internet freedom in every country, analyzing the events and developments of each calendar year. -
1 During the Opening Months of 2011, the World Witnessed a Series Of
FREEDOM HOUSE Freedom on the Net 2012 1 EGYPT 2011 2012 Partly Partly POPULATION: 82 million INTERNET FREEDOM STATUS Free Free INTERNET PENETRATION 2011: 36 percent Obstacles to Access (0-25) 12 14 WEB 2.0 APPLICATIONS BLOCKED: Yes NOTABLE POLITICAL CENSORSHIP: No Limits on Content (0-35) 14 12 BLOGGERS/ ICT USERS ARRESTED: Yes Violations of User Rights (0-40) 28 33 PRESS FREEDOM STATUS: Partly Free Total (0-100) 54 59 * 0=most free, 100=least free NTRODUCTION I During the opening months of 2011, the world witnessed a series of demonstrations that soon toppled Hosni Mubarak’s 30-year presidency. The Egyptian revolution received widespread media coverage during the Arab Spring not only because of Egypt’s position as a main political hub in the Middle East and North Africa, but also because activists were using different forms of media to communicate the events of the movement to the world. While the Egyptian government employed numerous tactics to suppress the uprising’s roots online—including by shutting down internet connectivity, cutting off mobile communications, imprisoning dissenters, blocking media websites, confiscating newspapers, and disrupting satellite signals in a desperate measure to limit media coverage—online dissidents were able to evade government pressure and spread their cause through social- networking websites. This led many to label the Egyptian revolution the Facebook or Twitter Revolution. Since the introduction of the internet in 1993, the Egyptian government has invested in internet infrastructure as part of its strategy to boost the economy and create job opportunities. The Telecommunication Act was passed in 2003 to liberalize the private sector while keeping government supervision and control over information and communication technologies (ICTs) in place. -
Palgrave Studies in Young People and Politics
Palgrave Studies in Young People and Politics Series Editors James Sloam Department of Politics and International Relations Royal Holloway, University of London Egham, UK Constance Flanagan School of Human Ecology University of Wisconsin–Madison Madison, WI, USA Bronwyn Hayward School of Social and Political Sciences University of Canterbury Christchurch, New Zealand Over the past few decades, many democracies have experienced low or falling voter turnout and a sharp decline in the members of mainstream political parties. These trends are most striking amongst young people, who have become alienated from mainstream electoral politics in many countries across the world. Young people are today faced by a particu- larly tough environment. From worsening levels of child poverty, to large increases in youth unemployment, to cuts in youth services and educa- tion budgets, public policy responses to the fnancial crisis have placed a disproportionate burden on the young. This book series will provide an in-depth investigation of the changing nature of youth civic and political engagement. We particularly welcome contributions looking at: • Youth political participation: for example, voting, demonstrations, and consumer politics • The engagement of young people in civic and political institutions, such as political parties, NGOs and new social movements • The infuence of technology, the news media and social media on young people’s politics • How democratic innovations, such as social institutions, electoral reform, civic education, can rejuvenate democracy • The civic and political development of young people during their transition from childhood to adulthood (political socialisation) • Young people’s diverse civic and political identities, as defned by issues of gender, class and ethnicity • Key themes in public policy affecting younger citizens—e.g. -
Approaching Rule of Law in Post-Revolution Egypt: Where We Were, Where We Are, and Where We Should Be*
!"#$%&'(%)(*(+&(,-#"./%#0%1'$(,%2*,3.3. !""#$%&'()*+,-./+$0+1%2+()+3$456,/7$.-5($)+8*9"5 !! !!" $ !% "! ! $ #! &$ 314758-TEXT.NATIVE.1350535652.DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 10/17/2012 9:48 PM ! U.C. DAVIS JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW & POLICY VOLUME 18 SPRING 2012 NUMBER 2 ARTICLE APPROACHING RULE OF LAW IN POST-REVOLUTION EGYPT: WHERE WE WERE, WHERE WE ARE, AND WHERE WE SHOULD BE* Ahmed Eldakak** ABSTRACT Partial absence of rule of law was a central reason for the Egyptian Revolution in 2011, and the Revolution provides a golden opportunity to establish full rule of law in Egypt. Using a substantive approach to interpreting the rule of law doctrine, this Article analyzes the aspects of absence of rule of law before the Revolution. The former regime disregarded the rule of law by amending the constitution to promote the rule of the president, issuing laws that served the interests of the president’s entourage, not enforcing judicial decisions, restricting freedom of speech, and concentrating the power in the hands of the president through the disreputable emergency law. The period following the Revolution witnessed an increasing trend toward respecting the rule of law, through changes such as enforcement of judicial decisions, trying the former president and his entourage before courts of law, and increased promotion of freedom of expression. However, several serious obstacles to promoting rule of law remain after the Revolution: the current constitutional mess, the state of emergency, and the military trials for civilians. Ultimately, this Article seeks to provide a roadmap to establishing full rule of law in Egypt, recommending the 314758-TEXT.NATIVE.1350535652.DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 10/17/2012 9:48 PM 262 University of California, Davis [Vol. -
Egypt: a Repression Made in France Executive Summary
Egypt: A Repression Made in France Exports of Weapons and Surveillance Technologies June 2018 / N° 716a Cover photo: Sherpa MIDS, photographed in Cairo on April 15, 2016. Table of contents Executive Summary 5 Introduction: The Establishment of a “partenariat privilégié” (Special Partnership) with the Egyptian Security Forces 8 Chapter 1: the consolidation in Egypt of a dictatorship of the security forces since 2013 imposed through unprecedented repression and grave human rights violations 11 1. The establishment of a highly repressive security apparatus that proliferates human rights violations 11 1.1. Strengthened military power 11 1.2. Increasingly powerful intelligence services 12 1.3 Repression of the opposition, civil society and all dissident voices 13 1.4. Repression giving rise to ongoing grave human rights violations 15 Use of lethal force against demonstrators 15 Mass arbitrary arrests 17 Enforced disappearances 17 Torture, abuse and death in prisons 17 Extrajudicial executions 18 Resurgence of the death penalty 18 The countless abuses of the antiterrorist campaign in the Sinai 18 2. At the heart of the repressive measures: widespread surveillance of the population 19 2.1. Digital arms race 19 2.2. From targeted surveillance to mass interception of communications 20 2.3. A totalitarian plan to monitor digital activities 21 2.4. Collecting personal data 23 2.5. Monitoring social networks 23 2.6. Intruding into personal data and monitoring private communications 24 2.7. Surveillance at the origin of grave and repeated human rights violations 25 Fabrication of evidence for use against suspected dissidents 25 Targets of surveillance: opponents, human rights defenders, and LGBTI people 25 Chapter 2: The enormous increase in French exports of surveillance technologies to Egypt: an unconditional partnership in the name of the «fight against terrorism» 27 1. -
Introduction
Notes Introduction 1. Maye Kassem. 1999. In the Guise of Democracy: Governance in Contem- porary Egypt (London: Ithaca Press); Eberhard Kienle. 2001. A Grand Delusion: Democracy and Economic Reform in Egypt (London: I. B. Tau- ris); Eva Bellin. 2002. Stalled Democracy: Capital, Labor, and the Paradox of State- Sponsored Development (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press); Jason Brownlee. 2007. Authoritarianism in an Age of Democratization (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press); Lisa Blaydes. 2011. Elections and Distributive Politics in Mubarak’s Egypt (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni- versity Press); Ellen Lust-Okar. 2004. “Divided They Rule: The Manage- ment and Manipulation of Political Opposition,” Journal of Democracy 36(2): 139– 56. 2. Barrington Moore. 1966. Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy (Boston: Beacon); Charles Moraz. 1968. The Triumph of the Middle Class (New York: Anchor); Eric Hobsbawm. 1969. Industry and Empire (Har- mondsworth: Penguin). 3. Bellin. 2002. 4. Nazih Ayubi. 1995. Over-Stating the Arab State: Politics and Society in the Middle East (London: I. B. Tauris). 5. Samuel Huntington. 1991. The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press), p. 67. 6. Ray Bush. 2012. “Marginality or Abjection? The Political Economy of Pov- erty Production in Egypt,” in Marginality and Exclusion in Egypt, ed. Ray Bush and Habib Ayeb (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press), p. 66. 7. Bellin. 2002. 8. Amr Adly. 2009. “Politically- Embedded Cronyism: The Case of Egypt,” Busi- ness and Politics 11(4): 1– 28. 9. Bellin. 2002. 10. Adly. 2009. 11. The only Policies Secretariat meeting that Gamal Mubarak missed since the establishment of the Secretariat in 2002 was in March 2010 when he was accompanying his father in Germany for treatment. -
Nowe Strategie Liryczne Współczesnej Poezji Egipskiej Twórczość Poetów
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu Wydział Neofilologii Katedra Studiów Azjatyckich Zakład Arabistyki i Islamistyki Agnieszka Piotrowska Nowe strategie liryczne współczesnej poezji egipskiej Twórczość poetów pokolenia lat 90. Praca doktorska napisana pod kierunkiem prof. dr hab. Adnana Abbasa Poznań 2010 1 Dla M. i H. 2 Poezja nie jest czymś, co można osiągnąć tylko u Malindi. Można ją znaleźć w każdym kraju. Przysłowie mówi To, co jest na Pembie, jest równie dobrze na Zanzibarze – odrzuć Pembę i Zanzibar i powiedz: co jest w Europie, jest także i w Afryce; odrzuć Europę i powiedz: co jest w Afryce, jest także w Azji, odrzuć Afrykę i powiedz: co jest w Azji, jest też w Ameryce; odrzuć Azję i powiedz: co jest w Ameryce , jest i w Australii – świat twórczości podobny jest w narodach wszystkich ludzkich istot; ukazuje ich wspólne pochodzenie i wielką jedność. Shaaban Robert (w: Wanda Leopold, O literaturze Czarnej Afryki) 3 SPIS TREŚCI WSTĘP 7 ROZDZIAŁ 1 17 Poezja egipska od okresu odrodzenia (druga połowa XIX wieku-początek XX wieku) do początku XXI wieku: Zarys 1.1. Poezja egipska czas i rozwój 18 1.1.1. Poezja do lat 50. XX wieku 18 1.1.2. Poezja okresu modernizmu 20 1.1.3. Poezja ostatnich dziesięcioleci (od lat 80. do dziś) 24 1.2. Czym jest poezja pokolenia lat 90.? Wprowadzenie do tematu 27 ROZDZIAŁ 2 Tło historyczne i sytuacja aktualna a nowa grupa poetycka lat 90 31 2.1. Sytuacja społeczna i kulturalna Egiptu (lata 90. XX wieku - początek XXI wieku) 31 2.2. Charakterystyka nowej grupy poetyckiej. Przyczyny jej powstania 40 2.3. -
Alaa Al-Aswany Calls Upon the UN V3
PRESS RELEASE Paris, April 8, 2019 Alaa al-Aswany, author of the « Yacoubian Building », calls upon the UN Special Rapporteur on the promotion and the protection of freedom of expression to end persecution against him. François Zimeray, Matthias Fekl and Jessica Finelle submitted an allegation letter to the UN Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of freedom of expression to decry Alaa al-Aswany’s fate in Egypt. Banned from publishing his books for the past 5 years, Alaa al-Aswany is being prosecuted since March 14, 2019 by the Egyptian Military Prosecutor for "insulting the President of the Republic, the armed forces and judicial institutions". The Military Prosecutor's Office's accusations are based on the content of his latest book, The Republic As If, as well as on his articles published in Deutsche Welle Arabic. Alaa Al-Aswany can no longer travel to Egypt without being arrested and brought before the Egyptian military judge for having exercised his freedom of expression and opinion. He also fears the fate of his family members, all living in Egypt. In the allegation letter to the UN Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of freedom of expression in Geneva, François Zimeray, Jessica Finelle and Matthias Fekl denounced the flagrant violation of a fundamental right, such as freedom of expression and opinion, by the Egyptian authorities. According to François Zimeray, "the hopes raised during the Egyptian spring have died, these prosecutions are like a sarcophagus of freedoms ». The criminal proceedings against Alaa al-Aswany are « only a disguised means of intimidating the writer and depriving the Egyptian people of Alaa al- Aswany’s fierce and modern prose ». -
Elections in Egypt RIGHTS State of Permanent Emergency Incompatible with Free and Fair Vote WATCH
Egypt HUMAN Elections in Egypt RIGHTS State of Permanent Emergency Incompatible with Free and Fair Vote WATCH Elections in Egypt State of Permanent Emergency Incompatible with Free and Fair Copyright © 2010 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-721-3 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th floor New York, NY 10118-3299 USA Tel: +1 212 290 4700, Fax: +1 212 736 1300 [email protected] Poststraße 4-5 10178 Berlin, Germany Tel: +49 30 2593 06-10, Fax: +49 30 2593 0629 [email protected] Avenue des Gaulois, 7 1040 Brussels, Belgium Tel: + 32 (2) 732 2009, Fax: + 32 (2) 732 0471 [email protected] 64-66 Rue de Lausanne 1202 Geneva, Switzerland Tel: +41 22 738 0481, Fax: +41 22 738 1791 [email protected] 2-12 Pentonville Road, 2nd Floor London N1 9HF, UK Tel: +44 20 7713 1995, Fax: +44 20 7713 1800 [email protected] 27 Rue de Lisbonne 75008 Paris, France Tel: +33 (1)43 59 55 35, Fax: +33 (1) 43 59 55 22 [email protected] 1630 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Suite 500 Washington, DC 20009 USA Tel: +1 202 612 4321, Fax: +1 202 612 4333 [email protected] Web Site Address: http://www.hrw.org December 2010 ISBN: 1-56432-721-3 Elections in Egypt State of Permanent Emergency Incompatible with Free and Fair Vote Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 1 I. Elections in a State of Emergency ............................................................................................. 4 Disruption of Demonstrations................................................................................................ 4 Media Crackdown ................................................................................................................. 5 Arrests of Campaign Activists ............................................................................................... -
A Youtube Call to Action in the Egyptian Revolution
International Journal of Communication 5 (2011), Feature 1333–1343 1932–8036/2011FEA1333 “I’ll Be Waiting for You Guys”: A YouTube Call to Action in the Egyptian Revolution MELISSSA WALL California State University, Northridge SAHAR EL ZAHED Claremont University In this essay, we consider the ways the YouTube videos of Egyptian youth activist, Asmaa Mafouz, may be contributing to the development of a new political language for Egypt, providing a space to create an individual public political self, and modeling a new form of citizenship and activism for Egyptians. “If you stay home, you deserve all that’s being done to you, and you will be guilty before your nation and your people. Go down to the street, send SMSes, post it on the ‘Net, make people aware.” ~YouTube video of Asmaa Mahfouz, a leader in Egypt’s April 6, 2011 Youth Movement On January 18, 2011, a week before the massive street protests in Cairo’s Tahrir Square, Asmaa Mahfouz, a 26-year-old business graduate of Cairo University, recorded a 4-minute, 36-second video of herself and placed it on her Facebook page, from where it was quickly reposted to YouTube. In classic vlog style, the only image is a close-up of her face, in this case veiled, as she looks directly into the camera, passionately calling in Arabic for her fellow Egyptians to join her in protesting against the government. Despite the Egyptian government’s control of most of the country’s news media, Mahfouz’s video quickly spread among Egypt’s youth, many of whom had turned to social-networking sites as the only consistent arena for free political expression open to them. -
Whose Golden Age?
REVIEWS Alaa Al Aswany, On the State of Egypt: What Caused the Revolution Canongate: Edinburgh 2011, £12.99, paperback 192 pp, 978 0 85786 215 0 Hazem Kandil WHOSE GOLDEN AGE? Revolution is, in essence, a rejection of our dismal reality for one that is entirely divorced from it. The more viable this desired reality appears to us, the more likely we are to pursue it. And how much more viable would this new reality seem if it had in fact existed before? Revolutionary zeal, in this case, feeds on two of the most penetrating human passions: dreaming of a better future, and longing for a once glorious past. Unfortunately, not every ideological movement has recourse to this inspiring mix. In Egypt, and across the Muslim world, Islamists had so far monopolized the power of nostalgia. When preaching about the future, they enticed their audience with recurrent references to an age that actually existed, the time of Prophet Muhammad and his Rightly Guided successors, a time of prosperity, justice, and predominance. Leftists and nationalists, mostly ashamed of what they have contributed to their post-colonial societies, could not claim the same privilege; their ideal realities, they admit, remain unborn. Liberals were even worse off: their past was a disgrace. What Egyptians, in particular, knew about the decades preceding the 1952 coup was what their schoolbooks told them: it was a time of moral and political degeneration; democracy was a sham; peasants were flogged by evil landlords; social disparities were ram- pant; and the country was ruled by an indolent, childlike sovereign, living contentedly under the shadow of British colonialism.