The Struggle in Defense of Baikal: the Shift of Values and Disposition of Forces

DOI: 10.1515/irsr-2011-0019

IRSR INTERNATIONAL REVIEW of SOCIAL RESEARCH Volume 1, Issue 3, October 2011, 33-51 International Review of Social Research

The Struggle in Defense of Baikal: The Shift of Values and Disposition of Forces

Oleg YANITSKY• Institute of Sociology, Russian Academy of Science

Abstract: The paper is aimed at the analysis of evolution of values and disposition of forces involved in the long-term international conflict around the closure of the pulp and paper mill (P&PM) and the reconstruction of the company town of Baykalsk, both located near Lake Baikal, the biggest freshwater lake in the world. The conflict’s six phases are: construction and opening of the pulp and paper mill, P&PM (1967-84); the perestroika (1985-90); the collapse of the USSR (1991); the Russian financial crisis (1998); the struggle against the tracing of a transnational oil pipe-line near Baikal shore (2001-06); and the economic crisis (2008). In each phase, the activity of Russian environmentalists is considered under the following aspects: political opportunity structure, main actors, constituency, key values, forms of activity, kind of mobilization and resources for it, and the outcome of the struggle. The paper is focused on the evolution of the relationship between the state and the environmental movement.

Keywords: disposition of forces, environmental movement (EM), mobilization, phases of conflict, political opportunity structure (POS), state, values, Russia.

The Case occupies about 557,000 square km and contains about 23,000 cubickm What is the lake Baikal? It covers of water, which is about one fifth of 31,500 square km and is 636 km the world’s reserves of fresh surface- long, an average of 48 km wide, 79,4 water and over 80 percent of the fresh km at its widest point. Its water basin water in the former Soviet Union. It

•e-mail: [email protected]. Professor Oleg Yanitsky is a chief researcher at the Institute of Sociology, Russian Academy of Sciences. His main areas of research are civil society, social movements, research on risk and disasters. His main publications are Russian Environmentalism. The Yanitsky Reader’(Moscow: Taus, 2010) and the articles, e.g. ‘The Shift of Environmental Debates in Russia’ (Current Sociology, 2009, 56, no. 6); ‘Sustainability and Risk. The Case of Russia’ (Innovation, 2000, 13, no. 3); ‘Environmental Movement in a Hostile Context’ (International Sociology, 1999, 14, No. 2). © University of Bucharest, October 2011 34 | IRSR Volume 1, Issue 3, October 2011 is the biggest freshwater lake in the groups, stressing the shift from a nature world, included in the UNESCO’s protection activity to the struggle for World heritage list. The P&PM and human rights and freedoms. the company town Baykalsk were built at the Baikal shore and put into operation in 1967. It is the case of Theoretical Background the most long-lasting fight on the part of Soviet, Russian and international The conceptual resources of this environmentalists against a project of article are determined by the topic Communist industrial policy and its under discussion, namely, by the core, the military-industrial complex. long-term conflict between the This project and its implementation Russian state and environmentalists. provoked a lot of tough public debates Thus, it draws upon a number of initiated by Siberian scientists, theoretical instruments related to the scholars and writers. Some Russian analysis of relationships between authors stated that the environmental governments and social movements. movementin Siberia and the Far East These include, firstly, the concept of was launched by this conflict. political opportunity structure, POS ddThis paper analyses the shift in (Tarrow, 1988, 2005) adapted to the disposition of forces involved in the Russian conditions. Strictly speaking, long-term social and political conflict a political opportunity structure in around the construction, functioning the western sense of the term doesn’t and around projects of rehabilitation of exist in Russia, where property and the nearby area, including the company power are largely merged. Russian town of Baykalsk. This shift is traced political theorists prefer to speak of through six main phases of the above ‘system and anti-system forces’ or conflict, namely: the construction and ‘corporate state’ vs. ‘civic society’ opening, the perestroika times, the (Pivovarov, 2006; Inozemtsev, 2010). collapse of the USSR in 1991, the That is why I interpret this structure Russian financial crisis (default in 1998), as a line-up of pro- and contra- the struggle of local and international ecological forces accompanied by greens against the transnational oil by-standers and onlookers of various pipe-line nearby the Baikal, and the kinds. In stable democratic regimes struggle for the closure and against the it is methodologically justified to reopening of the P&PM in 2008. For differentiate between subjects (actors) each phase, the paper describes such and contexts. But in such critical aspects of Russian environmentalists’ and turbulent times as Russia’s campaigning as actors, their values and transformation period, the ‘subjects’ constituency, the political opportunity and ‘factors of change’, i.e. economic structure in situ and at large, kinds of and other contexts, dialectically melt mobilization involved and their mottos, one into another. For example, in the and the current results of the struggle. Soviet times, a political opportunity The article sheds light on a changing structure had been rather stable. But line-up of forces in the relationship during the democratic upsurge of between the state and various civic late 1980s, the actual political and OLEG YANITSKY The Struggle in Defense of Baikal | 35 social contexts were reshaped by the 1996; Jamison, 1996; Irwin, 2001). mushrooming social movements which, Finally, the study is further following taken together, formed a substantial a social-historical and comparative sector of the political opportunity approach to the study of movements in structure. By contrast, in mid 2000s, general and of Russian environmental the Russian state created a number movement in particular (Weiner, 1988, of ‘mass social movements’, that is, 1999; Rootes, 1999; Tilly, 2004; Lane, in fact, GONGOs, which seriously 2010). affected the political opportunity structure for Russian environmental and other movements that were labeled Methodology ‘out-of-system movements’ by the authorities. Therefore, it appears This paper is the result of a systemati- reasonable to regard the line-up of cally organized case-study research. forces in transitional periods as a From 1987 to 2009, seven sets of the component of the respective political in-depth semi-structured interviews opportunity structure (POS). with environmental activists and ddSecondly, I consider Soviet/Russian their allies and adversaries including environmental movement as a new regional and local administrators, social and semi-professional movement businessmen, scholars and scientists evolving from purely conservationist (about 150 interviews in total) were (i.e. nature protection) to human rights conducted within the framework of and social justice movement (Weiner, three international and four national 1988, 1999; Conway, Keniston and research projects1. Actually, the paper Marx, 1999; McCarthy and King, is the result of a half-a-century-long 2005). Thirdly, my reflection bears case-study aimed at the revealing the upon the resource mobilization theory key actors involved in the conflict and its recent versions (McCarthy and resources they commanded in the and King, 2005), though, following struggle around the construction and M. Diani and his collaborators (Diani operation of the P&PM. A chronicle and McAdam, 2003; Della Porta of the conflict has been built which and Diani, 2006). I am inclined to allowed to trace the changes in a regard this process as a network- disposition of pro- and contra-forces. based one rather than as the product The programs and manifestos of of a certain ‘resource industry’ (Zald various environmental leaders as well and McCarthy, 1987). Fourthly, since as the archives of key groups involved Russian environmental movement is in the conflict were also analyzed (the semi-professional, that is, following characteristic of these groups is given in their programs and action repertoire in the next section). The outcomes of the recommendations of social and each particular mobilization phase natural scientists, it seemed reasonable have been checked by content analysis to use in this study the principles of the of the Russian Green press2 and sociology of social knowledge and in internet resources related to the Baikal particular its principles of dialogue and case3. ‘following the actor’ (Irwin and Wynne, 36 | IRSR Volume 1, Issue 3, October 2011

Forces and their Values: A Historical university instructors. But very soon View it became more or less independent from the patronage of both academics The struggle between pro- and contra- and the Young Communist League environmental forces is deeply rooted in (Komsomol). By the late 1980s, the Soviet ideology and culture. D.Weiner following value-oriented groups distinguished three main value- of the movement had taken shape: oriented forces: pastoralist, ecological, conservationists, alternativists, tra- and utilitarian. Pastoralists, who where ditionalists (enlighteners), civil mainly represented by natural scientists, initiatives (grassroots), ecopoliticians, emphasized that nature was valuable in ecopatriots, and ecotechnocrats itself. Ecologists, that is ‘scientists who (Yanitsky, 1996). held… evidently anthropocentric view, ddNot only in the Baikal campaign pointing to the dangers of ecological but throughout the country, the breakdown, (…) arguing that only conservationists were the core of their scientific expertise could ensure the Russian Greens. Their starting that ‘an economic’ growth remain point was bioscientism (‘Nature within the possibilities afforded by knows best’). The key values of healthy nature’. Utilitarians (also their ideology were the creation of a known as adherents of a ‘wise use’ world brotherhood of Greens and the of nature), represented by the Soviet construction of a society of modest ruling class, saw nature as an unlimited material needs (Zabelin, 1994). In ‘resource field’ based on the criteria of autumn 1988, the leaders and patriarchs current-day economic utility (Weiner, of the Druzhina movement founded 1988: 229-30). By the late 1920s, the Socio-Ecological Union (SoEU), the utilitarianism in its utter form one of the Greens’ biggest umbrella decisively triumphed in the USSR. organizations5. Simultaneously, the After the World War II, utilitarianism Baikal movement was officially under the motto of ‘mastering the established at the meeting of the Irkutsk nature’ became the official ideology division of Academy of Science of the of industrialization and of the ‘Great USSR in October 1988. constructions of Communism’. ddThe alternativists were the most ddThe struggle against the project ideologically oriented group in and construction of the Pulp and the movement. Its young leaders Paper Mill near Lake Baikal may recruited from various social strata be seen as the beginning of the mass were professional ideologists of environmental movement in the ecoanarchism who combined socio- USSR. In the same time (the end of political activities with a constant 1960s), the Student Nature Protection ideological reflection. The alternativists Movement (the so called Druzhina were adversaries of the state as a political movement) emerged4. Universities and institution in principle. In their opinion, scientific institutions played the role an ecological turn’ could be carried of the movement’s generating milieu. out only via an alternative project Initially, this movement took shape for the whole of public arrangement, under the patronage of academics and namely decentralization of power and OLEG YANITSKY The Struggle in Defense of Baikal | 37 economic activity, self-provision, and social protection, of emotional comfort self-organization. As to Baikal, the and mutual support among individual alternativists were the smallest group in initiatives. The Baikal movement situ. emerged as a constellation of various ddThe traditionalists represented a civic groups. humanistically oriented group of the ddThe ecopoliticians were the most Russian intelligentsia, with its eternal heterogeneous group of the movement. ideals of good, tolerance, nonviolence, This group included movement and desire ‘to understand and to help’. patriarchs who, though not formal The traditionalists had been rooted in members, had a great influence on the the past in the sense that they highly movement’s politics; theoreticians, appreciated the culture of the 19th who imparted the already well- century with its ideals of serving and developed ideological doctrines to enlightening the people. The core of different groups of the movement; the group was composed of educators, professional ecopoliticians; leaders writers, journalists, and scholars. The of numerous Russian green parties; majority of traditionalists adhered to former politicians (people’s deputies of pastoralist values and was in explicit 1980-90s); and practicing politicians, opposition to Soviet industrialism. who originated from the milieu of The value basis of individuals in this civil initiatives and combined the group varied widely, but despite their role of professional politician with spiritual heterogeneity, traditionalists membership in an ecoNGO. The were united by their reflection-prone group was united by the idea that nature and their critical stand toward environmental protection should be at the Soviet regime. In the case under the top of the national agenda. Initially, consideration, traditionalists were a the Baikal movement took shape as a mighty group headed by the prominent grass-root informal political force. Russian writer Valentin Rasputin. He Later on, some of its founders changed stated that the Baikal case gave birth to to Big Politics, while the rest remained post-war public opinion in the USSR up to now what U. Beck (1994: 22) has (Rasputin, 1990: 309). labeled ‘sub-politicians’. ddCivic initiatives shared four types ddThe ideology of ecopatriots was of values. The first one was the characterized by left radicalism, the responsibility for the condition of the idea of forceful ecologization of living environment (’If not us, then society and explicit sympathy for who?’). The second one was attitude a state socialism. They were actual towards self-organization of their utilitarians. At the same time, some creative activity. The third set of values of them regretted that forceful Soviet comprised the need for self-realization modernization annihilated the unique and for fellowship with like-minded cultural and natural landscape of the people. The fourth set consisted of core Russia (the Russian North, the values related to the maintenance of a Volga river and lake Baikal regions). safe and clean immediate environment I regard the leaders of the Baikal for humans. Taken together, these movement as true patriots without any values helped to provide a sense of overtones of right or left radicalism. 38 | IRSR Volume 1, Issue 3, October 2011 ddThe ecotechnocrats was the us consider the shifts in alignment of smallest group in the movement. forces and their values at each of the They believed that the solution for following stages. all environmental problems lied in ddAt the first stage (late 1960s – mid- the adoption of ecologically sound 1980s) there were two major forces: technologies. Strictly speaking, they the government and the scientific didn’t promote technocratic ideology community. The government and in the common sense of the term. I its ministries for paper-industry, called them technocrats because naive forestry and defense spoke in favor technocratic view was intrinsic to of the P&PM construction. Their them – that is, they unconditionally irreconcilable opponents were natural believed in society’s adoption of the scientists from the Siberian division technological innovations created by of Academy of Sciences of the USSR them. In a manner, ecotechnocrats were and prominent writers and journalists. the followers of Russian craftsmen. Tough debates were carried out in The detailed description of the history central and local newspapers. Naturally, of environmental debates in Russia, the political opportunity structure was actors involved and their values see in unfavorable to the Baikal defenders. O. Yanitsky (2009). There were many They represented a network of small engineers among the participants of the groups without any mass support. Baikal movement but no technocrats as State agencies had a utilitarian stand such. For the detailed history of Baikal and never worried about the nature movement see in: S. Shaphaev (2011) when pursuing their own interests. S. Goldfarb (1996) and B. Lapin Scientists and writers played the role (1987). of critics only. While the state agencies ddAs to relationships between the were able to mobilize all necessary above groups, they being network- resources, and first of all the mighty organized acted mostly as a united propaganda machine, the scientists front. But the loose horizontal form of and writers could only appeal to the this network structure allowed to these top authorities and sent them letters of groups to restructure promptly the protest. The outcome of this stage had configuration of a particular frontline. been easy to predict: the P&PM has Some activists were the members of been constructed and put in operation. several groups. ddAt the second stage, that is, during the phase of democratic upsurge (1988-91), the situation changed The Shift in Dispositions of Forces dramatically. Firstly, the political and their Values opportunity structure became much more sensitive to bottom-up appeals To begin with, it is necessary to indicate and demands. For a short period of that Russian scientific and technical time, nature protection was put on intelligentsia has always been at the the top of the state political agenda. forefront of environmental debates In a way, environmentalists may be from the emergence of the Baikal issue described as the actors and promoters in late 1960s up to the 2010s. Then, let of sub-politics (Beck, 1994) shaped OLEG YANITSKY The Struggle in Defense of Baikal | 39 during the pre-reform phase (at those in factories was a very important step’; times they were called ‘informals’, ‘participation in our movement was a stressing their position beyond the channel to reach the political sphere’; established social order). ‘creating an information network was ddSecondly, new actors appeared on the our main goal’; ’we were needed in a public arena. Two civic organizations long-term plan for initializing a chain of were established: the Baikal Fund local actions’ (Quotes from interviews and the Baikal Wave environmental with activists in Angarsk, 1990). It movement. Thirdly, the constituency of was not a dialogue but pressure from the movement began to take shape and below. All in all, it was the phase of widen. But this constituency was not shaping the structure of the movement unified: its majority was bothered about burdened with twists and oscillations the state of environment as such, while and even mutual accusations. a minority strongly backed the activity ddAt the third stage, that is, with the of these two civic organizations. collapse of the USSR (1991), the Fourthly, and this was the most situation changed sharply again. The important, many sister environmental political structure of the USSR was organizations and groups both from destroyed, and that of the Russian the West and East took part in the Federation was yet to be built. The defense of Baikal. Therefore, from the nomenklatura retreated temporarily, early 1990s and onwards, the conflict while civic groups under the acquired an international character. All democratic and green banners came to civic actors, domestic and international, the forefront. Like in East European insisted on the P&PM operation being countries, this ‘in-between’ situation stopped. From 1991 onwards, the was rather favorable to the emergence of Fund and the Wave began to receive civil organizations which mushroomed financial, organizational and technical all over the country. There were assistance. Despite all these efforts, the several attempts to establish the Green P&PM continued operation. parties, mainly regional ones, but both ddOne of the reasons for this failure lay people and professionals preferred of local environmentalists was their to engage in environmental and other splitting into those who were the actual social movements which seemed to nature defenders and those who used them more efficient nature protection their membership in the above two tools. Again, financial support and civic organizations as a social lift for technical help of foreign governments making a political career. Within the and civic organizations, first of all ‘Baikal Wave’, left and right wings from the US, played a key role in the emerged and an endless dispute on the maintaining of the emerging network preferable strategy and action repertoire of grassroots and SMO organizations. began, etc. According to local activists, The result was their incursion into the ‘initially, our movement was reactive, public arena rather than a dialogue sometimes even illegal’; ‘we’ve proper. gathered all information we needed ddAs to values and goals of the Baikal by means of informal contacts’; ‘the movement, they presented a mix of establishment of ‘environmental cells’ conservationist, alternativist, eco- 40 | IRSR Volume 1, Issue 3, October 2011 anarchist, traditionalist, eco-political goods acquired a market value. So, the and eco-technocratic attitudes. The history of struggle against the P&PM group of conservationists was the most was to be continued. rationally organized and internationally ddThe fourth stage (1998) was oriented. The local conservationists marked by the Russian financial crisis were the first to establish regular (default). Despite the onslaught of contacts with sister international and utilitarians (i.e. business), by that time, national environmental organizations the civil forces aimed at saving Lake (WWF, Greenpeace, ‘Earth First’ and Baikal attained a privileged position, some others). since the financial and other aid from ddAt that time, resources for western donors continued to come in. establishing SMOs and for their A phone survey conducted during the actions were not a problem. On the one Russian financial crisis showed that the hand, a lot of people showed interest majority of Russian environmentalists in environmental issues, and they ‘want to and would continue to do were prepared to participate in mass what they did before’ (Yanitsky, 2000). protest campaigns aimed at stopping Western ecoNGOs together with their the P&PM. On the other hand, western Russian counterparts developed a new donors implementing their program and very efficient form of joint activity unofficially titled ‘Sowing the seeds called a ‘model project’. It was a of democracy’ supported many new kind of algorithm of running forestry, grassroots environmental protection agriculture or any other business in initiatives, with the exception of any an economically efficient way while political groups acting against the newly doing minimum harm to nature and emerging political regime. Western local culture. Model projects could be donors were afraid that their actions used for education and propaganda of might produce chaos in a country which environmental knowledge as well. In had nuclear weapons. That is why the relation to the P&PM it meant that it western donors, recognizing the eco- could be reconstructed or replaced anarchists as the most theoretically by other, say tourist industry, with and politically sophisticated wing of much less harm to nature. This would the movement, always neglected (and be very important for the Baikal therefore never sponsored) their radical lake basin because such a project action repertoire. But at the same time, would embrace a vast socially and the emerging market economy and its culturally mastered territory suffering actors became strong adversaries of form overexploitation of its natural Russian environmentalists. Though the landscapes. But this and other model Baikal P&PM, this apple of discord, lost projects were adjusted to the package its military significance as producer of of Russian environmental laws and special cord for military purposes, the set of institutions which were created developing foodstuff market demanded during late 1990s and early 2000s more and more paper and cardboard by the Federal parliament of Russia for packaging. Generally speaking, (Duma). Russian ‘wild capitalism’ was nature including woods, water, fresh incompatible with nature protection, air, landscape and any other public though it lost a lot of power during OLEG YANITSKY The Struggle in Defense of Baikal | 41 the above financial crisis. One should the by-standers. But that was just the keep in mind that a new counter- ‘regular’ disposition of forces. At some ecological force emerged in 1990s. I critical moments (ecological expertise mean the alliance of P&PM’s owners of the project, decision-making) many and managers, local authorities and other social forces were mobilized. residents of company town Baykalsk. The years 2001-06 saw numerous As a result, the P&PM, which had been local, regional and international protest poisoning Lake Baikal for more than campaigns. For example, in 2005 the 30 years already, continued operation. website of the regional information ddIn the fifth stage (2001—2008) center BАBR.RU-Siberia was created, the conflict between the state and the on which 100000 signatures were environmental movement grew even collected by March 18 against the pipe- more fierce. The struggle against the line construction; by April 12, another tracing of a transnational oil pipe- 10000 signatures were collected and line near Baikal shore lasted for five passed over to the Federal parliament years and was successful. Under the (Khalyi, 2007: 31-33). pressure of national and international ddThe leading force in the struggle organizations this pipe-line was moved against tracing the pipe-line near Baikal away from the lake. This case, involving shore was Greenpeace-Russia. Public some new participants, deserves our hearings and expertise were carried out attention because it marked the third in Irkutsk, Khabarovsk, Barnaul and wave of mobilization of parties. At this other cities of Southern Siberia and stage the political opportunity structure Far East. The Baikal Movement was became even more unfavorable established. It positioned itself as an to environmentalists, because the informal coalition of NGOs, political transnational pipe-line project was part parties, professional organizations of the state’s mainstream policy aimed and ordinary citizens. Allied with the at making Russia a mighty energy Baikal Wave and enjoying the support world power (derzhava). Nevertheless, of some members of the regional regional authorities and some political parliament as well as independent parties opposed the project. experts, the coalition became a mighty ddThe main adversaries were the social force. Gradually it became federal government and big business, clear that this pipe-line conflict was a on the one hand, and scientists, conflict between the state bureaucracy population of the Baikal region, eco- and civil society. After six years of NGOs and some left-wing political struggle, prime-minister Vladimir parties, on the other hand. Unlike the Putin ordered to move the pipe away ruling party, United Russia, asserted from the Baikal shore. the interests of governing bureaucracy ddSome important developments and big business, left-wing parties should be mentioned. First, NGOs (communists, socialists) and local proved to be able to frame the issue trade unions expressed the interests of and device a mobilizing frame local population and came out in favor (Gerhards and Rucht, 1992), formulate of nature protection. The media played goals, develop an action repertoire, the informant role only, i.e. they were and mobilize local residents. Secondly, 42 | IRSR Volume 1, Issue 3, October 2011 in both cases leaders of the movement skilled staff and with the company (or coalition) used conventional town in decay. As one of the activists (protest actions, letters of protest, fax noted ‘The P&PM managers use its campaigns, meetings) as well as new workers as hostages’ (from interview, social knowhow (websites, networks 2008). M. Rikchvanova, the co-leader uniting scientists, journalists and lay of the above coalition, stressed that people). Thirdly, the pipe-line traced the salvation of Baikal became even across territories populated by endemic more topical given the increasing ethnic groups provoked a wave of world-wide shortage of fresh water mass protest by their organizations (Rikchvanova, 2010). In 2008, after backed by those described above as many delays, the P&PM was finally ‘traditionalists’. Finally, the actual closed, but in February 2010 it was put traditionalists protested against the into operation again with the promise pipe-line construction because it to close it once and for all after a year or would destroy a large part of natural two7. Irrespectively to the overall POS, ecosystems and cultural landscape this decision produced a change in around Lake Baikal and would make the alignment of forces. The state, big harm to endemic populations. business, regional administration and a ddThe focus of the six phase (2008-10) part of company-town dwellers spoke was again on the problem of halting in favor of this re-opening. Scientists, the P&PM work. During three past eco-activists, labor unions and some decades, Mikhail Gorbachev, then part of population of the region were Boris Yeltsin and finally Vladimir against it. One more remarkable thing Putin repeatedly promised to resolve is that some left-wing parties and this urgent problem. But, since the labor unions supported the stand of the undemocratic structure of the state Coalition. remained the same, no program ddAs at the previous stage, this general envisaging a shutdown of the plant and alignment of forces remained the same re-settling the inhabitants of Baykalsk throughout the stage under discussion, has ever been developed. One of the but some minor changes took place in major results of this long-lasting conflict the process. The detailed disposition is was the establishment in 2008 the Save presented in the Table 1. Baikal! coalition which became one ddWhat is peculiar to this stage of of the strongest eco-NGOs in Eastern the long-lasting conflict? It acquired Siberia6. Baikal Fund extinguished a clear-cut glocal character; it reflects soon, but Baikal Wave together the split in the Russian society at large, with the above-mentioned coalition into utilitarians/consumerists and gradually transformed into a mighty environmentalists in a wide sense of civic power capable of influencing the the word; while the environmentalists environmental policy in the region. But offered dialogue, the opposite part the economic context changed as well. rejected it; the coalition together with Forty years ago, the paper-mill was a local activists then proposed to design unique cell of the military-industrial an alternative program for Baykalsk’s complex of the USSR. By now, it future, but their opponents rejected became an obsolescent plant with ill- this kind of cooperation as well8. OLEG YANITSKY The Struggle in Defense of Baikal | 43

As forty years ago, the state wishes without participation of civil society to shape the environmental policy organizations.

Table 1. Pro and contra actors in relation to the closure the P&PM in 2010

For continuation of P&PM work For cloisure of P&PM work The government of the Russian Federation UNESCO Ministry of trade and economy Deputies of Buryatia Republic parliament Federal Agency for Property Management (ma- Some oppositional parties joritarian shareholders from March 2010) Trade unions of Irkutsk Top management of the Continental Manage- Public chamber of the Russian Federation ment, the corporation to which P&PM belongs Majority of scientific community (Siberian divi- Retired workers of the P&PM sion of Russian Academy of Science) Municipal authorities of Baykalsk Environmental NGOs: regional (Baikal Move- Regional administration ment, Baikal Wave) and transnational (WWF, Militia and other security forces Greenpeace, Pacific Environment and others) Politically engaged scientists Small business of the region Politically engaged eco-bureaucrats Concerned people of the region (including writers, painters, poets) Some public figures from the EU Some top managers of the EU and transnational business Western media (Euro-news)

Source: author’s data. ddThere are some hidden ‘pro’ and would never get at any new place of ‘contra’ arguments. Firstly, selling a residence. closed (i.e. dead) plant is impossible, ddThe changes in pro-ecological forces selling a working one is much easier. in 1987–2008 are presented in Table 2. Secondly, it is clear that the issue is not Although the above mentioned groups only about the facilities but also about differ in values, structure and modus the very expensive land under and operandi, they are all more or less fit around the P&PM. Thirdly, Russian to the frames of this Table. Only the workers are physically and mentally not alternativists were the exception: they mobile, especially when no legal and had never got financial aid from the organizational basis for re-settlement West and always had rejected to be is provided. Finally, the inhabitants of institutionalized within the frames of Baykalsk have regular extra-income existing social order. from hunting, fishery, etc., which they Table 2. The changes in pro-ecological forces related to Baikal issue (1987 - 2008)

Characteristics of Perestroika Collapse of the Default 1998 Crisis of 2008-? mobilization (1987—91) USSR (1991) Political Gradually Most sensitive to Less sensitive, Not yet sensitive opportunity widening the demands of more hostile structure civic organizations Main actors of Scientists, Scientists, NGO Save Baikal and mobilization scholars, students, scholars, students professionals ad hoc political local people initiatives 44 | IRSR Volume 1, Issue 3, October 2011

Constituency Scientists, scholars, All layers of civil Practically absent NGO professionals, writers society and some academics, officials journalists, lay people Key values Self-organization To assist to keep the Self-preservation Nature protection; and self- democratic course defense of basic identification human rights Aims of the Preventing huge To keep the turn to Maintaining Stop the P&PM, movement construction environmentally resource supply alternative project of project (i.e. P&PM) oriented policy in from the West region development the region Kinds of Protesting, creation Participation in No mobilization Mass protest mobilization of Baikal Fund and new democratic at all campaigns, Baikal Wave move- institutions (city alternative projects ment Soviets, advisory development councils, etc) Resources People, their People, western Western Financial aid knowledge and financial aid and financial aid and from abroad; local experience of technologies technologies human & scientific reality resources Outcome Widening the Institutionalization The environmental Building constituency of continued; the movement de- transnational environmental environmental institutionalization, coalition of eco- movementand its movementgradually more resource activists and lay partial transformed into set dependence on the people institutionalization of NGOs West

Source: author’s data. Changing Frames, Slogans and But its overtone became in some cases Action Repertoire more radical, in some more peaceable (‘reformist’) depending on the overall In the run of 45 years, frames have political opportunity structure for changed many times. Though, the Baikal movement and on the arguably, the master frame – ‘Baikal disposition of its allies and adversaries. must be saved’ – has not changed at all, In the 2000s, when it became clear its sense has changed. In Soviet times, that the new regime was stable and, at it was about the saving of a unique the same time, as hostile towards the natural object and its surroundings. environmental movement at large as This is readily comprehensible given the Soviet regime had been, the sense that in those times the movement was of the abovementioned master frame headed by naturalists. In perestroika shrank to ‘The paper mill should be times, this frame acquired a plainly closed immediately!’. This ‘shrinking’ political sense, namely ‘Baikal must could be explained by the fact that be released from the iron cage of the the movement had been politically destructive social system’. Neither the marginalized. Recently, after the collapse of the USSR in 1991 nor the P&PM was ‘conclusively’ closed in financial crisis in 1998 changed this 2008 but put into operation again in political meaning of the master frame. February 2010, the situation became OLEG YANITSKY The Struggle in Defense of Baikal | 45 dual: the movement’s leaders insist alternative programs and projects for on a final closure, whereas local trade environmental enlightenment of lay union leaders speak in favor of a ‘wait people and training of activists. It has and see’ tactic. been quite natural since early 1990s ddAs to mobilizing frames (here I for the Baikal defenders to collaborate equalize them with slogans), initially closely with their sister organizations they were constructed by natural in Russia and across the world. As scientists and addressed to the leaders M. Rikhvanova pointed out, ‘the pro- of the Communist party only. Then, in ecological activity of people who the perestroika times the motto ‘Go for live around the lake is growing. They Baikal!’ created by populist leaders of organized themselves around the local various origin prevailed. Later on, as newspaper ‘Mestnaya’; they consider the movement continued to develop establishing an Association of All and to diversify, the mobilizing frames People Living around Baikal (from followed these processes. These interview, 2011). ranged from ‘technical’ (‘Unite to stop the projects that destroy Baikal!’) to more political ones (‘Hands off Baikal Conclusion and Discussion defenders!’). This shift of mobilizing frames was reflected by the change of The Baikal case is a long-lasting slogans (mottos): from ‘Save Baikal, and irreconcilable conflict reflecting save Baykalsk’ to ‘P&PM is a disgrace a clash of two opposing ideologies for Russia!’ and ‘There is an alternative and value orientations: utilitarianism to Putin, but not to Baikal!’. Besides, and environmentalism. This conflict the slogans reflect the variety of actors bears evidence that Russia is still involved in the struggle. Scientists and on the edge between two cultures: writers call for saving nature at large, industrialism in its utmost consumerist while local people, who are primarily form and environmentalism aimed at concerned about their own living reconciliation of man and nature in standards, say: ‘Shutting down the foreseeable future. This case could P&PM means fresh bottled Baikal water be considered a conflict between for millions’ or ‘Tourism – yes, P&PM risk-producers exploiting natural – no!’. Every election campaign results resources and risk-consumers, i.e. in slogans growing more political (see: those forcefully exposed to harm and Zayavlenie, 2010 and other sources). A risk (Yanitsky, 2000). slogan secured from the works of two ddIn political terms, it is a conflict Russian prominent writers, Alexander between the ruling elite and the elite Solzhenitsyn and Valentin Rasputin, of emerging civil society. The Baikal reads: ‘Saving nature means saving the case is only a mirror showing that this Russian people’. conflict is deeply rooted in Soviet as ddAs to tactics and action repertoire, well as post-Soviet ‘market economy’ they were the same as in the West: and consumerist culture. In terms direct actions such as letters of of culture, these two cultures differ protest, mass rallies and protest greatly. The ruling elite’s culture is campaigns combined with litigations, actually a consumerist one, because all 46 | IRSR Volume 1, Issue 3, October 2011 institutions of modern Russia are based ddThree more remarkable shifts should on the resource paradigm as a common be mentioned. First, the struggle basis providing for the very existence launched by academics by and large of Russian society, while the civic embraced other strata and groups in elite’s culture is based on the common the region as well as beyond its limits. good paradigm, which includes nature Secondly, beginning from nature protection and envisages restoration protection this struggle more and more of regional ecosystem’s sustainability shifted towards struggle for human after the final closure of this P&PM rights and liberties, first of all the right and many other harmful plants. to have a say and to be heard. The ‘hot ddAs the conflict developed, it summer’ of the year 2010 (fires, floods, was step by step acquiring an tornados) enhanced this shift and gave international character, first by way it a clearly political character. Thirdly, of Soviet scientists’ participation in the in spite of consumerism propaganda in UNESCO’s ‘Biological program’ and the media, many young people joined then in the ‘Man and the Biosphere’ this politically oriented movement. program, which has a special sub- ddDid the two financial crises (1998 program for biosphere reserves, and 2008) affect the Baikal issue then by way of Soviet scientists and similarly? As to the movement as sociologists’ participation in the UN such, these crises have barely affected environmental program (UNEP), and it. The typical answer to my question finally in the form of direct online has always been: ’We are doing today and offline international contacts and what we’ve been doing before’. In of building research networks and the view of environmentalists (as of cooperation involving Russian civil 2008/10) the reason for reopening activists along with their partners the P&PM was mainly economical: abroad. selling a ‘dead’ mill would have been ddIt should be stressed that during practically impossible (Chabanenko, the phases under review, the state 2009; Taevskyi, 2010). bodies practiced only one form of ddThe struggle for Baikal has changed communication, and that was instructive over time because everything has or top-down, which actually meant ‘not changed: actors and their resources, permitted’-messages only, while civil the political opportunity structure, organizations, local and international, and local, national and global carried out numerous projects in the contexts. First, the Baikal movement fields of education, organization work, turned from a local into a national network building, resource mapping, and international one and from a monitoring the state of the P&PM territorially embedded to a network- and the wastewater pollution of Lake like organized one. Accordingly, local Baikal, etc. While the conflict is not yet sources of its resources were replaced resolved, it engendered many forms of by international ones. Secondly, during pro-ecological activity and dialogue the 45 years of struggle the movement’s between the diversity of actors, not political opportunity structure changed only in the Baikal region itself but also at least twice: from rigid and exclusive far beyond it. to friendly and then to adversarial and OLEG YANITSKY The Struggle in Defense of Baikal | 47 even hostile again. At the same time, One short-term goal was to teach after the Baikal lake acquired the world Russian environmentalists to work in heritage status, the Baikal movement accordance with western standards and its SMOs gained more international (meaning the tactics and action protection and support. Thirdly, the repertoire), whereas the principal mode of social mobilization changed long-term goal was ‘sowing the over time in several directions: from seeds of democracy’ by rendering letters of protest to mass campaigns financial and technical aid to Russian and then to ‘environmental diplomacy’; environmentalists. As to the effect from mobilization of lay people to of this aid, I prefer to speak not in mobilization of independent experts terms of ‘strength and weakness’ but including expert-citizens; from one-to- in terms of transformations, namely one mobilization to network one, etc. context-sensitive transformations. But in my view, the most significant Conflict has always been the driving shifts were these: from nature force of any transformation. This was protection towards the struggle for the case when, for instance, an oil human rights and liberties, and from pipe-line was traced near the lake. political resistance to the development Such conflicts mobilized money, of alternative plans and projects for people and other types of resources, resolving the problem of the P&PM restructured the given disposition and company town of Baykalsk. of forces, etc. The forms of this aid ddWhat are the key changes to the gradually changed as well. Initially, POS from the Soviet to the post- it included financial aid and technical Soviet political system? This rather assistance. Later on, international complicated question is under tough environmental organizations such as dispute till now. But I am convinced – the WWF and Greenpeace became and the fundamental works of the US deeply involved in resolving Russian historian of Soviet environmentalism problems. Most importantly, the D. Weiner (1999) confirm my view – international organizations themselves that pro-ecological activity had existed were learning, that is, they began to under all political regimes including proceed in accordance with the Russian totalitarian. As far as the Baikal issue political and cultural context. is concerned, I would like to mention ddI’d like to stress the importance of three substantial shifts: 1) from monitoring the state of affairs at the ideologically to economically-based paper-mill and around it which has POS; 2) from ‘closed’ to ‘open’, that been implemented by expert-citizens, is, global, POS; and 3) the shift from a because official sources usually gave uniform and rigid POS to an oscillating incorrect information, insisting that POS conditioned by the struggle the mill’s closure would result in between federal and regional/local unemployment for many residents of elites and growing civic society. the company town. The actual picture ddDid Western funding strengthen or was different: some of them already weaken the Baikal movement? This left the town, others found another financial aid has pursued a variety jobs, still others fully agreed with the of short-term and long-term goals. plan of changing from their hard and 48 | IRSR Volume 1, Issue 3, October 2011 risky work to jobs in tourism industry in global information and resource as was suggested by the alternative plan exchange. The very character of their developed by the environmentalists. network’s structure is a distinguishing Above all, in 2009 the Coalition offered feature of high modernity. But there are to the state administration a set of several impediments to transforming alternative projects for rehabilitation of this network informal community into the Baikal region including Baykalsk a political force capable to promote after the mill’s closure. The Coalition environmental reforms. First, there offered to discuss these projects is the growing pressure on the part publicly and to adopt the mutually of the state and big business aimed acceptable one. at achieving total control over all ddDespite all above-mentioned resources. Second, there is a vast negative results of the conflict, social milieu that is characterized by we should underline its strong a counter-modernization mentality. positive effect. The key word here Finally, there is a recurrent threat is mobilization. Mobilization assis- of bureaucratization of these fragile ted greatly in consolidation and cells of high modernity. The only way maintenance of environmentally out is their further integration into a concerned people, both professionals global environmental community. At and ordinary citizens. The elder the same time, we are in an urgent generation of scientists educated by need of a new model for Russia’s pre-1917 academics – mostly ecologists ecological modernization in a tightly but sometimes pastoralists as well – interdependent and unstable world. did two important things: they formed This conflict has played a double role: the core of regional environmental as a mobilizing force, on the one hand, community and transmitted their and as a producer of democratic forms knowledge and know-how to their of environmental activity of citizens, younger fellows. Environmental ethics on the other. Today, the Baikal issue shaped in the early twentieth century has acquired a new dimension due to in Russia has been passed over to new the growing deficit of fresh water in the generations of activists. Despite many world, and therefore, the international difficulties, mobilization for the saving community’s growing interest in the Baikal lake has played the key role protecting this unique reservoir. And, in the strengthening and expanding of last but not least, this movement, which this community. has accumulated rich knowledge and ddAnother positive result of this social know-how, became a model for community existence is that it other environmental groups across the represents an island and network of country. high modernity. It unites high-skilled and interdisciplinary professionals with a rational and reflexive mode of Notes thinking. People who are involved in these networks mostly adhere to d1d‘Cities of Europe: The Public’s Role post-material values. They are well in Shaping the Urban Environment’, equipped technically and are engaged the UNESCO’s grant (1987-91); OLEG YANITSKY The Struggle in Defense of Baikal | 49

‘Ecological Movements in Russia’, SoEU was the organization of nation- Russian-French, the EHESS grant wide rallies in February 1989 against (1991–1993); ‘Transnational Non- the northern rivers diversion project, Governmental Environmental Orga- involving about one million lay people nizations: A Comparative Research in in 100 cities of the USSR. The SoEU Russia, Ukraine and Estonia)’, grant was also able to collect more than 100 of the Swiss Scientific Foundation 000 signatures against the construction for Fundamental Research (1997– of the Volga-Chograi Canal, a part 98); ‘The Politics of the Russian of the above project. As a result, the Greens: Responding to Challenges project was finally cancelled. of Risk Society’, grant of J. and C. d6dIn 2010, the For Baikal coalition MacArthur Foundation (1999–2000); counted more than 40 civic ‘Environmental Policy in Russia: organizations among its members. Its Theoretical Foundations and Means of main appeal to the world business and Implementation’, grant of the Russian bank community was to stop all projects Humanitarian Fund (1997-99); with ‘Basel’ (Bazovyi element), the ‘Resources and Prospects of Regional owner of the P&PM and many other Socio-Ecological Modernization’, plants in the region (Ecology and grant of the Russian Humanitarian Fund Human Rights. Electronic bulletin. No (2007); ‘Russian Nature Protection 3551, 16.04. 2010: 5). Networks: Structure, Functions, and d7dThe leaders of Baikal Wave found Human Capital’, grant of the Russian out that the government allowed the Fund for Fundamental Research (2009- paper-mill’s operation without using 11). a closed water circulation system d2dNamely: Tretyi Put’ (The Third (Ecology and Human Rights. Electronic Way), Spaseniye (The Salvation), bulletin. No 3553, 27.04. 2010: 3). Bereginya, Nash Baikal (Our Baikal), d8dIn November 2008, by the initiative Zhelenyi Mir (The Green World) and of M. Rikhvanova the ‘Creating the some others. Baikal’s Future’ project was launched. d3dEcology and Human Rights. Simultaneously, a project competition Electronic Bulletin; BABR.RU; for the restoration of Baikalsk began http://www.forestforum.ru; http.:// by the initiative of the municipal gorodbaikalsk.ru/soobscheniya- administration. The range of topics polzovatelyu/proekt-sozdadim- was wide, reaching from new agro- buduschee-byikal.html;Baikal- technologies and landscape park [email protected]; projects to waste utilization and tourist Expert Siberia http: //www.expert.ru/ industry managers’ training, cf. http: printissues/Siberia/2009/31/news_ //gorodbaikalsk.ru/soobscheniya- bcbk/; http: // www.irk.ru; http://www. polzovatelyu/proekt-sozdadim- irk.ru/news/20090818/denial/ buduschee-byikal.html d4dThe first druzhina was established in Tartu University, Estonia (1969), and then at the biological faculty of the Moscow State University (1970). d5dThe most glorious success of the 50 | IRSR Volume 1, Issue 3, October 2011

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