The Emergence of Iran's Revolutionary Guards' Regime
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The Iranian Regime and the New Political Challenge
Foreign Policy Research Institute E-Notes A Catalyst for Ideas Distributed via Email and Posted at www.fpri.org June 2011 ~MIDDLE EAST MEDIA MONITOR~ AN ENEMY FROM WITHIN: THE IRANIAN REGIME AND THE NEW POLITICAL CHALLENGE By Raz Zimmt Middle East Media Monitor is an FPRI E-Note series, designed to review once a month a current topic from the perspective of the foreign language press in such countries as Egypt, Iran, Iraq, Israel, and Turkey. These articles will focus on providing FPRI’s readership with an inside view on how some of the most important countries in the Middle East are covering issues of importance to the American foreign policy community. Raz Zimmt is a Ph.D. candidate in the Graduate School of Historical Studies and a research fellow at the Center for Iranian Studies at Tel Aviv University. He is the editor of the weekly “Spotlight on Iran,” published by the Meir Amit Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center, www.terrorism-info.org.il/site/home/default.asp . On May 11, 2011 hardliner cleric, Ayatollah Mohammad-Taqi Mesbah-Yazdi, held a meeting with members of the conservative Islamic Coalition Party. Mesbah-Yazdi warned his audience against the strengthening of deviant religious thought in Iranian society. He claimed that it jeopardizes the concept of “the Guardianship of the Islamic jurist” ( Velayat-e Faqih ), upon which the Iranian regime has been based since the Islamic Revolution (1979). “If this current continues and one day we will see another Seyyed Ali Mohammad Bab 1...we should not be surprised.” 2 A few days later, Ayatollah Seyyed Mohammad Sa’idi, the Friday prayer leader in Qom, warned the “deviant currents” to stop their conspiracies or the people will annihilate them, as they did to [Abolhassan] Banisadr, 3 “the hypocrites” [a reference to Iranian opposition organization, the Mojahedin-e Khalq ] and “the leaders of the sedition” [a reference to the reformist opposition]. -
Iran): Morphotectonics and Paleoseismological Investigations
Tectonophysics 497 (2011) 1–14 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Tectonophysics journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/tecto Left-lateral active deformation along the Mosha–North Tehran fault system (Iran): Morphotectonics and paleoseismological investigations Shahryar Solaymani Azad a,b,⁎, Jean-François Ritz a, Mohammad Reza Abbassi c a Université Montpellier 2, Laboratoire Géosciences Montpellier, UMR CNRS 5243, France b Seismotectonic Group, Geological Survey of Iran (GSI), Azadi Sq., Meraj Ave., 13185-1494, Tehran, Iran c International Institute of Earthquake Engineering and Seismology (IIEES), North Dibaji, West Arghavan, # 21, Tehran, Iran article info abstract Article history: The Mosha and North Tehran faults correspond to the nearest seismic sources for the northern part of the Received 3 October 2009 Tehran megacity. The present-day structural relationships and the kinematics of these two faults, especially at Received in revised form 14 August 2010 their junction in Lavasanat region, is still a matter of debate. In this paper, we present the results of a Accepted 12 September 2010 morphotectonic analysis (aerial photos and field investigations) within the central part of the Mosha and Available online 27 September 2010 eastern part of the North Tehran faults between the Mosha valley and Tehran City. Our investigations show that, generally, the traces of activity do not follow the older traces corresponding to previous long-term dip– Keywords: slip thrusting movements. The recent faulting mainly occurs on new traces trending E–W to ENE–WSW Iran Central Alborz affecting Quaternary features (streams, ridges, risers, and young glacial markers) and cutting straight through Mosha fault the topography. Often defining en-echelon patterns (right- and left-stepping), these new traces correspond to North Tehran fault steep faults with either north- or south-dipping directions, along which clear evidences for left-lateral strike– Active fault slip motion are found. -
Iranian Strategy in Syria
*SBOJBO4USBUFHZJO4ZSJB #:8JMM'VMUPO KPTFQIIPMMJEBZ 4BN8ZFS BKPJOUSFQPSUCZ"&*ŦT$SJUJDBM5ISFBUT1SPKFDUJ/45*565&'035)&456%:0'8"3 .BZ All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. ©2013 by Institute for the Study of War and AEI’s Critical Threats Project Cover Image: Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Syrian President Bashar Al-Assad, and Hezbollah’s Sheikh Hassan Nasrallah appear together on a poster in Damascus, Syria. Credit: Inter Press Service News Agency Iranian strategy in syria Will Fulton, Joseph Holliday, & Sam wyer May 2013 A joint Report by AEI’s critical threats project & Institute for the Study of War ABOUT US About the Authors Will Fulton is an Analyst and the IRGC Project Team Lead at the Critical Threats Project at the American Enterprise Institute. Joseph Holliday is a Fellow at the Institute for the Study of War. Sam Wyer served as an Iraq Analyst at ISW from September 2012 until February 2013. The authors would like to thank Kim and Fred Kagan, Jessica Lewis, and Aaron Reese for their useful insights throughout the writing and editorial process, and Maggie Rackl for her expert work on formatting and producing this report. We would also like to thank our technology partners Praescient Analytics and Palantir Technologies for providing us with the means and support to do much of the research and analysis used in our work. About the Institute for the Study of War The Institute for the Study of War (ISW) is a non-partisan, non-profit, public policy research organization. ISW advances an informed understanding of military affairs through reliable research, trusted analysis, and innovative education. -
COUNCIL REGULATION (EU) No 267/2012 of 23 March 2012 Concerning Restrictive Measures Against Iran and Repealing Regulation (EU) No 961/2010 (OJ L 88, 24.3.2012, P
02012R0267 — EN — 09.07.2019 — 026.002 — 1 This text is meant purely as a documentation tool and has no legal effect. The Union's institutions do not assume any liability for its contents. The authentic versions of the relevant acts, including their preambles, are those published in the Official Journal of the European Union and available in EUR-Lex. Those official texts are directly accessible through the links embedded in this document ►B COUNCIL REGULATION (EU) No 267/2012 of 23 March 2012 concerning restrictive measures against Iran and repealing Regulation (EU) No 961/2010 (OJ L 88, 24.3.2012, p. 1) Amended by: Official Journal No page date ►M1 Council Implementing Regulation (EU) No 350/2012 of 23 April 2012 L 110 17 24.4.2012 ►M2 Council Regulation (EU) No 708/2012 of 2 August 2012 L 208 1 3.8.2012 ►M3 Council Implementing Regulation (EU) No 709/2012 of 2 August 2012 L 208 2 3.8.2012 ►M4 Council Implementing Regulation (EU) No 945/2012 of 15 October L 282 16 16.10.2012 2012 ►M5 Council Implementing Regulation (EU) No 1016/2012 of 6 November L 307 5 7.11.2012 2012 ►M6 Council Regulation (EU) No 1067/2012 of 14 November 2012 L 318 1 15.11.2012 ►M7 Council Regulation (EU) No 1263/2012 of 21 December 2012 L 356 34 22.12.2012 ►M8 Council Implementing Regulation (EU) No 1264/2012 of 21 December L 356 55 22.12.2012 2012 ►M9 Council Implementing Regulation (EU) No 522/2013 of 6 June 2013 L 156 3 8.6.2013 ►M10 Council Regulation (EU) No 517/2013 of 13 May 2013 L 158 1 10.6.2013 ►M11 Council Regulation (EU) No 971/2013 of 10 October 2013 -
Biden, Congress Should Defend Terrorism Sanctions Imposed on Iran
Research memo Biden, Congress Should Defend Terrorism Sanctions Imposed on Iran By Richard Goldberg, Saeed Ghasseminejad, Behnam Ben Taleblu, Matthew Zweig, and Mark Dubowitz January 25, 2021 During a Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing to consider Antony Blinken’s nomination for secretary of state, Blinken was asked whether he believed it is in America’s national security interest to lift terrorism sanctions currently imposed on Iran, including sanctions targeting Iran’s central bank, national oil company, financial sector, and energy sector. “I do not,” Blinken responded. “And I think there is nothing, as I see it, inconsistent with making sure that we are doing everything possible – including the toughest possible sanctions, to deal with Iranian support for terrorism.”1 Bipartisan support for terrorism sanctions targeting Iran goes back to 1984, when the United States first designated the Islamic Republic as a State Sponsor of Terrorism. Since then, every U.S. president2 – Republican or Democrat – and Congress have taken steps to reaffirm U.S. policy opposing Iran’s sponsorship of terrorism and tying sanctions relief to Iran’s cessation of terror-related activities. President Joe Biden has pledged to rejoin the 2015 Iran nuclear deal, formally known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), if Iran returns to “strict compliance” with the agreement.3 Terrorism sanctions on Iran, however, should not be lifted, even if the Biden administration opts to return to the deal, unless and until Iran verifiably halts its sponsorship of terrorism. This memorandum provides an overview of Iran’s past and ongoing involvement in terrorism-related activities, a review of longstanding bipartisan congressional support for terrorism sanctions on Iran, and a list of terrorism sanctions currently imposed on Iran that should not be lifted. -
The Sources of Iranian Negotiating Behavior
STR The Sources of Iranian Negotiating Behavior Harold Rhode TEGIC STRAPERSPECTIVES E XECUTIVE SUMMARY This analysis identifies patterns exhibited by the Iranian government and the Iranian people since ancient times. Most importantly, it identifies critical elements of Iranian culture that have been systematically ignored by policymakers for decades. It is a precise understanding of these cultural cues that should guide policy objectives toward the Iranian government. Iranians expect a ruler to demonstrate resolve and strength, and do whatever it takes to remain in power. The Western concept of demanding that a leader subscribe to a moral and ethical code does not resonate with Iranians. Telling Iranians that their ruler is cruel will not convince the public that they need a new leader. To the contrary, this will reinforce the idea that their ruler is strong. It is only when Iranians become convinced that either their rulers lack the resolve to do what is necessary to remain in power or that a stronger power will protect them against their current tyrannical rulers, that they will speak out and try to overthrow leaders. Compromise (as we in the West understand this concept) is seen as a sign of submission and weakness. For Iranians, it actually brings shame on those (and on the families of those) who concede. By contrast, one who forces others to compromise increases his honor and stature, and is likely to continue forcing others to submit in the future. Iranians do not consider weakness a reason to engage an adversary in compromise, but rather as an opportunity to destroy them. -
MORALITY in IRAN 1 in Press, Evolution and Human Behavior
MORALITY IN IRAN 1 In press, Evolution and Human Behavior https://doi.org/10.1016/j.evolhumbehav.2020.07.014 Foundations of Morality in Iran Mohammad Atari1, Jesse Graham2, Morteza Dehghani1,3 1Department of Psychology, University of Southern California 2Department of Management, David Eccles School of Business, University of Utah 3Department of Computer Science, University of Southern California Author Note Correspondence regarding this article should be addressed to Mohammad Atari, [email protected], 362 S. McClintock Ave, Los Angeles, CA 90089-161 MORALITY IN IRAN 2 Abstract Most moral psychology research has been conducted in Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic (WEIRD) societies. As such, moral judgment, as a psychological phenomenon, might be known to researchers only by its WEIRD manifestations. Here, we start with evaluating Moral Foundations Theory (MFT) using the Moral Foundations Questionnaire, and follow up by building a bottom-up model of moral values, in Iran, a non-WEIRD, Muslim-majority, understudied cultural setting. In six studies (N = 1,945) we examine the structural validity of the Persian translation of the Moral Foundations Questionnaire, compare moral foundations between Iran and the US, conduct qualitative interviews regarding moral values, expand the nomological network of “Qeirat” as a culture-specific set of moral values, and investigate the pragmatic validity of “Qeirat” in Iranian culture. Our findings suggest an additional moral foundation in Iran, above and beyond the five foundations identified by MFT. Specifically, qualitative studies highlighted the role of “Qeirat” values in Iranian culture, which are comprised of guarding and protectiveness of female kin, romantic partners, broader family, and country. -
Introduction 1 the Nuclear Program of the Shah (1957–79)
Notes Introduction 1. MWt and MWe are common units of measure for the output of a nuclear reactor. MWt stands for megawatts of thermal output, while MWe means megawatts of electrical output. In a nuclear power plant, the fission chain reaction generates heat (thermal output), which creates steam to drive a turbine to generate electricity (electrical output). 1 The Nuclear Program of the Shah (1957–79) 1. Newton, David E., Nuclear Power, New York: Facts on File, 2006, p. 26. 2. Krige, John, “Atoms for Peace, Scientific Internationalism, and Scientific Intelligence,” Osiris, Vol. 21, no. 1, 2006, pp. 161–181. 3. Participating in the International Conference on the Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy held in Geneva on August 8–20, 1955, were more than 1,400 delegates from 73 different countries. Abraham, Itty, The Making of the Indian Atomic Bomb: Science, Secrecy and the Postcolonial State, London: Zed Books, 1998, p. 9. 4. Krige, “Atoms for Peace,” p. 29. 5. “Atoms for Peace Agreement with Iran,” The Department of State Bulletin, Washington, DC, Vol. 36, no. 927, 1957, p. 629, <http://www.archive.org/details/ departmentofstat3657unit>. 6. Most of the bilateral agreements proposed by the United States under the “Atoms for Peace” program included unclassified information on the design, construction, and commissioning of research reactors, in addition to the supply of a few kilo- grams of nuclear fuel and a starting allowance of about $350,000. 7. Sanjian, Ara, “The Formulation of the Baghdad Pact,” Middle Eastern Studies, Vol. 33, no. 2, 1997, pp. 226–266. 8. McKay, H. A. -
Deterring Iran After the Nuclear Deal
MARCH 2017 COVER PHOTO NIEL HESTER | FLICKR 1616 Rhode Island Avenue NW Washington, DC 20036 202 887 0200 | www.csis.org Lanham • Boulder • New York • London 4501 Forbes Boulevard Lanham, MD 20706 301 459 3366 | www.rowman.com Deterring Iran After the Nuclear Deal PROJECT DIRECTORS AND EDITORS Kathleen H. Hicks Melissa G. Dalton CONTRIBUTING AUTHORS Melissa G. Dalton Thomas Karako Jon B. Alterman J. Matthew McInnis Michael Connell Hijab Shah Michael Eisenstadt Michael Sulmeyer ISBN 978-1-4422-7993-3 Farideh Farhi Ian Williams Kathleen H. Hicks 1616 Rhode Island Avenue NW Washington,Ë|xHSLEOCy279933z DC 20036v*:+:!:+:! 202-887-0200 | www.csis.org Blank MARCH 2017 Deterring Iran after the Nuclear Deal PROJ ECT DIRECTORS AND EDITORS Kathleen H. Hicks Melissa G. Dalton CONTRIBUTING AUTHORS Melissa G. Dalton Thomas Karako Jon B. Alterman J. Matthew McInnis Michael Connell Hijab Shah Michael Eisenstadt Michael Sulmeyer Farideh Farhi Ian Williams Kathleen H. Hicks Lanham • Boulder • New York • London 594-68742_ch00_6P.indd 1 3/13/17 7:13 AM About CSIS For over 50 years, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has worked to develop solutions to the world’s greatest policy challenges. T oday, CSIS scholars are providing strategic insights and bipartisan policy solutions to help decisionmakers chart a course toward a better world. CSIS is a nonprofit organ ization headquartered in Washington, D.C. The Center’s 220 full- time staff and large network of affiliated scholars conduct research and analy sis and develop policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Founded at the height of the Cold War by David M. -
Turkey by HAROLD RHODE Chapter 2
Ally No More Ally No More Erdoğan’s New Turkish Caliphate and the Rising Jihadist Threat to the West Center for Security Policy Press This book may be reproduced, distributed and transmitted for personal and non-commercial use. Contact the Center for Security Policy for bulk order information. For more information about this book, visit SECUREFREEDOM.ORG Ally No More: Erdoğan’s New Turkish Caliphate and the Rising Jihadist Threat to the West is published in the United States by the Center for Security Policy Press, a division of the Center for Security Policy. ISBN-13: ISBN978-1717071675-10: 1717071678 The Center for Security Policy Washington, D.C. Phone: 202-835-9077 Email: [email protected] For more information, visit SecureFreedom.org Book design by Bravura Books Contents Foreword ................................................................................................... 1 Chapter 1 .................................................................................................... 5 How to Understand Erdoğan & His Neo-Ottoman Strategy to Destroy Ataturk’s Turkey BY HAROLD RHODE Chapter 2 .................................................................................................. 23 Turkey’s Partnership with the U.S. Muslim Brotherhood BY CENTER FOR SECURITY POLICY STAFF Chapter 3 .................................................................................................. 51 Gülen and Erdoğan: Partners on a Brotherhood Mission BY CLARE M. LOPEZ Chapter 4 ................................................................................................. -
Resumes-RS-04 AB
Awards and Achievements • Winner of the Farabi International Festival (on Humanities And Islamic Studies), Third prize in education and psychology division (2012) • Outstanding Researcher at Tarbiat Modarres University (2012) • Winner of National Outstanding Thesis/Doctoral Dissertation Advisor Award by Academic Center for Education, Culture and Research (ACEVR) /Iran (2010) • Translator of the Worthy of Appreciation book on 8th National Quarterly Best Book award and 7th Annual Islamic Republic of Iran Best Book Award for the: Forms of Curriculum Inquiry (2009) • Outstanding Faculty Award at the Humanities Department of Tarbiat Modarres University (2009) • Outstanding Faculty Award, Ministry of Science, Research and Technology/Iran (2008) • Outstanding Faculty Award at Tarbiat Modarres University/Iran (2004) • Outstanding dissertation advisor award, 5th National Ferdowsi Festival, Ferdowsi University, Mashhad, Iran (2002) Publications I. Books 1. Mehrmohammadi, M.; Kian, M. (2018). Art Curriculum and Teaching in Education. Tehran: SAMT Publishing House. 2. Mehrmohammadi, M. et al. (2014). Curriculum: Theories, Approaches and Perspectives (3rd Edicion). Tehran: SAMT Publishing House. 3. Joseph, P. B. (2014). Cultures of Curriculum. Translated into Farsi by Mahmoud Mehrmohammadi. Tehran: SAMT Publishing House. 4. Mehrmohammadi, M. et al. (2013). An introduction to Teaching in higher education; Towards Faculties as pedagogic researchers. Tehran: Tarbiat Modarres University Publishing. 5. Mehrmohammadi, M. (2013). Speculative Essays in Education. Tehran: Tarbiat Modarres University Publishing House. 6. Mehrmohammadi, M. (2008). Rethinking Teaching – Learning Process and Teacher Education, with Revisions. Tehran: Madrese Publishing House. 7. Mehrmohammadi, M. (Chief Editor) et al. (2008) Forms of Curriculum Inquiry (New Edition). Tehran: Translated into Farsi. SAMT Publishing House. 8. Mehrmohammadi, M. (2004). Arts Education as General Education. -
To:$M.R$Ahmad$Shahid$ Special$Rapporteur$On$The
To:$M.r$Ahmad$Shahid$ Special$Rapporteur$on$the$human$rights$situation$in$Iran$ $ Dear%Sir,% % such%as%equal%rights%to%education%for%everyone,%preventing%the%dismissal%and%forced%retirements%of% dissident%university%professors,%right%of%research%without%limitations%in%universities%and%to%sum%up% expansion%of%academic%liberties.%Student%activists%have%also%been%pursuing%basic%rights%of%the%people% such%as%freedom%of%speech,%press,%and%rallies,%free%formation%and%function%of%parties,%syndicates,%civil% associations%and%also%regard%of%democratic%principles%in%the%political%structure%for%many%years.% % But%unfortunately%the%regime%has%rarely%been%friendly%towards%students.%They%have%always%tried%to%force% from%education,%banishments%to%universities%in%remote%cities,%arrests,%prosecutions%and%heavy%sentences% of%lashing,%prison%and%even%incarceration%in%banishment,%all%for%peaceful%and%lawful%pursuit%of%the% previously%mentioned%demands.%Demands%which%according%to%the%human%rights%charter%are%considered% the%most%basic%rights%of%every%human%being%and%Islamic%Republic%of%Iran%as%a%subscriber%is%bound%to% uphold.% % The%government%also%attempts%to%shut%down%any%student%associations%which%are%active%in%peaceful%and% lawful%criticism,%and%their%members%are%subjected%to%all%sorts%of%pressures%and%restrictions%to%stop%them.% Islamic%Associations%for%example%which%have%over%60%years%of%history%almost%twice%as%of%the%Islamic% republic%regimeE%and%in%recent%years%have%been%the%only%official%criticizing%student%associations%in% universities,%despite%their%massive%number%of%student%members,%have%been%shut%down%by%the%