GATHICA
When, all the Saints and Sages who discuss'd Of the Two Worlds so learnedly, are thrust Like foolish Prophetsforth; their Words to Scorn Are scatter'd, and their Mouths are stopt with Dust.
By GIKYO ITO
XIV-XV(1) Syenian frataraka and Persid fratarak/New Iranian Elements in Ancient Aramaic
In regard to a history of Persis during the period from after the collapse of the Achaemenid Empire down to the end of the 2nd century A. D., it is of much difficulty to know when did take place what are reported to have taken place, for sporadic references by the Classic writers have supplied us with no dates from the earliest period downwards when the rulers there minted coins with their respective legends: 1) BGDT PRTRK; ZY; LHY; 2) WHWBRZ PRBR PRTRK; or WHWBRZ PRS PRTRK; ZY; LH 3) ;RTHSTR PRS PRTRK; ZY; LH 4) WTPRDT PRTRK; ZY; LHY; (Some of the coins contain traces of PRSBR, too). The Persid coinage after them has MLK; only instead of PRTRK ZY; ;LHY;: 5) D; RYW MLK; 6) WTPRDT MLK; 7) D; RYW MLK; BRH WTPRDT (6) MLK; 8) WHWHSTR MLK; BRH D; RYW (7) MLK; 9) ;RTHSTR MLK; BRH D; RYW (7) MLK;. The coins, from paleographical as well as in part semasiological point of view, have been divided into three or four series: I includes 1)-4), II 5)-6), III 7)-9) and IV thereafter or III 7)-9) and thereafter. Of the names, 3) and 9) comes from OP. Artaxsassa- or rather from OM. *Artaxsaθra- 'Kingdom of
47 Justice' while 5) and 7) from OP. Darayavahu-, whose -vahu- occurs in 2) Wahu- burz and 8) Wahuxsahr meaning respectively 'High in Goodness' and 'Kingdom of Goodness'. The name 4) and 6) comes from OP. *vatafradata- 'Promoted by (God) Vata or Vayu' while 1) comes from OP. *baga-data. 'Created by God'. In regard to their lineage, the legends tell us only that 7) is the son of 6) and the father of both 8) and 9). The legend of 7) reads 'Darayaw the King, son of Watafradat the King, while 8) 'Wahuxsahr the King, son of Darayaw the King' and 9) 'Artaxsahr the King, son of Darayaw the King'. The title MLK; i. e. 'sah is likely to have come from their acceptance of the supremacy (sararih) of the Arsacid MLKYN MLK; i. e. 'sahan 'sah 'king of kings'. From BRH (ber-eh, lit. 'his son', but in reality -eh 'of his' is otiose), we may take it for granted that the Aramaic words MLK; and BRH are to be read with their respective MP. equivalents 'sah and 'pus-although we have the same BRH instead of BR in the Aramaic documents of the fifth century B. C.(2) -, because the stereotype BRH is peculiar to the Aramaic heterogram for MP, pus 'son' in contrast with BRY (ber-i 'my son') for Parthian puhr 'son'. In contrast with the later coinage bearing the legend MLK;, the earlier four 1)-4) (I series) have PRTRK; ZY ;LHY; (or ;LH), which has recently been subjected to critical treatment by P. Naster(3). Of various readings and inter- pretations of PRTRK;, he has taken up fratakara 'fire-maker', fratadara 'fire- guardian, fire-holder' and frataraka 'governor' so as to attain the conclusion that the former two are too much tinted with religious colour for a designation of the political authority, and has hesitatingly proposed a new interpretation of fratakara, affiliating frata- with πρωτοζ and kara- with OP. kara- 'army; people', i. e. 'premier a l'armee, chef d'armee'. He has further stated that a third read- ing and interpretation frataraka 'superior; governor' is acceptable in the light of PRTRK/PRTTRK; 'superior; governor' in the Elephantine papyri, but at the same time he seems to have gone too far in saying that a sovereign or prince of Persis would have called himself neither one of frataraka, fratadara, fratakara and fratakara, so that it will be always exaggarated and imprudent to employ in the history political, religious, artistic and numismatic of Persis the expressions in any way improper such as: dynasty of the frataraka or of the fratadara, temple of the fratadara, and other analogous. The connection of Armenian hrat 'fire' with Iranian *frata- dates as far back as to F. Justi(4) and has found many defenders in the 'Fratadara'-theory(5).
But 'the old affiliation of *frata- with Arm. hrat《fire》is to be rejected(6)', because
48 ORIENT GATHICA
against the supposed affiliation comes the linguistic data that *pur- 'πυρ, fire, Feuer' has been preserved nowhere in the Indo-Iranian domain(7), If one insist that *frata- itself is the only instance, man may refer to the facts that, on the one hand, the Iranians from the ancient times have expressed 'fire' with
atar- with one exception Dastaγni-having-aγni-'fire' in its second member: Av. atar-; OP. and OM. *atar-, *atarbanu-, *atarbarzana- - *atarvanus-(8); Parth. 'trw, 'trwn, etc.(9); MP. 'twly, 'twl'n, etc.(10); BPahl. 'ths (NP. at as), 'twr (NP. adar), and that, on the other, ;TRPRT (Cowley(11) No. 66, Fragment No. 7, 1.3) would lead to such a nonsense as *Atar-frata- 'Fire-fire'. As for *fratakara 'chef d'armee', proposed hesitatingly by Naster, OIr. *frata- 'primus' is theoreti- cally unacceptable(12) and sachlich 'chef d'armee' is too narrow for a designation of political authority. ;TRPRT(13) above cited may be interpreted as *Atar- frata- 'who loves Fire (-god)'; Φραταφερνηζ(14) (Arrianos: Anabasis III, 8,
4), as *Fratafarnah- 'who loves farnak'; Φραταγουνη(15)(Herod. VII 224), as *Fratagauna- f. 'who loves colour'. *frata- in these forms is to be regarded as another form of frita- (frina-), ppp. of fra(y)- 'love'. For frita- and *frata- to fra(y)-, see mita- and mata-, ppp. of Av. ma(y)- 'measure'. But even if my *frata- may be recognized as such, *Frata-kara- 'who loves the army-people' as a designation of political authority is somewhat inadequate to the despotism expressed by ZY ;LHY; 'of the gods'. ZY ;LHY; here means 'of the gods(16)' as in Cowley No. 13=Grelot No. 36=Porten, p. 14 ff., 1.15: kemar zi ... 'al ahayya 'priest of the gods', and not 'divine' as is generally accepted(17). In the Elephantine papyri, we have PRYRK/PRTRK; agreed in inter- pretation frataraka/frataraka(18) 'governor, prefect (
Vol. XII 1976 49 tain, but it is only natural that the rab hayla together with the frataraka- presided over the court, because the rab hayla was an Aramaic expression of OP. HPTH- PT; attested in Kraeling(23) No. 8=Grelot No. 49=Porten, p. 120 f. (416 B. C.), 11.1-3: On the 6th of Tisri, that is the 22nd of Payni, year 8 of Darayavahus (II) the King- at that time, in Syene the fortress, said 'Uriyah son of Mah- seyah, an Aramaean of Syene, before Vidranga, HPTHPT;, rab hayla of Syene, to Zakkur son of Mesullam, an Aramaean of Syene, before Vid- ranga, HPTHPT;, rab hayla of Syene, saying:... Here Vidranga HPTHPT; rab hayla zi Sewen (11.2-3) means 'Vidranga, Guar- dian of the public peace, Commander of the garrison, of Syene' in which HPT- HPT; is not *haftaxvapata 'Guardian of the Seventh(24) (District)' (lit. 'Guardian of a Seventh Part') but *hapatixupata 'Guardian of the public peace'. As for *hapatixu- <*ha-patyaxu- <*ha-pati-axu- 'public peace', cf. BPahl. ptyhw' (padix, padex, patexu) 'flourishing, prosperous' <*pati-axva-(25). In both papyri cited (420 and 416 B. C.) Vidranga is entitled hapatixupata or rab hayla of Syene whom Papyrus Cowley No. 27=Grelot No. 101=Por- ten, p. 86 ff. calls frataraka-. In 11.2-4 is read: In year 14 of Darayavahus (II) the King (410 B. C.), when our lord (mare-na) Arsama went to the king, this is the evil deed (duskarta) which the priests of the god Ha nub did in Yeb the fortress in concert(26) with Vidranga who was frataraka here (Vidranga zi frataraka tanna hawa): They gave him money and goods. 10-6 years before, Vidranga had been hapatixupata or rab hayla of Syene who appeared now 410 B. C. as frataraka. He seems to have become frataraka in 411 B. C. when the Jewish temple was destructed(27). The statement here seems to be related to that in Cowley No. 30=Grelot No. 102=Porten, p. 90 ff. Cowley No. 27 is probably a copy of a letter addressed to Bagohi (Bagavahya), governor of Judaea asking him to stop the evil deed done against the Jews by the Egyptian priests in league with Vidranga, frataraka of Syene. It was only the governor (paehha) that standing above the frataraka could sway his influential power upon the latter. In Cowley No. 27 frequently occurs mare-na 'our lord', expression denoting the governor (paehha). Cowley No. 30 is a letter dated Nov. 25 (Porten, p. 91; Grelot p. 406: Nov. 26), 407 B. C. appealing to Bagohi, governor of Judaea, informing him about the crime committed by the Egyptian priests in league with Vidranga, frataraka
50 ORIENT GATHICA
of Syene and his son Nafaina(28), rab hayla of the same city. Cowley No. 31= Grelot No. 102=Porten, p. 94 ff. as a revised replica of Cowley No. 30, in refer- ence to what took place (Cowley No. 27) in the 14th year of Darayavahu II when Arsama, governor of Memphis, had departed to the king, is read thus (1.5): They gave money and goods to Vidranga the frataraka who was here (Syene) (Vidrangafrataraka zi tanna hawa) (cf. Cowley No. 27, 1.4 above cited). These documents clearly indicate that the governor (paehha) was the only one hav- ing a directly influential power upon the frataraka who in his turn stood above the hapatixupata or rab hayla. What then is the frataraka? It has indifferently been rendered as governor or prefect as 'superior or foremost'(29) which interpretation however fails to tally with what will be derived from the Persid coinage. As for the morphology, frataraka- is fratara- (comparative degree of the particle fra- 'forward') enlarged with -ka-(30). Chr. Bartholomae: Altiranisches Worterbuch, col. 979 f., has given three shades of meaning of fratara-: (a) in space: situated more in front; (b) in quality or quantity: more forward; (c) in time: more foregoing, previous. When frataraka has been translated as 'governor' as superior, it may be included in (b). But preference should rather be given to (a): frataraka- should be taken as 'vorderer' in its literal acceptance of the term-'vorderer, situated more in front, dispatched forward' from the stand point of the governor in Memphis. The frataraka in the Elephantine papyri is nothing else than forerunner of the governor, locum tenens for the governor, deputy, delegate, representative of the governor. My interpretation is further sustained by the fact that in the papyri occurs sometimes segan with the same meaning in a similar sequence(31) like in the passages where frataraka makes its appearance. Puffed up with his lord's dignity at second hand, frataraka would be able to become high-handed despot as is the case with Vidranga. The higher the backing, the stronger the dignity of the frataraka. Provided the gods at his back, the frataraka would be the world-strongest. It is nothing but the case with frataraka zi 'aelahayya 'the fratarak of the gods' which may be Aramaic representation of MP. fratarak i bagan or rather which must have been read with the MP. equivalent, as will be shown below. For the present writer, treating the Syenian frataraka- in semasiological connection with the Persid fratarak, highly desirable is that the chronological distance between both should be as near as possible. Unfortunately however
Vol. XII 1976 51 tangible date can hardly be supplied to establish the chronology of the Persid rulers. Paradoxically speaking, the numismatic legend itself is the only one that can establish the very chronology. From Polybios: History V 40-54 we know that at the beginning of the reign of Seleucid Antiochos III (reign. 223-187 B. C.) Media, Persis (Pars), Susiana and the province on the shore of the Eryth- raean Gulf formed each a separate satrapy. Polyainos: Strategemata VII 40
has reported that the Macedonian garrison in Persis was massacred by '′Οβορ-
ζοζ who has reasonably been identified with 2) wahuburz of the Persid coi- nage(32). When the massacre by him is understood as one of the anti-Seleucid movements including the revolt by Diodotos in Bactria (ca. 255 B. C.) and that by Arsak (Arsaces) in Parthia (247 B. C.), the event took place most pro- bably about 250 B. C. Whether BGDT (Bagadat) was father of Wahuburz=
'′Οβορζοζ or not, the legend has kept silence, but he can best be regarded as the founder of the Fratarakid dynasty, judging from his name 'Bagadat' and the epithet 'frataraka zi 'aelahayya=fratarak i bagan'. It seems not so unreasonable that his accession to the throne goes back as early as to 300 B. C., half a century
prior to the massacre by '′Οβορζοζ=Wahuburz. Lucianus: Macrobius chapt. XV, quotes from an unknown work by Isidore of Charax, saying: 'Artaxerxes, another king of the Persians, whom Isidore of Charax the author says ruled in the time of his parents, after living ninety-three years, was treacherously murdered through a plot of his brother, Gocihr(33).' The matter is related to the history prior to the rise of the Sasanid empire. Whether the Artaxerxes may be identified with Artaxsahr in the I series or in the III, or with yet another one, cannot be decided. But highly favourable for my argument is that a certain king lived as long as 93 years-my argument to postulate half a century bet- ween the accession to the throne by Bagadat and the massacre of the Macedo-
nian garrison by '′Οβορζοζ=Wahuburz. In order to defend my opinion let us penetrate further the legend. That the Aramaic PRTRK; ZY ;LHY; should be read with Persian equiva- lent 'fratarak 'i 'bagan will be demonstrated below when PRBR will be treated. A sort of uzwarization occurred already in the Achaemenid period as was rightly pointed out by H. H. Schaeder(34), which finds, it seems, no reason to be re- jected(35). ;LHY; 'aelahayya 'the gods' is equal morphologically to the Aramaic heterogram ;RHY; having the initial ;R instead of ;L which ;RHY; however is read as bgy (bay) 'god' (sg.) while ;RHY;n as 'bayan 'gods'. During the I series, no Aramaic words must have been finally stabilized as heterogram like
52 ORIENT GATHICA
in the later series. MLK; (malka 'the king'), for example, one could have read patixsay for which Aramaic heterogram later stabilized is SLYT; (sallita 'the mighty one'). Otherwise, in the Mokan inscriptions *;BY ('ab-i 'my father') and *;MY ('imm-i 'my mother') would have replaced ;BWHY and ; MWHY respectively (see above n. 2). The stabilization can be seen in the legend BRH of the III series, in which, as well as in II, the mere MLK; 'sah rules out PRTRK; ZY ;LHY;, most probably due to the acceptance by the Persid rulers of the Arsacid suzerainty. In Aramaic, the filiation 'A, son of B' is expressed usually 'A, bar B', whereas 'A, ber-eh B' not so often, rather rare(36). Hence BRH=ber-eh 'his son' to be read 'pus 'son' on the coinage is a stereotyped heterogram peculiar to MP. over against BRY=ber-i 'my son' to be read 'puhr 'son' in Parthian. In this connection the coinage of the I series represents an older stage in which for 'pus was employed BR as well. PRBR on the coin of Wahuburz is an abbreviation of PRS BR, not of PRS BYRT; Parsa Bireta(37) to be read Pars(a) Staxr(a) i. e. Persepolis- an abbreviation of PRS BR, because some coins of Watafradat contain traces of it. Abbreviation is also to be found in ;LH for ;LHY;. That all of such spellings have not come from the deficiency of blank left for letters can well be explained by a series of ab- breviations in the Frahang i Pahlawig, chapt. IV(38), because according to G. Messina(39) those in the Frahang may come from the receipts of revenues in the
Achaemenid period(40). Here are two instances: Hy (Hg or H・) for HNTH
(hinta)='gandum 'wheat' and Hs or rather Hyy or H・・for HMR; (hamra)= 'may 'wine' which is discriminated with s or yy or ・・ from the former Hy, Hg
or H・(41). PRS BR should be interpreted as Pars(a) 'pus 'son of the Persian' which is descent from the OP. inscriptional Parsahya pussa. 'I am... the Persian, son of the Persian' (adam ... Parsa Parsahya pussa(42))-this Stam- mesbewusstsein of the king of kings has now remained prevalent to the post- Achaemenid times. For further details, see below pp. 57-58. PRS BR is neither Aramaic nor Old Persian. If it were Aramaic, PRSY BR (Parsay bar) or rather BR (ZY) PRSY (bar [zi] Parsay) would replace it, and if OP. with an Aramaic heterogram BR, PRSHY BR (Parsahya 'pussa) would replace it in the light of BGWHY(43) (Bagavahya-Bagohi). An older usage of Pdrs(a) in the meaning of 'a Persian' (not 'Persis' as is generally the case) can still be pointed out in the inscription of Naresaf at Paikuli: Parthian version 1.3: p'rs'n 'the Persians', 11.3, 5, 40: p'rsn 'ditto' and Persian version 11.4, 6: p'ls'n 'the Per- sians'. That the mere PRS can signify 'a Persian' (like in 2) and 3) of the I
Vol. XII 1976 53 series: 'the Persian') as well as 'of a/the Persian' is possible only when PRS is Middle Persian: PRS BR is nothing but a Middle Persian expression with Ara- maic heterogram BR for pus 'son'. The like construction with foregoing regens like PRS BR is attested in the early Sasanid inscriptions(44). BR here is not stereotyped like BRH later in the III series and thereafter. PRS BR and, accordingly PRTRK; ZY ;LHY; in all likelyhood, are both the earliest Middle Persian with Aramaic heterograms. Now the above stated legends should be read: 1. Bagadat, 'Fratarak 'i 'bagan 2. Wahuburz, Pdr(a) 'pus 'Fratarak <'i 'bagan> or Wahuburz, Pars(a) 'Fratarak 'i 'bag
54 ORIENT GATHICA
this kingdom. ... /11.15-18: Unto Ahuramazda this was the desire: he chose me as (kingly) man in all the earth; he made me king in all the earth. /11.18-22: I worshipped Ahuramazda. Ahuramazda bore me aid. What was by me commanded to do, that he completed for me. What I did, all by the will of Ahuramazda I did. Artaxsassa II Hamadan e 11.1-2 ... 5-7: A great god is Ahura- mazda, the greatest of gods .... who made Artaxsassa king, one king of many, one commander of many. /11.15-19: Proclaimeth Artaxsassa the King: By the will of Ahuramazda I am king in this earth great, far-and-wide; Ahuramazda bestowed the kingdom upon me. Artaxsassa III Persepolis a 11.1 ... 5-8: A great god is Ahuramaz- da ... who made me Artaxsassa king, one king of many, one comman- der of many. From these passages, the reasoning seems far from irrelevant that the Achaemenid kings were regarded as, if not claiming themselves to be, descent from the gods -all the more so, because the kings were called Incarnation (of the god(s)), as is shown by the inscriptions on the so-called ritual objects from Persepolis ending in formulaic way with the words ;SKR SNT x (numerals) which may be inter- preted as askara senat x(46) 'The Incarnate's year x' i. e. 'year x of the God Incarnate, now reigning King'. To inscribe the name of the ruling king in the contemporary documents was likely avoided as awful, rather lese-majeste. And as claiming descent of such Achaemenid family and priding themselves on upholding the traditions of the great dynasty, in all likelihood from the nomen- clature, the Persid rulers now under consideration called themselves, with good reasen, 'fratarak of the gods' ('fratarak 'i 'bagan). But the fratarak as such is of secular significance, not of religious, sacred one, although on the coins are represented structures resembling the fire-temple or fire-altar. The fratarak of the gods is not prophet, apostle, nor sacred mes- senger which are expressed by MP. whswl (waxswar), pgt'mbl(47) (paygambar), plystky(48) (inscrip.)/plystk' (BPahl.)/frystg (Manich.) (frestag, frestag), 'stk'(49) (astag), q'rwc (Manich. karoz
Vol. XII 1976 55 political dignity. fratarak has not been preserved in the Middle Iranian texts now extant but it must have had a wide prevalence, because we have Armenian hratarak(52) 'announcer; publisher' probably borrowed from Parthian *fratarak. To cite a later MP. equivalent to fratarak, hawand may come near to it. In
Denkard VII 4, §77(53), an instructive passage is read: 'u-s guft 'pad 'an i wiran gowisnih ataxs i Ohrmazd 'ku 'ma tars 'ce-t 'ne 'abar tarsisn burzawand Kay-Wistasp 'ne-t 'o man tarist mad 'hend astag i abargar paygambar Arjasp 'u-t 'ne 'o man tarist mad 'hend 2 +hawand(54) Arjasp 'ke sak
56 ORIENT GATHICA
(Cowley Nos. 30, 31) and 405 B. C., no document supplies us with frataraka. Even if Cowley No. 30 (407 B. C.) were the last actual reference to frataraka- although Kraeling Nos. 10 and 12 (both. 402 B. C., see n. 31)) have supplied us with segan-, there is about a century intervening between 407 B. C. and 300 B. C. to which according to the present writer may date back the beginning of the Fratarakid era. About a century time space will not be too long for OP. frataraka- to transmit its implication intact to MP. fratarak on the Persid coinage. And moreover we are sufficiently grounded to infer that in the Achaemenid time, frataraka-, if resorting to OP., in all likelihood stood above Persepolis, because many Aramaic texts inscribed on cultic objects from Persepolis have a stereotype formula B-SRK (-PRKN or -HST) BYRT; LYD ...(57) SGN; i. e. be- Saraka (-Frakana or -Hasti) Bireta le-yad ...(57) signa 'In Saraka (Frakana or Hasti) the Fortress under the jurisdiction of ...(57) the segan' -segan, sometimes substituting frataraka- in the Elephantine papyri as I have pointed out above. Against all predecessors(58), Persepolis is here figuratively expressed as 1) Saraka (Saruka) Bireta i. e. Saraka Staxra 'Princeps Fortress'; 2) Frakana Bireta 'Base Fortress'; or, 3) Hasti Bireta 'Homestead Fortress'. For *saraka-, cf. Av, sara- m. 'head'; *frakana->MP. plk'n'=frakan/fragan 'base, foundation'; *hasti- i. e. had- 'sit'+ti-, cf. OInd. satti- f. 'sitting (down)', nisatti- f. 'sitting,
resting(59)'. What seems to lend support to my argumentation, is that Miθrapa- ta as segan ruled both Frakdna Bireta and Saraka Bireta in one and the same year (Bowman Nos. 9 & 10 dated 13th year(60) [of Xsayarsan I]=473/72 B. C.) while Arayavahus as segan both Saraka Bireta and Frakana Bireta in 11th year(60) (of Artaxsassa I) i. e. 454/53 B. C. (Bowman Nos. 41 & 42)-without resort to counterview that one and the same year saw segan's transference, or that one segan could rule at once two fortresses. After citing Darayavahu Persepolis d 11. 6-18(61) and Naqs-e Rostam a 11. 38-47(62), Wolfgang Knauth(63) says: Der Konig der Konige, der so zu seinem Volke und zu semen Volkern, zu seinen Nachfolgern und zu allen, die in Zukunft diese Worte lesen sollen, redet: er ist durchdrungen vom Stammesbewusstsein,das der Vorlaufer des spateren National- gefuhls ist; durchdrungen vom Sendungsglaubendessen, der sein Volk zum welt- beherrschenden-im damaligen Sinne-machen will. Dies altpersische Stam- mesbewusstsein beruht auf dem Gefuhle der Zusammengehorigkeit und der ras- sischen Reinheit. Es ist ein Herrenvolk,das der Konig fuhrt, und es beansprucht folglich eine Sonderstellung.Es glaubt, wie alle Herrenvolker, zur Fuhrung der anderen Nationen berufen zu sein. Parsa="der Perser" nennt sick der oberste
Vol. XII 1976 57 Machthaber, nicht anders als der einfachste Krieger seines Stammes. Von den Persern, sagt der Grieche Herodot, hing im Konglomerat des Vielvolkerstaates alles ab. Ihr Kriegsbrauch war der Angriff. In der Persis, dem heutigen Fars, lagen die Wurzeln der biologischen Kraft des Riesenreichs; dort war und blieb das Kernland. Wie der Stammesherzog der Herr, so war das Kernvolk das herrschende; ihm gegenuber verharrten die anderen, die "Lander", dahyava, im zweitrangigen Stande. Auch zwischen Persern und Medern wird noch lange Zeit ein gewisser Gegensatz bestanden haben. Das Uberlegenheitsgefuhl des staatstragenden Stammes wird ein historisch echter Ton sein, wie er aus der Einigungsansprache des Reichsgrunders Kyros in rhetorisch wirksamer Stilisier- ung bei Herodot (I 126 f.) herausklingt.' Parsa is Princeps (saraka-) of all dahyu's (provinces), Base or Heartland (frakana-) of the empire and Homestead (hasti-) of the Persians (rather than of the king or of the dynasty). Parsa Bireta ' Fortress Parsa' can be called with good reason Saraka Bireta 'Fortress Princeps', Frakana Bireta 'Fortress Base' or Hasti Bireta 'Fortress Homestead' as well. In Middle Persian, Persepolis is known under the name of Staxr 'fortress, polis', or even if provided with attributive, Staxr Babagan (Pabagan) after the name of Babag (Pabag), father of Sasanid king Ardaxsir I, although Sasanid Staxr is located north of the ancient Persepolis. To explain this circumstance without a hitch, more enticing is the reasoning that in the Achaemenid period Persepolis may have been prevalent under the name Bird or Staxra alone to which, if the occasion arose, they could prefix, as apposition, Saraka (Saruka), Frakana or less often Hasti, each representing the characteristics of Parsa (Persis). And if my interpretation of Saraka Saruka as such is correct, could not SLWK, confirmed by W. B. Henning in the inscription in Aramaic scripts on the right panel to the entrance of Darayavahu I's tomb at Nags-e Rostam, be related rather to Saruka Bireta or Persepolis than to Seleucus as Henning proposed to be(64)? Be the matter as it may, Persepolis as such was administrated by segan. frataraka was, it seems, by no means a term produced pro temporeto substitute segan at Syene alone. (A summary of this paper was read to the 18th Con- gress of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan held on October 31, 1976, at Osaka University)
58 ORIENT GATHICA
Notes
(1) To Gathica XV I should like to assign note 46) containing what may be treated on 'New Iranian Elements in Ancient Aramaic'. For Gathica XI, see Acta Asiatica, No. 26, Tokyo, 1974, pp. 53-64; for XII and XIII, see Orient, Vol. 10, Tokyo, 1974, pp. 1-9 and Vol. 11, 1975, pp. 35-44 respectively. (2) Driver, G. R.: Aramaic Documents of the Fifth Century B. C. Abridged and revised edition, Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1957, p. 22 (Letter II, 1.2); Grelot, P.: DocumentsArameens d'Egypte, Paris: Les Editions du CERF, 1972 (=Grelot), No. 62: PS] MSK BRH ZY ;HHPY which Driver, p. 23, has translated 'Psamsek the son of 'Ah-hapi' while Grelot, p. 300, ' Psammesek fils de 'Ahohapi'. Despite the opinion Altheim's that -H of BRH represents the final -a determinative, i. e. BRH is bera 'the son' (see Altheim, Fr, und Stiehl, R.: SupplementumAramaicum. Aramaisches aus Iran, Baden-Baden: Bruno Grimm, 1957, p. 72, c. n. 31 a), the -H is rather -eh 'of his' (see Rosenthal, Fr.: A Grammar of Biblical Aramaic, Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 19742, p. 25), which is however almost otiose, because from such Imperial Aramaic genitive expression, Asokan Aramaic inscriptions seem to have borrowed their ;BWHY ('abuhi, lit. 'his father') and ;MWHY ('immuhi, lit. 'his mother') which can be interpreted as 'father' and 'mother' respectively; see Humbach, H.: "Ara- maeo-Iranian and Pahlavi", Acta Iranica, Vol. II, 1974 (=Humbach: Aramaeo-Iranian), pp. 238-239. At any rate it is out of question that the -H is almost otiose, and that BRH is peculiar to MP. in contrast with BRY in Parthian. (3) Naster, P.: "Note d'epigraphie monetaire de Perside: fratakara frataraka ou fratadara?", Iranica Antiqua, Vol. VIII, Leiden, 1968 (appeared 1970), pp. 74-80. See also Henning, W. B.: " Mitteliranisch", Handbuch der Orientalistik, I, IV, 1, Leiden-Koln: E. J. Brill, 1958 (=Henning: Mitteliranisch), p. 25; ditto: "Ein persischer Titel im Altaramaischen", In Memoriam Paul Kahle (Beiheft zur Zeitschrift fur die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 103), Berlin, 1968, pp. 138-145 (=Henning: Titel); Frye, R. N.: The Heritage of Persia, London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1962 (=Frye: Heritage), pp. 204-205, with the notes 91, 92 (p. 282); ditto: "The Institutions", Beitrage zur Achamenidengeschichte, herausg. von Gerold Walser, Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag GMBH, 1972, pp. 90-91; Harnack, D.: "Par- thische Titel", GeschichteMittelasiens im Altertum by Fr. Altheim und R. Stiehl, Berlin: Walter de Gruyter & Co., 1970 (=Harnack), pp. 504-505; Hinz, W.: Altiranisches Sprachgut der Nebenuberlieferungen, Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1975 (=Hinz: Sprachgut), pp. 98-99, s. v. *frataraka-. (4) Justi, F.: "Miscellen zur iranischen Namenkunde", Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandi- schen Gesellschaft,49 (1895), p. 684; ditto: "Geschichte Irans von den altesten Zeiten bis zum Ausgang der Sasaniden", Grundriss der Iranischen Philologie, II, b. 3. Abschnitt II, Strassburg 1896-1904 (19742), p. 487; ditto: Iranisches Namenbuch, Marburg: N. G. Elwert'sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1895 (Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlagsbuchhandlung, 19632 & 19762), p. 105 a. Citing Armenian hrat 'fire' Justi read fratakara 'Feuer machend'. (5) For Fratadara-: Marquart, J.: Untersuchungenzur Geschichtevon Eran, Zweites Heft, Leipzig: Dieterich'sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1905, p. 121 (ap. frata "Feuer", arm, hrat [Justi, Iran. Namenbuch 105 a]+dara); Herzfeld, E.: Paikuli. Forschungen zum iranischen Kunst, herausg. von Friedrich Sarre, III, Berlin, 1924 (=Herzfeld: Paikuli), pp. 68-69; ditto: "Die Mihran, Aspadpati und andere Hauser", Archaeologische Mitteilungen aus Iran, Berlin: Dietrich Reimer/Ernst Vohsen (=AMI), Bd. IV, Heft 2, 1932, pp. 68-69; ditto: "Khu- sraus II Krone: Al-Tadj al-kabir. Die Klonen der sasanidischen Konige", AMI, Bd. IX, Heft 2, 1938, p. 108; ditto: Archaeological History of Iran, London: The British Academy, 1935, p. 47; Nyberg, H. S.: Die Religionen des alten Iran. Deutsch von H. H. Schaeder,
Vol. XII 1976 59 Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs Verlag, 1938 (Osnabruck: Otto Zeller, 19662), p. 406; Erdmann, Kurt: Das iranische Feuerheiligtum, 11. Sendschrift der Deutschen-Orient-Gesellschaft, Leipzig, 1941 (19692), pp. 29-30; Wikander, S.: Feuerpriesterin Kleinasien undIran, Lund: C.W. K. Gleerup, 1946, pp. 15-17; Schmidt, E.: Persepolis I, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1953, p. 56; Von der Osten, H. H.: Die Welt der Perser, Stuttgart: Gustav Kilpper Verlag, 1956, p. 105; Ghirshman, R.: Iran. Parthians and Sassanians, translated by Stuart Gilbert and James Emmons, London: Thames and Hudson, 1962, p. 122; Widengren, G.: Die Religionen Irans, Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer Verlag, 1965, pp. 175-176, 192-193; Altheim, Fr. und Stiehl, R.: Geschichteder Hunnen, Erster Band, Berlin: Walter de Gruyter & Co., 1959 (=Altheim u. Stiehl: Hunnen I), p. 378; dittos: Die aramaische Sprache unter den Achaimeniden,Frankfurt am Main: Vittorio Klostermann, Lieferung I, 1963 (=Altheim u. Stiehl: Die aram. Sprache), p. 18; Ito, G.: "Henceforth Ardastana!", Orient, Vol. 6, 1970, p. 22, c. n. 59; Schippman, K.: Die iranischen Feuerheiligtumer,Berlin-New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1971, pp. 177-185, 158-159, 486, 496; Duchesne-Guillemin, J.: "La Religion", Beitrage zur Achamenidengeschichte (cited above), 1972, p. 75. (6) Benveniste, E.: Titles et noms propres en iranien ancien, Paris: Librairie C. Klincksieck, 1966 (=Benveniste: Titles), p. 122, n. 3. (7) Meillet, A.: "Les noms du ,feu' et de l',eau' et la question du genre", Memoires de la Societe de Linguistique de Paris, tome 21 (1920), p. 250, followed by Harnack, pp. 504-505. (8) Hinz: Sprachgut, s. v. *atrbanu-, *atrbrzana- -*atrvanus- (pp. 48-49), except *atrfrata- which I should like to read *atarfrata- 'who loves Fire(-god)', see below p. 49. (9) Gignoux, Ph.: Glossaire des Inscriptions Pehlevies et Parthes, London: Lund Humphries, 1972, p. 47, col. 2. (10) Gignoux: op. cit., p. 17, col. 2. (11) Cowley, A. E.: Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century B. C., Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1923 (19672) (=Cowley). (12) Practically all scholars have inconvincingly recognized OIr. *frata- 'primus'; only M. Mayrhofer seems to make it doubtful when he has treated the names Φραταψερνηζ, Φραταγουνηas problematic in the meaning. See Mayrhofer, M.: Onomastics Persepolitana. Das altiranische Namengut der Persepolis-Tafelchen, Wien: Verlag der Osterreichischen Aka- demie der Wissenschaften, 1973, p. 217 (8.1324). (13) Hinz: Sprachgut, s. v. *atrfrata- 'durch [den] Feuer [gott] prima'. (14) Hinz: Sprachgut, s. v. *fratafarnah- 'Prima-Gluck'; but PRTPRN in Cowley No. 7= Grelot No. 9, 1.3 and Cowley No. 5=Grelot No. 32, 1.17, must now be superseded. Porten, Bezalel: Jews of Elephantine and Arameans of Syene. Aramaic Texts with translation, edited and newly translated by-in collaboration with Jonas C. Greenfield, Jerusalem: The Hebrew University, 1974 (=Porten), p. 124 gives・ ・] TPDDRR for Cowley No. 7, 1.3, and p. 4 gives PRTNZN for Cowley No. 5, 1.17. PRTNZN may be interpreted, against Frata-nazana by Porten, *p(a)rtanazana-<*p(a)rtana- 'battle' +*azana- 'moving, instigating' from az- 'agere', hence P(a)rtanazana 'who moves the battle'. For *p(a)rtana-, cf. Av. pesana-, OInd. prtana- f. 'battle' and for *azana-, cf. OInd. ajana- n. 'instigating' and Av. upazana- ( 60 ORIENT GATHICA der Gotter'. (17) Somewhat differently Frye: Heritage, p. 205: prtrk' ZY 'LHY' 'governor (by grace?) of the gods' (rather than 'divine frataraka'), whereas W. B. Henning apud Humbach: Aramaeo-Iran- ian, p. 238: 'the governor who is a lord (prtrk' ZY 'LHY')'. (18) PRTRK;/frataraka is the determinate form of frataraka-. (19) apud Lidzbarski, M.: Ephemerisfur semitischeEpigraphik, Zweiter Band (1903-1907), Giessen: Verlag von Alfred Topelmann, 1908, p. 213 ("Aramaische Texte auf Stein, Ton und Papyrus"), n. 2. (20) Sept. 2, according to Grelot, p. 198, n. a. (21) Jouon, P. Paul: "Notes grammaticales, lexicographiques et philologiques sur les papyrus arameens d'Egypte", Melanges de l'Universite Saint-Joseph Beyroute (Liban), tome XVIII, fasc. 1, Beyroute: Imprimerie Catholique, 1934, p. 48. (22) before Ramnadaina-'Ramnadaina', see Hinz: Sprachgut, s. v. and 'before' or rather 'to', see below n. 46). (23) Kraeling, Emil G.: The Brooklyn Museum Aramaic Papyri. New Documentsof the Fifth Century B. C.from the Jewish Colonyat Elephantine, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1953 (=Krael- ing). Kraeling No. 8 was written 416 B. C. Oct. 22nd according to Kraeling while Sept. / Oct, according to Porten, p. 120. (24) According to Henning: Titel (*haftaxuwapata), followed by Grelot, p. 240, n. a; Porten, p. 121 (cf. also his Archivesfrom Elephantine, Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1968, p. 44, c. n. 61); and Hinz: Sprachgut, s. v. *haftaxvapata. In regard to the so-called Haftanboxt in the Karnamag i Ardaxsir i Babagan, cf. also de Menasce, Jean: "Haftvad ou Haftanbuxt?", Yad-Name-ye Irani-ye Minorski, Tehran, 1969, pp. 139-142. (25) Concerning BPahl, ptyhw', see Nyberg, H. S.: A Manual of Pahlavi II, Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1974 (=Nyberg: Manual II), s. v. patexueh. In my opinion, OInd. sukha- 'fortunate' is a sanskritized form of Ir. *huxa- <*hvaxu- (u< va, and a segan we-dayyan ' Vol. XII 1976 61 24 ff. above cited ('before Ramnadaina frataraka (45) Could not MANAO BAΓO on the coins of Kaniska and Huviska be interpreted as descent from Av. *nmanahe *baga 'God of house' i. e. Hadis? The god according to the Zoroastrian traditions played a role of messenger from Ohrmazd to Masyag and Masyanag; see Denkard VII 1, §§12-13 (=Dresden, M. J.: Denkart. A Pahlavi Text. Facsimile edition of tke manu- script B of the K. R. Cama Oriental Institute Bombay, Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1966 [=DkD.], p. 361, 11.12-22=Madan, D. M.: The Complete Text of the Pahlavi Dinkard, Bombay: The Society for the Promotion of Researches into the Zoroastrian Religion, 1911 [=DkM.], p. 593, 1.11-p. 594, 1.4) and Mole, Malijan: La legende de Zoroastre selon les textes pehlevis, Paris: Librairie C. Klincksieck, 1967, pp. 4-7. In regard to a probable rela- tionship of MANAO with Av. nmana- 'house', see Humbach, H.: Baktrische Sprachdenkmaler, Teil I. Mit Beitragen von Adolf Grohmann, Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1966, pp. 44-45. The supposed identification of MANAO BAΓO with Vohu Manah has been denied by Humbach: op. cit., pp. 138-139; ditto: "Methodologische Variationen zur arischen Religionsgeschichte", Antiquitates Indogermanicae. Gedenkschrift fur Hermann Guntert zur 25. Wiederkehreseines Todestages am 23. April 1973, herausgegeben von Manfred Mayrho- fer, Wolfgang Meid, Bernfried Schlerath und Rudiger Schmitt, Innsbruck 1974, pp. 195- 196. (46) Bowman, passim of which No. 13, for example, may be cited: BPRKN BYRT; LYD MTRPT SGN; ;TWN ;BDW HWN ZY GLL ;BSWN; PYRK ZNH LYD DTMTR 62 ORIENT GATHICA GNZBR; ZY BHRHWTY QDM MHDT ;PGNZBR; ;SKR SNT 18 which has been trans- lated by Bowman 'In the (haoma-)crushing ceremony of the fortress, beside Mithra-pata the segan, Arta(?)-wan has used this mortar of stone (with) the crushing pestle beside Data-Mithra the treasurer who is in Arachosia (and) before Mah(a)-data the sub-treasurer. 'skr of year 18.' But the text should be interpreted thus: bi-Frakana Bireta/le-yad Miθrapata signa Aθavana eabidu havana zi gelal abisavana piruka zena le-yad Datamiθra ganzabara zi be-harxvataya qadam Mahidata upaganzabara. askara senat 18. In Frakana the Fortress under the jurisdiction of Miθrapata the segan, by Aθavana were made (this) mortar of stone zi be-vahu-staka (staka Vol. XII 1976 63 performance (lit, walking) of the good order' may well be appropriate with anam .... bahuvidham dhramacaranam. In regard to the connection of Asokan Aramaic with Pahlavi, see also the penetrating German scholar's paper Aramaeo-Iranian and Pahlavi (quoted in n. 2)), though his opinion seems to need some additional remarks (cf. my paper, p. 53). Back to Bowman No. 13, I should like to see peeil perfect in ;BDW (eabidu 'they were made') and ;BD of frequent occurrence (eabid 'it was made') although both without Y after B, because there is, it seems, some syntactical relation between these forms and the OP. passive expression like ima tya mana k(a)rtam 'dies (ist) was mein Getanes (ist)' i. e. 'this is what was done by me'. ;BSWN; PYRK-Bowman has explained ;BSWN PYRK (p. 81, No. 9) as 'a crushing pestle', taking PYRK as a derivative from Aramaic PRK ' pound, crush, press'. But in favour of his 'crushing', PRK=parek (peeal participle active) would stand instead, like Bowman No. 5: 'In Frakana the Fortress under the jurisdiction of Miθrapata the segan, by [] twhy was made (;BD=eabid) this mortar of stone on-the- occasion-of a large crushing-ceremony(BPRK RB 1=be-parek rab 1) in favour of Mahidata the sub-treasurer. The Incarnate's year 10(+ ?).' PYRK may be interpreted as *piruka- 'of ivory', derivative from OP. piru- 'ivory', like Av. aperenayuka- from aperenayu-. ;BSWN; PYRK=abisavana piruka means 'the pestle of ivory'. Hinz: Sprachgut seems to have escaped *piruka- as such as well as *saxra- (shr) 'bowl, plate, tray'. The difficulty in interpreting shr as Semitic word (see Bowman, p. 91) rather indicates its Iranian origin. When of the three terms representing the ritual objects, havana-, abisavana- and shr, the former two corresponding to Av. fratara- havana- and upara- havana- respectively are Iranian, it is natu- ral that the third and last should belong to the same domain. OP. *saxra- has come from OIr. *spaxra-, derivative from OIr. *spa(n)k- (OInd. svac-/svanc-) 'become open, open (intr.)'. In regard to qadam, Bowman has rendered it as 'before', but it means rather 'to, for' as is often attested in the Aramaic notes attached to the Babylonian cuneiform contracts in the Achaemenid period. To cite an example from Delaporte, Louis: Epigraphes Arameens. Etude des textes arameensgraves ou ecrits sur des tablettes cuneiformes,Paris: Librairie Paul Geuth- ner, 1912, p. 82, 104: S; RN KRN 45 QDM SKWH SNT 2 BDRYHWS MLK; see orin korin 45 qadam Sakuhu senat 2 be-Daraya <*vaispuθri- (Eilers, W.: "Die altiranische Vorform des vaspuhr", A Locust's Leg. Studies in honour of S. H. Taqizadeh, London: Percy Lund, Humphries & Co., 1962, pp. 55-63, and Nyberg: Manual II, s. v. vaspuhr). Hence El. ma-a-qa (PF 2057: 2) may be read *vaga-<*vaiga-, vrddhi form of *vaiga- from vaeg-/vaig- 'throw' rather than *vaiga- (Hinz: Sprachgut, s. v. *vaiga-). Cf also MP. waspuhr 'principal' <*vaspuθri-<*vaispuθri-, vrddhi form of *vispuθra- (see Nyberg: loc. cit.) and MP. wazar/wacar 'market' <*vacara-/ *vacari- <*vaicara-/*vaicari-, vrddhi derivative from *vicara- (see Bailey, H. W.: "Iranian Studies II", Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies, Vol. VII (1933-35), p. 75, n. 1; Herzfeld, E.: Altpersische Inschriften, Berlin: Verlag von Dietrich Reimer, 1938, p. 198). Concerning my interpretation of askara- as 'incarnate (god)', cf. Denkard VII 7, §28 (=DkD., p. 325, 1.17-p. 324, 1.1=DkM., p. 654, 1.18-p. 655, 1.3) where Sasanid king Husraw I Anosag- 64 ORIENT GATHICA ruwan is said askarag Mihr 'incarnate Mithra (lit. manifest Mithra)'. Dealing with the king's campaign against the so-called communist Mazdak and his followers, the text in apocalyptic way like Zand i Wahman Yasn and Ayadgar i Jamaspig, says: Anosag-ruwan ray 'pad wanidan i axw i ahlomoγih 'en-iz 'gowed 'ku harwispin ray o 'to 'gowam Spitaman Zarduxst 'ku-san hangam 'pad 'oy 'ke askarag Mihr xwabar For the translation, see West, E. W.: "Pahlavi Texts", Part I, The Sacred Books of the East, Vol. V, Oxford 1880 [Delhi-Varanasi-Patna, 19652], pp. 228-229 [chapt. III, §§32-36]; Anklesaria: op. cit., pp. 123-124; Widengren, G.: Iranische Geisteswelt von den Anfangen bis zum Islam, Baden-Baden: Holle Verlag G. M. b. H., 1961, p. 204 [chapt. III, §§32-36]). That OP. askara- 'manifest' itself may have implied also the meaning of 'now reigning, present (king)' is improbable, because MP. 'im bay ( Vol. XII 1976 65 (51) Slightly different is Nyberg: Manual II, s. v. bayaspan<*dvaya-aspana-. (52) See above n. 30). (53) DkD, p. 117, right 11.1-7=DkM. p. 640, 11.13-17. (54) DkD. has 'ywwd to be emended to "wwd i. e. h'wnd. (55) Ammianus Marcellinus: Res gestae XXV 7. (56) Here stands king's name. (57) Here stands segan's name. For the formulaic wording, see Bowman, passim, who has pointed out (p. 20, c. n. 8) the misreading of SRK as PRS by Altheim u. Stiehl: Die aram. Sprache, p. 18, followed by Harnack, p. 504. See also above n. 46). (58) For the hitherto proposed interpretations, see Hinz: Sprachgut, s, v. *hasta-, *parikana- and *saraka-/*saruka-. (59) If my interpretation of *hasti- is right, the generally accepted connection of OP. h di i s with had- 'sit' (hadis-) is unacceptable. (60) In regard to ;SKR preceding the date, see above p. 55, c. n. 46). (61) iyam dahyaus Parsa tyam mana Ahuramazda frabara hya naiba xvaspa humartiya....haca anyana nai tarsati .... mana Ahuramazda upastam baratu hada visaibis bagaibis uta imam dahyaum Ahuramazda patu haca hainaya haca dusyara haca drauga. ' This country Parsa which Ahuramazda has bestowed upon me which is good, possessed of good horses, possessed of good men....has no fear of any other. .... May Ahuramazda bear me aid with all the gods; and may Ahuramazda protect this country from a (hostile) army, from a lean year, from the Falsehood.' (62) yadipati manyahai tya ciyakaram aha ava dahyava tya Darayavahus xsayaθya adaraya, patikara didi tyai gaθum baranti. avada xsnasahi adakai azda bavati: Parsahya martiyahya durai arslic paragmata; .... Parsa martiya durai-api haca Parsa parataram patiyajata. ' If now thou shalt think that 'How many are the countries which Darayavahu, the King, has held?', look at the sculptures (of those) who bear the throne. Then shalt thou know, then shall it become known (to thee): the spear of the Persian man has gone forth far; .... The Persian man has fought off (enemy's attack) favourably in the distance, too, from Persia.' (63) Knauth. W. (in Verbindung mit Sejfaddin Nadjmabadi): Das altiranische Furstenideal von Xenophon bis Ferdousi. Nach den antiken und einheimischenQuellen dargestellt (von-), Wies- baden: Franz Steiner Verlag GMBH, 1975, pp. 196-97. (64) Henning: Mitteliranisch, p. 24. 66 ORIENT