The Seleukid Empire Between Orientalism and Hellenocentrism: Writing the History of Iran in the Third and Second Centuries BCE* ∗

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Seleukid Empire Between Orientalism and Hellenocentrism: Writing the History of Iran in the Third and Second Centuries BCE* ∗ Nāme-ye Irān-e Bāstān 11/1-2 (2011-12): 17-35 The Seleukid Empire between Orientalism and Hellenocentrism: Writing the History of Iran in the Third and * Second Centuries BCE ∗ Rolf Strootman University of Utrecht Wedged between the Achaemenid and Parthian periods in Iranian history, there is the so-called Hellenistic Age, in which the lands of Greater Iran were part of the political organization known as the Seleukid Empire. For two centuries the Seleukid Empire (312-64 BCE) was the largest of the three Macedonian empires that had emerged after the death of Alexander the Great. It was created by, and later named after, Seleukos I Nikator (‘the Victorious’) from his satrapy of Babylonia, incorporating and transforming the infrastructure of the preceding Achaemenid Empire. It was an archetypal ∗ * This article is based on a paper given at the Center for Persian Studies at the University of California, Irvine, on May 25, 2011; I am grateful to Professor Touraj Daryaee for kindly inviting me to UC Irvine. A different version of the present argument was presented on May 23 at the Asia Institute of the University of California at Los Angeles, where I stayed as a visiting professor for the Spring Semester of 2011; I would like to thank Claudia Rapp and Nile Green of UCLA for arranging the talk and their helpful comments during and after the discussion. All dates are BCE. Name-00 ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ دوم ﺻﻔﺤﻪ 20 2012/ 10/11 18 Rolf Strootman imperial polity: a huge, composite hegemonial system characterized by wide ethnic, cultural, religious and political diversity – like most premodern imperial organizations, the empire can be best described as a centralized network of power relations rather than a rigidly structured ‘state’. The Seleukid Empire was in essence a military organization exacting tribute. Kingship was charismatic and intensely martial. Imperial ideology was universalistic, the self-presentation of the Seleukid monarch a continuation and elaboration of the age-old Near Eastern notion of a Great King. The empire in its heyday stretched from the Pamir Mountains to the Aegean Sea, reaching its greatest extent around 200 under Antiochos III the Great. From c. 150 the empire declined due to internal dynastic conflicts, as a result of which the empire was unable to halt Parthian expansion on the Iranian plateau. In 64 the Seleukid dynasty, by then reduced to a small kingdom in northern Syria, disappeared from history virtually unnoticed when Pompey took the royal title away from the last Seleukids and turned Syria into a Roman provincia. Perhaps surprisingly, the Seleukid period has not yet acquired a place of its own in the longue durée of the Middle East. This is notably the case with narratives of Iranian history.1 Among the succession of empires characterizing Middle East history since the Neo-Assyrians, the Seleukid Empire is one of the least known and remains relatively understudied, particularly in comparison to the preceding Achaemenid Empire.2 In the autumn of 2005, the British Museum in London held an exhibition dedicated to the Achaemenid Empire that was called Forgotten Empire. A curious title. After all, the Achaemenid Empire is, apart from Rome, the least forgotten empire of the Ancient World. This in terms of both popular 1. See e.g. the cursory treatments in J. Wiesehöfer, Das antike Persien, Düsseldorf and Zürich, 1993, and M. Brosius, The Persians: An Introduction, London and New York, 2006. 2. In past historiography, the empire has been relegated to a place of secondary importance in Middle East history by various, often rhetorical, means, e.g. by calling it a ‘kingdom’ in opposition to the Achaemenid ‘Empire’ and describing it as a national state of sorts (‘Syria’); by treating the Seleukids as alien intruders who left no lasting impression on the region; by down-dating the beginning of Parthian supremacy on the Iranian plateau; and, more recently, by arguing that the empire was basically a continuation of the Achaemenid Empire. I will return to these viewpoints later. The Seleukid Empire between ... 19 interest and scholarly attention.3 The Macedonian Empire of the Seleukids has a better claim to the proud epithet ‘forgotten’ would perhaps be more befitting. There are only two textbooks to give a comprehensive overview of the empire’s history. They both date to before the First World War.4 Other scholarly books devoted to the Seleukids will hardly fill one shelf in the hypothetical library that wishes to bring them all together. There are exceptions to this lack of interest. Seleukid Babylonia has enjoyed a notable increase in scholarly attention over the past two decades.5 Royal inscriptions in Greek cities in Asia Minor and the events described in the first two book of Maccabees have never failed to attract the attention of scholars. In the historiography of Iran, however, the Seleukid period remains a virtual black hole, with the exception, to some extent, of the Seleukid provinces of Persis (Fārs) and Susiana (Khūzestān), where finds dating to the Hellenistic period have been recovered as a kind of by-product of excavations conducted at 3. Especially in the past three decades there has been a considerable expansion of interest in Achaemenid history and culture, and the bibliography is accordingly vast; for an excellent (though critical) appraisal of recent developments see T. Harrison, Writing Ancient Persia, Bristol, 2011. Even beyond the field of Ancient History, the Achaemenid Empire stands out, and has always stood out, as a model empire – the Achaemenids are rarely absent from volumes offering a diachronic approach to imperialism in world history, while the Seleukids, like the Parthians and Sassanians, usually are; cf. e.g. S. E. Alcock et al. edd., Empires: Perspectives From Archaeology and History, Cambridge, 2001; A. J. S. Spawforth ed., The Court and Court Society in Ancient Monarchies, Cambridge, 2007; F. Hurlet ed., Les Empires: Antiquité et Moyen Âge. Analyse Comparée, Rennes, 2008; I. Morris and W. Scheidel edd., The Dynamics of Ancient Empires: State Power from Assyria to Byzantium, Oxford, 2009. The same is true of books on empire written for a general audience, e.g. most recently A. Chua, Day of Empire, New York, 2009. 4. E. R. Bevan, The House of Seleucus, London, 1902; A. Bouché-Leclercq, Histoire des Séleucides (232-64 avant J.-C.), Paris, 1913-14. 5. See i.a. R. J. van der Spek, “The Babylonian city,” in A. Kuhrt and S. M. Sherwin- White edd., Hellenism in the East, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1987, pp. 57-74; S. M. Sherwin-White, “Seleucid Babylonia: A case study for the installation and development of Greek rule,” in Kuhrt & Sherwin-White 1987: 1-31; S. B. Downey, Mesopotamian Religious Architecture: Alexander Through the Parthians, Princeton, 1988; F. Joannès, The Age of Empires: Mesopotamia in the First Millennium BC, Edinburgh, 2000; T. Boiy, Late Achaemenid and Hellenistic Babylon, Leuven, 2004; M. J. H. Linssen, The Cults of Uruk and Babylon. The Temple Ritual Texts as Evidence for Hellenistic Cult Practice, Leiden, 2004. 20 Rolf Strootman such sites as Persepolis, Pasargadai and Susa.6 Because of the relative abundance of numismatic evidence, several scholars, most of all Josef Wiesehöfer, were able to study the (chronology of the) Fratarakā rulers of Hellenistic Persis.7 But although it has been established that the Fratarakā (‘governors’ or ‘commanders’) with few exceptions were vassal rulers of the Seleukids and later Arsakids rather than fully autonomous would-be successors of the Achaemenids, the question how Fārs was integrated in the Seleukid imperial framework has not yet been addressed. Only recently has it become more clear that indirect rule through local rulers, instead of being evidence of the Seleukids’ disappearance was typical of the Seleukid Empire’s hegemonial system outside the urbanized core of the Fertile Crescent, notably in the century between the reigns of Antiochos II and the final collapse of the empire in Iran after the death of Antiochos IV (i.e. between c. 250-150). But generally speaking, remains from the Seleukid period in Iran have rarely been the focus of excavations by archaeologist, who instead have concentrated on Achaemenid and earlier levels. In archaeology there is the additional problem that usually only Greek-style remains are associated with the Seleukids: remains from the Seleukid period that modern archaeologists classify as Iranian in style have been disconnected from the Seleukids by conceptualizing them as the products of a Persian Revival. The problem is, that the Seleukid Empire has always been considered a ‘western’, Greek empire and therefore a Fremdkörper in the history of the 6. Cf. J.-F. Salles, “The Arab-Persian Gulf under the Seleucids,” in Kuhrt & Sherwin- White 1987: 75-109; D. T. Potts, The Arabian Gulf in Antiquity. Volume 2: From Alexander the Great to the Coming of Islam, New York, 1990; E. Dabrowa, “Les Séleucides et l'Élimaïde,” Parthica 6, 2004, pp. 107-15; D. Stronach ed. Pasargadae: A report on the excavations conducted by the British institute of Persian Studies from 1961 to 1963 (Oxford 1978). 7. J. Wiesehöfer, Die “Dunklen Jahrhunderte” der Persis: Untersuchungen zu Geschichte und Kultur von Fars in frühhellenistischer Zeit (330–140 v. Chr.), München, 1994; id., “Fars under the Seleucids and the Parthians,” in V. S. Curtis et al. edd., The Idea of Iran. Volume 2: The Age of the Parthians, London, 2007, pp. 37-49; an updated version of the latter article appeared as “Frataraka rule in Seleucid Persis: A new appraisal,” in A. Erskine and L. Llewellyn-Jones edd., Creating a Hellenistic World, Swansea and Oxford, 2011, pp. 107-22. The Seleukid Empire between ... 21 Middle East. This is quite remarkable. It is not uncommon for Oriental empires to be created by conquerors coming from the fringes of the Middle East: The Parthian Empire (created by Iranians from Inner Asia), The Ummayad Empire (Arabs from the steppe fringes and the southern peninsula), The Seljuk and Ottoman Empires (Turks from Inner Asia), the Il-Khanate (Mongols).
Recommended publications
  • The Satrap of Western Anatolia and the Greeks
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2017 The aS trap Of Western Anatolia And The Greeks Eyal Meyer University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons Recommended Citation Meyer, Eyal, "The aS trap Of Western Anatolia And The Greeks" (2017). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 2473. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2473 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2473 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The aS trap Of Western Anatolia And The Greeks Abstract This dissertation explores the extent to which Persian policies in the western satrapies originated from the provincial capitals in the Anatolian periphery rather than from the royal centers in the Persian heartland in the fifth ec ntury BC. I begin by establishing that the Persian administrative apparatus was a product of a grand reform initiated by Darius I, which was aimed at producing a more uniform and centralized administrative infrastructure. In the following chapter I show that the provincial administration was embedded with chancellors, scribes, secretaries and military personnel of royal status and that the satrapies were periodically inspected by the Persian King or his loyal agents, which allowed to central authorities to monitory the provinces. In chapter three I delineate the extent of satrapal authority, responsibility and resources, and conclude that the satraps were supplied with considerable resources which enabled to fulfill the duties of their office. After the power dynamic between the Great Persian King and his provincial governors and the nature of the office of satrap has been analyzed, I begin a diachronic scrutiny of Greco-Persian interactions in the fifth century BC.
    [Show full text]
  • The Achaemenid Heartland: an Archaeological-Historical Perspective 933
    CHAPTER FIFTY The Achaemenid Heartland: An Archaeological - Historical Perspective Wouter F.M. Henkelman 1 Geographical, Climatic, and Chronological Setting Though the Achaemenid heartland in a strict sense corresponds roughly to the modern Iranian province of F ā rs (ancient P ā rsa, PersV), its immediate cultural and historical context comprised parts of the provinces of Esfah ā n, Y ā zd, Kerm ā n and B ū š ehr, as well as Kh ū zest ā n, where a Neo - Elamite kingdom existed until c.540 or 520 BC . An Iranian presence was noticeable on Elam ’ s northern and eastern borders from the 7th century BC onward and Elamite culture provided a critical impulse for the early Persians (Henkelman 2008a ). When Darius I (522 – 486 BC ) transformed Susa into a principal Achaemenid residence (c.520 BC ), he confi rmed Elam ’ s special status and de facto made it part of the empire ’ s core. In fact, the bipolarity of lowland Kh ū zest ā n and highland F ā rs had characterized successive Elamite states from the 3rd millennium onward (Amiet 1979 ; Potts 1999 ; Miroschedji 2003 ; for other parts of Achaemenid Iran, see Boucharlat 2005 ). In physical terms, the area comprises the southern Zagros range of northwest– southeast - oriented valleys, ending in larger intermontane plains (the Kū r River basin, including the Marv Da š t with Persepolis); the B ū š ehr province coastal plains (and further east?); and the Kh ū zest ā n alluvial plain. As the ancient coast- line extended further northwestward than it does today, only higher Kh ū zest ā n is relevant here, roughly the area north of Ahw ā z (Gasche 2004, 2005, 2007 ; Heyvaert and Baeteman 2007 ).
    [Show full text]
  • Temple Architecture in the Iranian World Before the Macedonian Conquest 1
    Iran and the Caucasus 11 (2007) 169-194 Temple Architecture in the Iranian World before the Macedonian Conquest 1 Michael Shenkar Hebrew University of Jerusalem Abstract The article offers a survey of temple architecture in the Iranian world before the Macedonian conquest. Despite the observations that ancient Iranians worshipped in the open air, struc- tures of cultic significance have been discovered in some areas of Eastern Iran. While the attribution of the earliest, second millennium temples to the Iranian tribes is still disputable, Iranians definitely had temples before the Achaemenids. The earliest temples found in the Iranian settlements are the ones from Tepe Nush-i Jan (for Western Iran) and Dahān-i Ghulāmān (for the Eastern). However, it seems that the majority of ancient Iranians, including the first Achaemenids, worshiped under the open sky. Given the nomadic background of the ancient Iranians they probably became ac- quainted with temple architecture once they came into close contact with the highly developed civilisations, which preceded them in some areas of what was later to become the Iranian World. In general it is impossible to speak of one “Iranian cul- ture” or a unified “Iranian cult” in the second and first millennia BCE; instead, tem- ple architecture demonstrates a variety of different regional traditions. More tem- ples have been discovered in Eastern Iran than in Western. The architectural evi- dence from Eastern Iran in this period also suggests a complex picture of heteroge- neous local cults, at least some of which made use of closed temples. Another kind of cultic structure was the open air terraces.
    [Show full text]
  • Arta 2018.003 Mohammadkhani-Askari.Pdf
    Arta 2018.003 http://www.achemenet.com/pdf/arta/ARTA_2018.003-Gondet- Mohammadkhani-Askari.pdf Sébastien Gondet - CNRS, Univ. Lyon, UMR 5133 Archéorient/Maison de l’Orient; former Marie Curie fellow and member of the University of Bologna - Dipartimento di Beni Culturali Kourosh Mohammadkhani - Shahid Beheshti University Alireza Askari Chaverdi - Shiraz University A newly discovered building complex north of the “Frataraka” Complex. Consequences for the spatial definition of the Persepolis-Parsa Royal Area Abstract From 2012 to 2014, geophysical and pedestrian surveys were implemented in fields located north of the Persepolis Terrace in the framework of the current Iranian-Italian archaeological mission working on the Persepolis, or Parsa, area. Surveys were carried out north of the so-called “Frataraka” Complex and revealed part of the plan of an almost 1 ha building. This large complex presents distinctive features for suggesting a dating back to the Achaemenid period and for interpreting it as an official building. Being located 600 m north of the Terrace, this discovery led us to approach the question of the occupation dynamics around the “Frataraka” Complex and beyond the limit of the Royal Area, defined in a broad sense as the core district of Parsa hosting most of the official buildings. Keywords Iran, Fars, Persepolis, Parsa, Achaemenid, Post-Achaemenid, survey, geophysics, fieldwalking, city layout, Royal Area Achemenet Septembre 2018 1 http://www.achemenet.com/pdf/arta/ARTA_2018.003-Gondet-Mohammadkhani-Askari.pdf Framework of the 2012-2014 surveys north of the Persepolis Terrace1 Reconstructing the Persepolis landscape around the Terrace To this day, Persepolis, or Parsa,2 is still often seen as restricted to the monumental Terrace, while in fact this terrace was only the core part of a larger Royal Area and beyond of a city,3 that is to say the Achaemenid capital of the province of Persia from the Darius I reign (521-486 BCE).
    [Show full text]
  • Political Memory in and After the Persian Empire Persian the After and Memory in Political
    POLITICAL IN MEMORY AND AFTER THE PERSIAN EMPIRE At its height, the Persian Empire stretched from India to Libya, uniting the entire Near East under the rule of a single Great King for the rst time in history. Many groups in the area had long-lived traditions of indigenous kingship, but these were either abolished or adapted to t the new frame of universal Persian rule. is book explores the ways in which people from Rome, Egypt, Babylonia, Israel, and Iran interacted with kingship in the Persian Empire and how they remembered and reshaped their own indigenous traditions in response to these experiences. e contributors are Björn Anderson, Seth A. Bledsoe, Henry P. Colburn, Geert POLITICAL MEMORY De Breucker, Benedikt Eckhardt, Kiyan Foroutan, Lisbeth S. Fried, Olaf E. Kaper, Alesandr V. Makhlaiuk, Christine Mitchell, John P. Nielsen, Eduard Rung, Jason M. Silverman, Květa Smoláriková, R. J. van der Spek, Caroline Waerzeggers, IN AND AFTER THE Melanie Wasmuth, and Ian Douglas Wilson. JASON M. SILVERMAN is a postdoctoral researcher in the Faculty of eology PERSIAN EMPIRE at the University of Helsinki. He is the author of Persepolis and Jerusalem: Iranian In uence on the Apocalyptic Hermeneutic (T&T Clark) and the editor of Opening Heaven’s Floodgates: e Genesis Flood Narrative, Its Context and Reception (Gorgias). CAROLINE WAERZEGGERS is Associate Professor of Assyriology at Leiden University. She is the author of Marduk-rēmanni: Local Networks and Imperial Politics in Achaemenid Babylonia (Peeters) and e Ezida Temple of Borsippa: Priesthood, Cult, Archives (Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten). Ancient Near East Monographs Monografías sobre el Antiguo Cercano Oriente Society of Biblical Literature Centro de Estudios de Historia del Antiguo Oriente (UCA) Edited by Waerzeggers Electronic open access edition (ISBN 978-0-88414-089-4) available at Silverman Jason M.
    [Show full text]
  • Persianism in Antiquity Occidens 25 Miguel John Versluys Persianism Antiquity in Rolf Strootman Andmigueljohnversluys Edited by Franzsteiner Verlag Alte Geschichte
    The socio-political and cultural memory of the twenty-one papers in this rich volume il- Oriens et the Achaemenid (Persian) Empire played a lustrate at length. Occidens 25 very important role in Antiquity and later Persianism underlies the notion of an East- ages. This book is the first to systematically West dichotomy that still pervades modern chart these multiform ideas and associa- political rhetoric. In Antiquity and beyond, tions over time and to define them in rela- however, it also functioned in rather differ- tion to one another, as Persianism. Hellen- ent ways, sometimes even as an alternative istic kings, Parthian monarchs, Romans and to Hellenism. Sasanians: they all made a lot of meaning through the evolving concept of “Persia”, as Persianism in Antiquity Edited by Rolf Strootman and Miguel John Versluys Persianism in Antiquity www.steiner-verlag.de Band Alte Geschichte 25 Oriens et Occidens 25 Franz Steiner Verlag Franz Steiner Verlag Rolf Strootman Rolf ISBN 978-3-515-11382-3 Miguel John Versluys 9 7 8 3 5 1 5 1 1 3 8 2 3 Persianism in Antiquity Edited by Rolf Strootman and Miguel John Versluys Oriens et Occidens Studien zu antiken Kulturkontakten und ihrem Nachleben Herausgegeben von Josef Wiesehöfer in Zusammenarbeit mit Pierre Briant, Geoffrey Greatrex, Amélie Kuhrt und Robert Rollinger Band 25 Persianism in Antiquity Edited by Rolf Strootman and Miguel John Versluys Franz Steiner Verlag Cover illustration: Nemrud Dağı (Kommagene), around 50 BC. West Terrace, South Socle 2, depiction of the Persian king Xerxes I (ruled 486–456 BC), detail of the upper part of the stele.
    [Show full text]
  • Downloaded for Personal Non‐Commercial Research Or Study, Without Prior Permission Or Charge
    Magub, Alexandra (2018) Political and Religious Ideologies on Parthian Coins of the 2nd‐1st Centuries BC. PhD thesis. SOAS University of London. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/30283 Copyright © and Moral Rights for this thesis are retained by the author and/or other copyright owners. A copy can be downloaded for personal non‐commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the copyright holder/s. The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. When referring to this thesis, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given e.g. AUTHOR (year of submission) "Full thesis title", name of the School or Department, PhD Thesis, pagination. 1 Political and Religious Ideologies on Parthian Coins of the 2nd-1st Centuries BC ALEXANDRA MAGUB Thesis submitted for the degree of PhD 2018 Department of Religions and Philosophies, School of History, Religions and Philosophies SOAS, University of London 3 Brief Abstract This thesis examines a key period of change in Parthian coinage, as the rebellious Parthian satrapy transitioned first from a nomadic to sedentary kingdom in the second half of the 3rd century BC, and then into a great empire during the 2nd-early 1st century BC. The research will focus on the iconography and inscriptions that were employed on the coinage in order to demonstrate how Parthian authorities used these objects to convey political and religious ideologies to a diverse audience.
    [Show full text]
  • Altar Shrines and Fire Altars? Architectural Representations on Frataraka Coinage
    0320-07_Iran_Antiq_43_09_Haerinck 09-01-2008 14:55 Pagina 207 Iranica Antiqua, vol. XLIII, 2008 doi: 10.2143/IA.43.0.2024049 ALTAR SHRINES AND FIRE ALTARS? ARCHITECTURAL REPRESENTATIONS ON FRATARAKA COINAGE BY Ernie HAERINCK* & Bruno OVERLAET** (* Ghent University; ** Royal Museums of Art and History, Brussels / Ghent University) Abstract: Buildings with two doors and horn-shaped battlements figure on the reverse of early frataraka coins of the 1st. half of the 2nd. cent. BCE (“first phase” coins); similar buildings but with two large stepped crenellations on the corners are shown on the coins of the second phase. In a third phase fire altars were rep- resented. Contrary to other scholars, the authors do not believe that the building shown on the early coins is closely related to the tower-like monuments at Pasar- gadae and Naqsh-i Rustam. It is suggested that the monument shown on the coins had a fire altar inside and that its concept is comparable to Greek and Roman sanc- tuaries, such as the Ara Pacis at Rome. Keywords: S-Iran, Fars, Persis, Seleuco-Parthian period, frataraka, numismatics, architectural representations In a recent paper D.T. Potts (2007) reviewed the iconography of the Per- sid coins of the frataraka dynasty. Potts evaluates the suggestions on the different possibilities of interpretations brought forward by previous authors for the building shown on the reverse of these coins. Some would see it as a fire altar, an ateshgah, a tomb, a coronation tower, a “foundation house” or a repository for Zoroastrian paraphernalia or as a tower/altar/fire altar. As several authors do, D.
    [Show full text]
  • In Regard to a History of Persis During the Period from After the Collapse of the Achaemenid Empire Down to the End of the 2Nd Century A
    GATHICA When, all the Saints and Sages who discuss'd Of the Two Worlds so learnedly, are thrust Like foolish Prophetsforth; their Words to Scorn Are scatter'd, and their Mouths are stopt with Dust. By GIKYO ITO XIV-XV(1) Syenian frataraka and Persid fratarak/New Iranian Elements in Ancient Aramaic In regard to a history of Persis during the period from after the collapse of the Achaemenid Empire down to the end of the 2nd century A. D., it is of much difficulty to know when did take place what are reported to have taken place, for sporadic references by the Classic writers have supplied us with no dates from the earliest period downwards when the rulers there minted coins with their respective legends: 1) BGDT PRTRK; ZY; LHY; 2) WHWBRZ PRBR PRTRK; or WHWBRZ PRS PRTRK; ZY; LH 3) ;RTHSTR PRS PRTRK; ZY; LH 4) WTPRDT PRTRK; ZY; LHY; (Some of the coins contain traces of PRSBR, too). The Persid coinage after them has MLK; only instead of PRTRK ZY; ;LHY;: 5) D; RYW MLK; 6) WTPRDT MLK; 7) D; RYW MLK; BRH WTPRDT (6) MLK; 8) WHWHSTR MLK; BRH D; RYW (7) MLK; 9) ;RTHSTR MLK; BRH D; RYW (7) MLK;. The coins, from paleographical as well as in part semasiological point of view, have been divided into three or four series: I includes 1)-4), II 5)-6), III 7)-9) and IV thereafter or III 7)-9) and thereafter. Of the names, 3) and 9) comes from OP. Artaxsassa- or rather from OM. *Artaxsaθra- 'Kingdom of 47 Justice' while 5) and 7) from OP.
    [Show full text]
  • Abstracta Iranica, Volume 34-35-36 | 2017, « Comptes Rendus Des Publications De 2011-2013 » [En Ligne], Mis En Ligne Le 15 Juillet 2016, Consulté Le 21 Septembre 2021
    Abstracta Iranica Revue bibliographique pour le domaine irano-aryen Volume 34-35-36 | 2017 Comptes rendus des publications de 2011-2013 Édition électronique URL : https://journals.openedition.org/abstractairanica/39936 DOI : 10.4000/abstractairanica.39936 ISSN : 1961-960X Éditeur : CNRS (UMR 7528 Mondes iraniens et indiens), Éditions de l’IFRI Référence électronique Abstracta Iranica, Volume 34-35-36 | 2017, « Comptes rendus des publications de 2011-2013 » [En ligne], mis en ligne le 15 juillet 2016, consulté le 21 septembre 2021. URL : https:// journals.openedition.org/abstractairanica/39936 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/abstractairanica. 39936 Ce document a été généré automatiquement le 29 septembre 2020. Tous droits réservés 1 NOTE DE LA RÉDACTION Ce numéro triple d'Abstracta Iranica 34-35-36 marque un renouvellement de la revue. Sa mise en ligne suit de peu celle du numéro 32-33 (publications de 2009 et 2010) dont la publication en ligne a été retardée par des problèmes techniques à résoudre entre les éditeurs de la revue et de l'Open Edition du fait du caractère particulier de la revue. Ce nouveau numéro, qui recense les publications de 2011-2012-2013, est directement mis en ligne dans son état actuel. Il ne donnerait lieu à une version papier que s'il y avait une forte demande. C'est un numéro « ouvert » présentant les recensions reçues depuis plusieurs mois jusqu'à ceux acceptés depuis le printemps et il restera ouvert jusqu'en juillet 2017, date à laquelle démarrera le numéro suivant. Dorénavant, la mise en ligne sera opérée plusieurs fois par an, après cette première livraison, par paquet de 100 à 200 comptes rendus.
    [Show full text]
  • SASANIAN PERSIA Ersia ‘Nothing Has Changed Our Understanding of Greek Culture More Than P the Uncovering in the Past Thirty Years of Its Debt to the East
    EDINBURGH STUDIES IN ANCIENT PERSIA SASANIAN Series Editor: Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones SASANIAN PERSIA ERSIA ‘Nothing has changed our understanding of Greek culture more than P the uncovering in the past thirty years of its debt to the East. In this wide-ranging, amply illustrated and thought-provoking book, Morgan offers a longue durée view of Greek engagement with Persia through elite use of cultural imports.’ Margaret C. Miller, University of Sydney ‘The Greek response to Achaemenid Iran is sometimes seen as a special case within the wider story of interaction between the Greek and non- Greek worlds. Janett Morgan insists that this is not so, and her claim is one to which students of Greek cultural history will have to pay serious attention.’ Christopher Tuplin, University of Liverpool E In the aftermath of the Greco-Persian Wars, Greek communities DIT produced a variety of images of the Achaemenids and their Empire in E D texts and on vases and architecture. These perspectives have traditionally BY Between Rome and the been explained as responses to victory in wars. E Steppes of Eurasia However, Janett Morgan shows that these responses fit into wider B patterns of Greek engagements with the east and reflect dialogues E RHARD of elite identity rather than hubristic celebration. Through a study of ancient texts and material evidence from the archaic and classical periods, she investigates the historical, political and social factors that inspired and manipulated different identities for Persia, and the Persians S W. within different Greek communities. Janett Morgan is Honorary Research Associate at Royal Holloway, AU University of London.
    [Show full text]
  • Sasanian Iran - Economy, Society, Arts and Crafts*
    2 SASANIAN IRAN - ECONOMY, SOCIETY, ARTS AND CRAFTS* N. N. Chegini and A. V. Nikitin Part One POLITICAL HISTORY, ECONOMY AND SOCIETY (N. N. Chegini) It is probable that Vologases IV died some time in A.D. 208/209, after which the throne of the Parthians was disputed between his sons, Ardavan V (Artabanus) and Vologases V.1 Ardavan ruled in central Iran and Vologases in Mesopotamia, striking coins at Seleukia.2 The conflict between the two broth- ers lasted until the end of Parthian rule. In Rome, Caracalla succeeded his fa- ther Septimius Severus in 211 and the weakness of the Parthians resulted in a Roman incursion into Parthia, during which a great part of Media was pillaged and the Parthian tombs at Arbela were stripped. Although Ardavan succeeded in defeating the heir to Caracalla, Macrinus, the war against Rome and internal struggles strained the Parthian Empire to its limits.3 What is now known, fol- lowing Simonetta's work, is that Ardavan did not issue tetradrachms because he did not control Seleukia.4 After the invasions of Alexander the Great in the early fourth century B.C., the region of Fars, the homeland of the Persians, had become one of the vassal kingdoms of first the Seleucids and then the Parthians, ruled by several local princes. The kingdom of Persia issued coins almost continuously between 280 B.C. and A.D. 200, using the title prtrk' (Frataraka, i.e. governor) and later MLK' (king). By the beginning of the third century, conflict within the Parthian royal family and war with the Romans had weakened central authority.5 one prominent king of Persia during the last years of the weakened Parthia was Gochihr of the Bazrangi family, although his name does not ap- pear on coins.6 Sasan, after whom the dynasty is named, may have been the * See Map 2.
    [Show full text]