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A WAY FORWARD with IRAN? Options for Crafting a U.S. Strategy
A WAY FORWARD WITH IRAN? Options for Crafting a U.S. Strategy THE SOUFAN CENTER FEBRUARY 2021 A WAY FORWARD WITH IRAN? OPTIONS FOR CRAFTING A U.S. STRATEGY A WAY FORWARD WITH IRAN? Options for Crafting a U.S. Strategy THE SOUFAN CENTER FEBRUARY 2021 Cover photo: Associated Press Photo/Photographer: Mohammad Berno 2 A WAY FORWARD WITH IRAN? OPTIONS FOR CRAFTING A U.S. STRATEGY CONTENTS List of Abbreviations 4 List of Figures 5 Key Findings 6 How Did We Reach This Point? 7 Roots of the U.S.-Iran Relationship 9 The Results of the Maximum Pressure Policy 13 Any Change in Iranian Behavior? 21 Biden Administration Policy and Implementation Options 31 Conclusion 48 Contributors 49 About The Soufan Center 51 3 A WAY FORWARD WITH IRAN? OPTIONS FOR CRAFTING A U.S. STRATEGY LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS BPD Barrels Per Day FTO Foreign Terrorist Organization GCC Gulf Cooperation Council IAEA International Atomic Energy Agency ICBM Intercontinental Ballistic Missile IMF International Monetary Fund IMSC International Maritime Security Construct INARA Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act INSTEX Instrument for Supporting Trade Exchanges IRGC Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps IRGC-QF Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps - Qods Force JCPOA Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action MBD Million Barrels Per Day PMF Popular Mobilization Forces SRE Significant Reduction Exception 4 A WAY FORWARD WITH IRAN? OPTIONS FOR CRAFTING A U.S. STRATEGY LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: Iran Annual GDP Growth and Change in Crude Oil Exports 18 Figure 2: Economic Effects of Maximum Pressure 19 Figure 3: Armed Factions Supported by Iran 25 Figure 4: Comparison of Iran Nuclear Program with JCPOA Limitations 28 5 A WAY FORWARD WITH IRAN? OPTIONS FOR CRAFTING A U.S. -
Design Characteristics of Iran's Ballistic and Cruise Missiles
Design Characteristics of Iran’s Ballistic and Cruise Missiles Last update: January 2013 Missile Nato or Type/ Length Diameter Payload Range (km) Accuracy ‐ Propellant Guidance Other Name System (m) (m) (kg)/warhead CEP (m) /Stages Artillery* Hasib/Fajr‐11* Rocket artillery (O) 0.83 0.107 6; HE 8.5 ‐ Solid Spin stabilized Falaq‐12* Rocket artillery (O) 1.29 0.244 50; HE 10 Solid Spin stabilized Falaq‐23* Rocket artillery (O) 1.82 0.333 120; HE 11 Solid Spin stabilized Arash‐14* Rocket artillery (O) 2.8 0.122 18.3; HE 21.5 Solid Spin stabilized Arash‐25* Rocket artillery (O) 3.2 0.122 18.3; HE 30 Solid Spin stabilized Arash‐36* Rocket artillery (O) 2 0.122 18.3; HE 18 Solid Spin stabilized Shahin‐17* Rocket artillery (O) 2.9 0.33 190; HE 13 Solid Spin stabilized Shahin‐28* Rocket artillery (O) 3.9 0.33 190; HE 20 Solid Spin stabilized Oghab9* Rocket artillery (O) 4.82 0.233 70; HE 40 Solid Spin stabilized Fajr‐310* Rocket artillery (O) 5.2 0.24 45; HE 45 Solid Spin stabilized Fajr‐511* Rocket artillery (O) 6.6 0.33 90; HE 75 Solid Spin stabilized Falaq‐112* Rocket artillery (O) 1.38 0.24 50; HE 10 Solid Spin stabilized Falaq‐213* Rocket artillery (O) 1.8 0.333 60; HE 11 Solid Spin stabilized Nazeat‐614* Rocket artillery (O) 6.3 0.355 150; HE 100 Solid Spin stabilized Nazeat15* Rocket artillery (O) 5.9 0.355 150; HE 120 Solid Spin stabilized Zelzal‐116* Iran‐130 Rocket artillery (O) 8.3 0.61 500‐600; HE 100‐125 Solid Spin stabilized Zelzal‐1A17* Mushak‐120 Rocket artillery (O) 8.3 0.61 500‐600; HE 160 Solid Spin stabilized Nazeat‐1018* Mushak‐160 Rocket artillery (O) 8.3 0.45 250; HE 150 Solid Spin stabilized Related content is available on the website for the Nuclear Threat Initiative, www.nti.org. -
Deterring Iran After the Nuclear Deal
MARCH 2017 COVER PHOTO NIEL HESTER | FLICKR 1616 Rhode Island Avenue NW Washington, DC 20036 202 887 0200 | www.csis.org Lanham • Boulder • New York • London 4501 Forbes Boulevard Lanham, MD 20706 301 459 3366 | www.rowman.com Deterring Iran After the Nuclear Deal PROJECT DIRECTORS AND EDITORS Kathleen H. Hicks Melissa G. Dalton CONTRIBUTING AUTHORS Melissa G. Dalton Thomas Karako Jon B. Alterman J. Matthew McInnis Michael Connell Hijab Shah Michael Eisenstadt Michael Sulmeyer ISBN 978-1-4422-7993-3 Farideh Farhi Ian Williams Kathleen H. Hicks 1616 Rhode Island Avenue NW Washington,Ë|xHSLEOCy279933z DC 20036v*:+:!:+:! 202-887-0200 | www.csis.org Blank MARCH 2017 Deterring Iran after the Nuclear Deal PROJ ECT DIRECTORS AND EDITORS Kathleen H. Hicks Melissa G. Dalton CONTRIBUTING AUTHORS Melissa G. Dalton Thomas Karako Jon B. Alterman J. Matthew McInnis Michael Connell Hijab Shah Michael Eisenstadt Michael Sulmeyer Farideh Farhi Ian Williams Kathleen H. Hicks Lanham • Boulder • New York • London 594-68742_ch00_6P.indd 1 3/13/17 7:13 AM About CSIS For over 50 years, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has worked to develop solutions to the world’s greatest policy challenges. T oday, CSIS scholars are providing strategic insights and bipartisan policy solutions to help decisionmakers chart a course toward a better world. CSIS is a nonprofit organ ization headquartered in Washington, D.C. The Center’s 220 full- time staff and large network of affiliated scholars conduct research and analy sis and develop policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Founded at the height of the Cold War by David M. -
The Gulf Military Balance in 2019: a Graphic Analysis
Anthony H. Cordesman, Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy The Gulf Military Balance in 2019: A Graphic Analysis Anthony H. Cordesman and Abdullah Toukan With the Assistance of Max Molot Working Paper: Please send comments to [email protected] REVISED December 9, 2019 Photo: ARASH KHAMOUSHI/AFP/ Getty Images Introduction 2 The military balance in the Gulf region has become steadily more complex with time. Conventional forces have been been reshaped by massive arms transfers, and changes in major weapons, technology, and virtually every aspect of joint warfare, command and control, sensors, and intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance systems. Missile warfare is changing radically as diverse mixes of ballistic and cruise missiles, UAVs and UCAVs, and missiles are deployed. Precision-guided, conventionally armed missiles are becoming a key aspect of regional forces, and so are missile defenses. The threat of nuclear pro0liferation remains, and at least one state – Iran - is a declared chemical weapons power while the Assad regime in Syria has made repeated use of chemical weapons At the same time, asymmetric forces, “proxy” forces, and various forms of military advisory and support missions are playing a growing role in local conflicts and gray area operations. So are local militia and security forces – often divided within a given Gulf state by sect and ethnicity. Terrorist and extremist forces continue pose serious threats, as do political tensions and upheavals, and the weaknesses and failures of some regional governments to meet the needs of their people. The most serious sources of Gulf conflicts are now the tensions between Iran and the Arab Gulf states, and the role played by terrorists and extremists, but civil war and insurgencies remain an additional threat - as does the links between Iran, Syria, and the Hezbollah. -
Iran and the Gulf Military Balance - I
IRAN AND THE GULF MILITARY BALANCE - I The Conventional and Asymmetric Dimensions FIFTH WORKING DRAFT By Anthony H. Cordesman and Alexander Wilner Revised July 11, 2012 Anthony H. Cordesman Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy [email protected] Cordesman/Wilner: Iran & The Gulf Military Balance, Rev 5 7/11/12 2 Acknowledgements This analysis was made possible by a grant from the Smith Richardson Foundation. It draws on the work of Dr. Abdullah Toukan and a series of reports on Iran by Adam Seitz, a Senior Research Associate and Instructor, Middle East Studies, Marine Corps University. 2 Cordesman/Wilner: Iran & The Gulf Military Balance, Rev 5 7/11/12 3 INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................................. 5 THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND ....................................................................................................................... 6 Figure III.1: Summary Chronology of US-Iranian Military Competition: 2000-2011 ............................... 8 CURRENT PATTERNS IN THE STRUCTURE OF US AND IRANIAN MILITARY COMPETITION ........................................... 13 DIFFERING NATIONAL PERSPECTIVES .............................................................................................................. 17 US Perceptions .................................................................................................................................... 17 Iranian Perceptions............................................................................................................................ -
“The Gulf and Iran's Capability for Asymmetric Warfare” (.Pdf)
Anthony H. Cordesman, Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy The Gulf and Iran’s Capability for Asymmetric Warfare Anthony H. Cordesman Burke Chair in Strategy Working Paper: Please send comments to [email protected] January 10, 2020 Photo: ARASH KHAMOUSHI/AFP/ Getty Images Introduction 2 Much of the reporting on the clashes between Iran and the United States that began in late December 2019, that led to the strikes that killed the commander the Iran’s Quds force, Qasem Soleimani, and led to Iranian missile strikes on U.S. bases in Iran, have focused on the Quds force and treated it as the dominant element of Iraq’s military forces and Iran’s asymmetric capabilities. The Quds force is only part of a much broader and steadily growing mix of Iranian asymmetric warfare capabilities. Its role must be kept in careful perspective in evaluating the threat of any major escalation in the tensions and military exchanges between Iran and the United States and the risk of a major war in the Gulf. Furthermore, much of the recent news reporting on Iran has misstated the nature of Iran’s forces and capabilities. It is critical to assess Iran’s actual military capabilities, and the developments in its approach to asymmetric warfare, as accurately as is possible at the unclassified level and put them in the broader context of the capabilities that the U.S. and its Arab strategic partners can bring to bear in deterring and defending against Iran. This analysis focuses on both Iran’s overall capabilities for asymmetric warfare and the overall military balance in the Gulf – including U.S. -
Iran's Ballistic Missile Program and Its Foreign and Security Policy Towards
Iran’s ballistic missile program and its foreign and security policy towards the United States under the Trump Administration El programa de misiles balísticos de Irán y su política exterior y de seguridad hacia los Estados Unidos bajo la Administración Trump MOHAMMAD ESLAMI Research Centre for Political Science (CICP), University of Minho (Portugal) Cómo citar/Citation Eslami, M. (2021). Iran’s ballistic missile program and its foreign and security policy towards the United States under the Trump Administration. Revista Española de Ciencia Política, 55, 37-62. Doi: https://doi.org/10.21308/recp.55.02 Abstract Drawing on the Strategic Culture Theory, this article analyzes Iran’s evolving ballistic missile program (BMP), by focusing especially on the period of the Trump administration (January 2017-January 2021), including both Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) shooting down a US surveillance drone in the Strait of Hormuz in June 2019 and Iran’s attack on the US military bases following the assassination of IRGC General Qasem Soleimani, in January 2020. This work demonstrates the increasing reliance on the ‘revolutionary’, more offensive narrative, which has become additionally reinforced after the assassination of General Qasem Soleimani and Professor Mohsen Fakhrizadeh. This has consolidated the retaliatory aspects in Iran’s foreign and security policy, while it has also marginalized moderated actors willing to engage in negotiations with the US. Keywords: Iran, strategic culture, ballistic missile, JCPOA, Qasem Soleimani, -
Iranian Nuclear Weapons? Iran's Missiles and Possible
Center for Strategic and International Studies Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy 1800 K Street, N.W. • Suite 400 • Washington, DC 20006 Phone: 1 (202) 775 -7325 • Fax: 1 (202) 457 -8746 Web: www.csis.org/burke Iranian Nuclear Weapons? Iran’s Missiles and Possible Delivery Systems Anthony H. Cordesman Khalid R. Al -Rodhan Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy Visiting Fellow [email protected] [email protected] Working Draft, Revised: April 17, 2006 Note: This is part of a rough draft of a CSIS book being circulated for comment and disc ussion and does not reflect the final judgments of the authors. Many portions still contain rough drafts based on research that is still in progress. All rights and copyrights are reserved. No further circulation, quotation, or attribution of this text sh ould be made without the written permission of the authors. Cordesman & Al -Rodhan: Iranian Nuclear Weapons ? Iran’s Missiles and Possible Delivery Systems 4/17/06 Page ii Table of Contents INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ .......................... 3 US ASSESSMENT OF IRANIAN MISSILE CAPABILITIES ................................ ................................ ................................ 3 IRAN ’S MISSILE ARSENAL ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 4 Figure 1: Estimated Iran ian Missile Profiles: 2006 ............................... -
Bahgat – Iran's Missiles
BAHGAT: IRAN’S BALLISTIC-MISSILE AND SPACE PROGRAM IRAN’S BALLISTIC-MISSILE AND SPACE PROGRAM: AN ASSESSMENT Gawdat Bahgat Dr. Bahgat is a professor at the Near East South Asia Center for Strategic Studies (NESA), National Defense University. All opinions are the author’s alone.* ince the early 1970s, Iran has cities. Initially, Iran was poorly prepared to sought to develop strong mis- retaliate, and the international community sile capabilities. In recent years, did very little to stop these attacks. In a Tehran’s arsenal has evolved to few months, however, Tehran was able to Sbecome the largest and most diverse in the receive missiles from foreign countries, Middle East, though not the most lethal and the war with Baghdad became the or longest-range. Israel and Saudi Arabia ferocious “war of the cities,” with the two have also developed formidable capabili- sides launching missiles at each other’s ties. Iran’s program, however, has attracted population and industrial centers. This bit- more political and academic controversies. ter experience has left its mark on Iranian The Trump administration’s decision to strategists. They are determined to address withdraw from the 2015 nuclear deal — their vulnerability and deter attacks. the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action Second, for four decades Iran has (JCPOA) — was partly driven by the fact been under different kinds of bilateral and that it had failed to slow the progress of multilateral sanction regimes. Unlike its Iran’s missile capabilities. The U.S. with- regional adversaries, Tehran does not have drawal and occasional European criticism the financial resources or strategic op- of frequent missile testing have had little, tions to buy the most advanced weaponry, if any, impact on Tehran’s determination to particularly military jets. -
Timeline of Military and Security Events Semira N
Timeline of Military and Security Events Semira N. Nikou 1979 May 5 – The Revolutionary Guards were established by decree of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Aug. 10 – Iran canceled a $9 billion arms deal with the United States made during the shah's reign. Aug. 18 – Khomeini appointed himself commander-in-chief and ordered a general mobilization against Iran’s Kurdish nationalists. Fighting in northern Kurdistan continued until the fall of Kurdish strongholds on September 3. 1980 Feb. 19 – Ayatollah Khomeini appointed President Abolhassan Bani-Sadr commander- in-chief of the military. Bani-Sadr was deposed on June 10, 1981. Sept. 22 – Iraqi troops invaded Iran, following weeks of clashes between their Iraqi forces along the border. Baghdad's conditions for peace included Iranian recognition of Iraqi claims to the entire Shatt al-Arab waterway and disputed territory, and the return of three Persian Gulf islands occupied by Iran in 1971. Iraq quickly penetrated deep into Iranian territory. Oil installations were targeted by both nations, leading to a suspension in oil shipments. PLO chairman Yasir Arafat began the first mediation effort on September 25, which was followed by a similar attempt by an Islamic Conference Organization delegation. Sept. 28 – The U.N. Security Council passed a resolution calling on both nations to cease hostilities. Oct. 1 – Iran said it would do its part to keep the Strait of Hormuz open to oil-tanker traffic in spite of regional hostility. Heavy bombardment was reported on cities in both nations, while fighting on the ground centered around the oil-rich southern cities of Khorramshahr and Abadan. -
The Specter of War Between Saudi Arabia and Iran
BEYOND THE PROXY POWDER KEG: THE SPECTER OF WAR BETWEEN SAUDI ARABIA AND IRAN BILAL Y. SAAB MAY 2018 POLICY PAPER 2-2018 CONTENTS * KEY POINTS * 1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY * 4 IRAN AND SAUDI ARABIA: A MILITARY COMPARISON * 9 IRANIAN DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN MILITIA * 10 HYPOTHETICAL SCENARIO * 14 RISK OF WAR IS REAL * 16 SAUDI ARABIA’S POLITICAL-STRATEGIC GOALS * 17 SAUDI ARABIA’S MILITARY STRATEGY * 21 SAUDI ARABIA’S TACTICS AND CAPABILITIES * 25 IRAN’S POLITICAL-STRATEGIC GOALS * 26 IRAN’S MILITARY STRATEGY * 26 IRAN’S TACTICS AND CAPABILITIES * 31 DILEMMAS OF RIYADH, TEHRAN, AND WASHINGTON © The Middle East Institute * 36 ABOUT THE AUTHOR The Middle East Institute * 36 ABOUT THE MIDDLE EAST INSTITUTE 1319 18th Street NW Washington, D.C. 20036 KEY POINTS * An Iran-Saudi Arabia war is unlikely, but it is now more likely than ever before. * A military confrontation between Saudi Arabia and Iran should command respect and inspire concern because it could cause tremendous harm to an already volatile Middle East and possibly to the global economy. * Iran seems to have an upper hand in a direct military confrontation with Saudi Arabia because of its combat experience, geography, manpower, strategic depth, and greater cost tolerance. However, none of these attributes give Iran any decisive advantages in a contest with Saudi Arabia. Saudi Arabia is neither helpless nor without military options. * While it is easy to start a war with Iran, it is anything but to finish it. Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman would have to think hard about the capabilities of the Saudi military and the resilience of Saudi society before embarking on such a risky course. -
Meeting the Challenge: When Time Runs Out
m e e t i n g t h e c h a l l e n g e when time runs out an update to the bipartisan policy center report on u.s. policy toward iranian nuclear development senator daniel coats, senator charles robb and general (ret.) charles wald dr. michael makovsky, project director June 2010 A myriad of national security challenges currently confront our country— the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, violent extremism in Pakistan and Yemen, North Korean belligerence. But due to its pivotal geographic position, its radicalism and its sponsorship of terrorism, none pose a graver threat than the Islamic Republic of Iran’s pursuit of nuclear weapons. There are no easy solutions. Preventing a nuclear weapons-capable Iran will require making hard, unpopular, choices. That is why discussing these issues openly and understanding the alternatives is important. Fostering such informed debate has been the goal of the Bipartisan Policy Center’s series of reports on Iran’s nuclear development, which we have been privileged to co-chair. In Meeting the Challenge, published in September 2008, we put forth a bipartisan and realistic, yet robust and comprehensive, policy toward Iran—with the help of several experts who have since joined the Obama Administration, especially Ambassador Dennis Ross and Dr. Ashton Carter. Subsequently, we warned in our September 2009 report, Time is Running Out, that time was dwindling to thwart Tehran’s nuclear ambitions. Now, with Iran on the brink of nuclear weapons-capability despite President Obama’s diplomatic engagement and a fourth round of United Nations Security Council sanctions, we felt it appropriate to consider what could happen if time does run out.