Sports and the Global South Work, Play and Resistance in Sri Lanka S

S. JanakaBiyanwila in SriLanka Work, PlayandResistance GLOBAL SOUTH THE SPORTS AND

GLOBAL CULTURE AND SPORT Global Culture and Sport Series

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David Andrews University of Maryland USA Series Editors: Stephen Wagg, Leeds Beckett University, UK, and David Andrews, University of Maryland, USA. The Global Culture and Sport series aims to contribute to and advance the debate about sport and globalization through engaging with various aspects of sport culture as a vehicle for critically excavating the tensions between the global and the local, transformation and tradition and same- ness and difference. With studies ranging from snowboarding bodies, the globalization of rugby and the Olympics, to sport and migration, issues of racism and gender, and sport in the Arab world, this series showcases the range of exciting, pioneering research being developed in the field of sport sociology.

More information about this series at http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/15008 S. Janaka Biyanwila Sports and The Global South Work, Play and Resistance In Sri Lanka S. Janaka Biyanwila Randwick, NSW, Australia

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This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by Springer Nature The registered company is Springer International Publishing AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland Preface

I was an athlete long before I was an academic. I was a competitive springboard diver from 1971 to 1996, and participated in the 1982 Asian Games, 1994 Commonwealth Games, and 1996 Atlanta Olympics. I was also a diving coach from 1987 to 1992, mostly but not entirely, in the United States. When I was training for the 1996 Olympics, I was also watching the 1996 cricket World Cup, when Sri Lanka upset Australia. It was a widely celebrated victory at home. At a time of counterinsurgent warfare against militant Tamil nationalists, pitched as a “war against terrorism”, the celebration of Sinhala-Buddhist nationalism through sports was an uncom- fortable experience, to put it mildly. This prompted my curiosity into the sports consumer culture, incomplete at the time, but increasingly focused on issues of patriarchy, ethno-nationalism, and state violence. As my competitive career slowed down, I began coaching other competitive divers. I worked as a diving coach at the University of Utah for five years, while I was also in graduate school studying heterodox economics. Diving provided an opportunity for me, as a member of the South Asian diaspora, to participate in elite sport culture in the US, and to coach for a North American university. But, it also increasingly disconnected me from my own culture of origin. Meanwhile, aquatic sports in general remain inaccessible to most in South Asia, while springboard diving is marginalised in dominant sports cultures. v vi Preface

I returned to Sri Lanka in 1992, and took on multiple roles as a competitive diver, coach and a coordinator. After seven years of immersion in the local diving culture, while working for USAID (United States Agency for International Development) and a small research NGO (Social Scientists’ Association), I migrated to Perth, Australia, in 2001, to pursue a PhD in labour studies. Since completing my PhD, in 2004, I have been in the periphery of academia with limited resources for research or opportunities to continue in the area of labour studies. I have studied workers’ lives and their struggles for justice. As a migrant sports worker to the global North, I was able to hone my skills as an academic worker, although in employment considerably more precarious than my time at the edge of a 10-metre platform. My research into the labour movement and trade unions in Sri Lanka since the mid 1990s focused on the realm of work, but it also included the workers’ living conditions. My research examined workers in tea plantations, garment factories and in public health service. Women pre- dominated in each of these labour markets, and though their jobs made harsh demands on their bodies, their working lives barely included any sports. Their leisure activities involved mostly community rituals and celebrations. In the plantations, with high rates of poverty and malnutrition, sports participation was minimal. Among the nurses, the conservative patriarchal cultural tendencies, exacerbated by heavy workloads, meant limited opportunities for sports. In contrast, the garment workers with whom I spent time, mainly young women and men, were more likely to engage in some sporting activities. A few garment factories also encouraged sports among workers as a way to maintain “company loyalty”. Despite taking part in sports culture as consumers and audiences, what these case studies illustrated was a general lack of household and community capacities to participate in sports. My life experience as an athlete and as an academic contributed to my analysis, but a third element is equally important. I also became a father, my partner at the time pursued her academic career, and I was my daughter’s main caregiver. We read and danced and played games and sports, but the only time my daughter got on a diving board was in Sri Lanka. Most public pools in Australia removed or avoided diving boards because Preface vii of public liability insurance. Of course, in places like Sri Lanka, those risks are internalised by participants. Nevertheless, notions of care giving and offering support—through insurance or, more readily, through personal relationships—run throughout the book. During my short visits to Sri Lanka, I would connect with the local divers, mostly students between the ages of eight to seventeen. In the mid-1990s, the sport of diving in Sri Lanka expanded with access to a trampoline as well as other equipment (such as belt rigs, which allowed the divers to practice different tricks while the coach pulled them on the trampoline with ropes). But, in the last decade or so the divers in Sri Lanka have slowly lost access to this equipment. Nevertheless, I am always inspired by the enthusiasm of the young divers as well as the commitment of the coaches and some officials who do their best in very dismal circumstances. Meanwhile, the sport of diving has accelerated in pace, with much more difficult and dangerous dives being performed in mega-events. Despite having some fond memories as well as some enduring friend- ships, I still remember the competitive diving experience as an intensely stressful period. I hit the board two times, receiving stitches, and one time hit the board, neck up, miraculously surviving without any major injuries. Springboard diving is not for the faint hearted, especially at its current standard. Yes, springboard diving has broadened its audience, but fewer and fewer young people actually get to participate in the sport. A key actor making my migration to the US possible was the diving coach at Indiana University at the time, Hobie Billingsley. After leaving Hobie’s diving team in the early 1980s, I saw him again at the NCAA (National Collegiate Athletic Association) championships in 1987, and at the 1996 Olympics. At the 1996 Olympics, Hobie was honoured by being selected to take the officials’ oath at the opening ceremonies. Hobie also introduced me to Mark Lenzi. Mark was three years younger than me and, like me, he relocated and enrolled at Bloomington North High School to train with Hobie. Unlike me, he attended Indiana University and was a star diver who, in 1996, won a bronze medal behind two Chinese divers. (I placed 35th in that competition.) Mark was the 1992 Olympic gold medallist in the three-metre springboard competition, and he was a friend. Following his competitive diving career, he became a viii Preface

diving coach, but it was a difficult troubled life. In 2012, Mark died at the age of 44, due to a “heart ailment”. To me, his death highlighted the “waste of lives” in sports consumer markets, the causalities of a toxic notion of work and play, as well as the crisis in the realm of care. In this study, I relocate sports from the realm of production and the consumer culture of entertainment into the realm of households and communities, in terms of the care labour that sustains sports labour. I excelled as a diver because a range of people along the way extended their care labour that looked after me. It began when my mother took our family, especially my younger sister and me, to swim lessons. It continued as the women in the foster families I lived with in the US generously enabled my progress through the sport. By returning to the realm of care, I hope to identify an urgent need to change the ways in which we derive pleasures from competitive sports. Not only does sports culture’s aggressive masculinity incorporate multiple forms of violence—including self-harm—but it also undermines the emancipatory potential of sports. By framing sports from a Global South perspective, my aim is to highlight the violence that most endure in places like Sri Lanka because of poverty, cultural marginalisation and political exclusion. Despite the cessation of an ethnic war in 2009 that lasted over thirty years, patriarchal Sinhala-Buddhist nationalist and militarist tendencies continue to nurture structures of violence, particularly against women and marginalised ethnic communities. While a few of my peers in Colombo have benefited from the spread of capitalist markets in Sri Lanka, a majority of workers, particularly young men and women, struggle to make living. Nevertheless, amidst contemporary exploitation and suffering, students, workers, women, unionists, and communities are demanding more democratic alternatives, for opportunities to play as well as work under their own direction. This book is dedicated to their struggles as well as struggles of progressive academics in the fraught terrain of knowledge production. The academics that nurtured me in the US and Sri Lanka were engaged in reclaiming science as an emancipatory project, particularly for the oppressed majority, the voiceless, in the global South.

Randwick, NSW, Australia S. Janaka Biyanwila Acknowledgements

This study traverses my experience as a competitive springboard diver as well as an academic in the area of labour studies. In effect, I have to thank a range of people in realm of sports as well as academia that have nurtured this project in different, knowing and unknowing ways. In terms of sports, while all my diving coaches (in Sri Lanka and the US) were committed and generous people, I have to recognize the special contribution made by Hobie Billingsley, at Indiana University, in the early 1980s. Not only did he help improve my diving skills, but he also inculcated a strong sense of dignity and self-discipline as a young South Asian teenager, amidst mostly white American culture. Without the support of the older university divers, in their early twenties at the time, I might not have lasted in the sport of diving in Bloomington, Indiana. I am also in deep gratitude to my foster family, the Morgans (Bill, Jill, Aimee and Heather), and their extended kinship relations, in rural Indiana, for their care and support throughout my high school and university diving days. I also have to acknowledge the diving community at the University of Oklahoma, University of Maryland as well as the University of Utah. I especially want to thank the divers, the diving coaches and officials in Sri Lanka, who at present continue to sustain the sport despite multiple challenges. In terms of academia, I want to thank Kumari Jayawardena, in particular for her encouragement to write about sports in the mid-1990s. I am ix x Acknowledgements grateful to Dan Clawson, at University of Massachusetts, Amherst, for his friendship and advice. I also want to thank Raewyn Connell, David Rowe and Helen Lenskyj for their kind support. Of course, thanks also go to my friends, Ajith Kumarasiri, Krishantha, Ethan Blue, Fausto Buta, Matt Withers and Ezreena Yayah. I want to thank Sharla Plant at Palgrave for accepting this project and the series editors Stephen Wagg and David Lawrence, for extending me the freedom to indulge in a broad integrated approach to understanding sports in the Global South. Contents

1 Introduction 1

2 The Spread of Sports Markets in the Global South 25

3 Sports Workers in Workplaces and Communities 67

4 Sports Revenues from Property Rights and Cities 107

5 The Role of Media in Sports Consumption 137

6 Development and Sports in Sri Lanka 179

7 Authoritarian Sports Cultures and Sports Workers 219

8 Changing Sports Through Resistance 259

9 Conclusion: Sports as Play and the Sports Commons 299

xi xii Contents

Appendix. Life Story of a Migrant Sports Worker 321

Bibliography 327

Index 367 List of Abbreviations

ADB Asian Development Bank BCCI Board of Cricket Control India CAS Court of Arbitration for Sport CIES International Centre for Sports Studies COHRE Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions CON Counter Olympics Network CP Communist Party CPA Centre for Policy Alternatives CSN Carlton Sports Network CSO Civil Society Organisations CSR Corporate Social Responsibility CTB Ceylon Transport Board FFSL Football Federation of Sri Lanka FIFA International Federation of Football Associations FINA International Swimming Federation FTZ Free trade Zones GATS General Agreement on Trade in Services GPN Global Production Network GUF Global Union Federation HLRN Housing and Land Rights Network IAAF International Association of Athletics Federations ICC International Cricket Council IFIs International Financial Institutions

xiii xiv List of Abbreviations

ILO International Labour Organisation IMF International Monetary Fund IOC International Olympic Committee IPL Indian Professional League IPR Intellectual Property Rights ITGLWF International Textile, Garment and Leather Workers’ Federation JVP People’s Liberation Front (Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna) KSIA Knight Commission on Intercollegiate Athletics LTTE Liberation Tamil Tiger of Eelam ManU Manchester United Football Club MCC Marylebone Cricket Club NBA National Basketball Association NBL National Baseball League NCAA National Amature Athletic Association NCPA National College Players Association NFL National Football League NGO Non-governmental Organisation NIDCL New International Division of Cultural Labor NOC National Olympic Committee ODI One Day International PTA Prevention of Terrorism Act PWC Price Waterhouse Coopers RTI Right to Information SAF South Asian Federation SLBC Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation SLC Sri Lanka Cricket SLFP Sri Lanka Freedom Party SLMoS Sri Lanka Ministry of Sports SLPL Sri Lanka Premier League SLTDA Sri Lanka Tourism Development Authority TNCs Transnational Corporations TRIPS Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights TUC Trade Union Congress UN United Nations UNDP United Nations Development Programme UNEP United Nations Environment Programme UNESCO United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organisation UNI UNI Global Union List of Abbreviations xv

UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund UNP United National Party USAS United Students Against Sweatshops WFSGI World Federation of Sporting Goods Industry WTO World Trade Organisation List of Figures

Fig. 2.1 Sports governance: consent and coercion 42 Fig. 2.2 Sports in the Global North and South 54 Fig. 3.1 Sports and social reproduction 72 Fig. 3.2 Sports consumer culture and citizenship 86 Fig. 3.3 Sports as cultural production and workers 90 Fig. 3.4 Commodification of sports labour 97 Fig. 4.1 Sports mega-events, cities and collective aspirations 116 Fig. 7.1 Sri Lanka: Sports consumer culture and community sports 232 Fig. 8.1 Social spatial parameters of sports organisation 269 Fig. 8.2 Sports commons and counter movements 289 Fig. 9.1 Sports commons and politics of transformation 314

xvii

Indiana High School (Boys) Swimming & Diving State Championships, Indiana University Natatorium, Indianapolis, February 1983. Source: Sunday Herald Times (Bloomington, IN), 27 February 1983 xix 1

Introduction

In June 2013, there were mass protests in Brazil, which began in São Paolo, then spread across other urban centres, against increases in public transport fares, which also targeted government spending on sports mega-events, such as the 2014 World Cup Football and the 2016 Olympics. The 2016 Olympics, following the 1968 Olympics in Mexico, was the second time this spectacle of sports consumer culture to be hosted in the Global South. The 2013 social protests targeting the 2016 Olympics, overlapped with the global labour movement campaigns against the plight of migrant workers in construction projects in Qatar, in preparation for the 2022 FIFA World Cup. Most of these migrant workers were from South Asia, including Sri Lanka. This shift in sports mega-events, elite spectator sports with global audiences (Horne and Manzenreiter 2006) into the urban centres of the Global South, is a distinctive emergent phenomenon. The Indian Premier League (IPL) cricket spectacle introduced in 2008 was worth $4.5 billion in 2016 (NFL $13 billion and English Premier League $5.3 billion) with a total TV viewership of several million people globally. Expanding markets into sports cultures catering to an affluent sports consumer culture, in the North and the South, highlights the contradictions related to notions of leisure or play, and desires for well-being.

The relationship between sports and work is significant for the Global South, which represents the majority of the global labour force and the working poor. The concentration of sports markets in the Global North as well as few emerging urban centres in the South, illustrates the uneven and combined process of profit-making through sports. This geographi- cal configuration of sports markets is shaped by an expanding global division of sports labour, particularly in terms of cultural (athletic) labourers, “players” or “athletes” as well as producers of sporting goods and merchandise. The media-driven focus on athletes, mainly “superstars”, is based on disconnecting this interdependence amongst a range of workers engaged in the production of sports spectacle and the sports consumer culture. Migrant workers are central to this global division of sports labour. The migration of workers, from North to South, and from rural to urban centres in the South, highlights not only the inequalities and economic subordination, but also the crisis of households and communities in the Global South. The elaboration of local sports cultures in the Global South is interdependent with issues of socio-economic development. The “sports and development” agenda promoted by the United Nations, along with the International Sports Federations, and the international institutions of economic governance (the World Bank, the International Monetary Foundation and the World Trade Organisation) involve issues of both labour as well as culture. The “sports and development” discourse, grounded in notions of charity and humanitarian philanthropy, transforms localised sports cultures and social provisioning values, towards sports consumer culture and commercial values. At the same time, the coupling of “sports development” with performance at sports mega- events is grounded in reinforcing “sportive nationalism”. This unifying force of “sportive nationalism”, along with the “sports and development” discourse is not without contradictions. The expansion of migrant sports workers complicates assertions cultural “uniqueness” and “authenticity” through “sportive nationalism”. The articulation of sports within these dominant narratives involves a notion of an inherent goodness of sports or an “evangelical sports” narrative (Giulianotti 2004). This also relates to locating sports as a sacred, value-free, cultural space outside of messy master–slave relations and Introduction 3 power struggles. A range of actors in sports markets, such as corporations, governments, global institutions of governance, and civil society organisations nurture this “evangelical sports” discourse. Thus, sport is seen as a catalyst for development, education, health promotion, and the empowerment of girls and women, while facilitating social inclusion, conflict prevention and peace building (UN 1993). What this sports internation- alist, cosmopolitan and humanitarian tendencies hides is how “our” (Global North) sport is sold or distributed to “them” while “they” make “our” sports equipment (Nauright 2004). More importantly, “they” make “our” sports equipment in a context of poverty wages and dismal working conditions. In terms of labour, what is unique about the Global South is that formal wage work represents dispersed enclaves in a sea of informal work, encompassing a range of livelihood strategies. Formal wage work is also increasingly less secure, precarious or casualised, owing to the promotion of “flexible” labour markets (Munck 2013). Lacking decent jobs and liveable wages, means making a living (in the realm of production) in the Global South is more intensely integrated with the realm of care, or unpaid work, within households and communities (the realm of social reproduction). The realm of social reproduction, the unpaid work or care labour, is also the realm of culture and play. It is also a realm of consumption, involving families, neighbourhoods and communities. While the domain of social reproduction relates to enhancing affective human capacities, it also involves tensions and contradictions. While women are absorbed into wage labour within global production networks, they are simultaneously subordinated within households and communities as the biological and cultural producers of the “national community” (Yuval-Davis 1997). The struggles of women athletes in the Global South coincide with the struggles of women workers in the sports apparel manufacturing factories. The emergence and the expansion of sports markets in the Global South particularly, since the mid-1990s, illustrate a dramatic shift in the relationship between media and sports. The nascent sports cultures driven by media sports programming depicts mediated sports, or MediaSports (Wenner 1998). The media TNCs (transnational corporations), such as 4 S. J. Biyanwila

Disney (US), News Corp (US), Vivendi (France) and Bertelsman (Germany), are central in reframing sports entertainment and notions of sports pleasures. For example, in 2014, a new sports market, known as the Pro Kabaddi League, was created in India. Kabaddi, mostly a rural community sport played across South Asian countries was popularised with its introduction into the Asian Games in 1990. The league was established by the Mahindra Group, an Indian transnational corporation, while Star Sports (News Corp) was awarded media rights for 10 years. The first week of the 2016 season of the Pro Kabaddi League attracted over 77 million TV viewers. While there are franchises desig- nated to the main Indian cities, the actual sports entertainment process creates a placelessness beyond the arena of play (Bale and Maguire 1994; Vertinsky and Bale 2004). Despite the seeming placelessness of sports consumer culture, expanding sports markets depend on urban development processes shaped by an emergent sports–media–tourism complex (Nauright 2004). The bidding for sports mega-events by nation-states illustrates how sports markets integrate with inter-urban competition for investment, and state strategies of urban development. In 2011, Sri Lanka spent US$8 million (around 880 million rupees) bidding for the 2018 Commonwealth Games to be hosted in Hambanthota, a small town in the midst of rural poverty and unemployment, but a key electorate of then president. The emerging processes of urbanisation and sports markets in the Global South are interrelated with the climate crisis and recurrent extreme weather events (UNEP 2015). Even in the Global North, increasing summer temperatures have meant rescheduling sports leagues and events. More importantly, urban transport, which is central to the coordination of cities and the expansion of travel, particularly by the car system, has exacerbated the problem with living conditions (Urry 2004; Engler and Mugyenyi 2011; Miller 2001). The 2013 protests in Brazil against transport price increases reflect the overall pressures of making a living in cities. In the context of increasing privatisation of public transport, the emergent sports markets in the Global South mainly cater to an expanding middle-class consumer culture, which simultaneously celebrate the car culture. Following the 2016 Olympic Games, when the star female Indian gymnast, Dipa Karmakar, was presented with a BMW car by the Introduction 5 head of the Hyderabad District Badminton Association, who also owns a car dealership, she promptly refused it, highlighting that in her region (Tripura) there were no suitable roads or service centres for luxury cars. The sports markets are embedded in the fossil fuel economy and extractive industries. Car companies are major sponsors of sports events and sports media programmes (PWC 2011). A sports car is often an appendage to most elite male sports celebrities, projecting fantasies of autonomy. The glamour of Formula One car racing, are co-produced by urban middle-class sports cultures in the Global South to suit local conditions. In 2010, Sri Lanka introduced car racing at night in Colombo, mainly to a narrow affluent middle-class consumer market, symbolising “sports and development”. The car culture is rife with contradictions in terms of the “evangelical sports” narrative, which overlaps the “green sports” discourse. While contributing to urban pollution, congestion, fatalities and global warming, the car system relies on global resource extraction networks (Engler and Mugyenyi 2011). These networks are intertwined with the militarisation of the state and “resource wars”, particularly in the Global South (Bridge 2008; Shiva 2016). The struggles of local communities to protect their livelihoods and lands from extractive industries are often reframed as issues of “national security”, involving “terrorists” and demanding military responses. While the car system and automobile companies are significant for expanding global sports revenues, the urbanisation processes that create the conditions for the car culture also rely on authoritarian modes of governance. Creating “safe” regulated spaces for sports consumption (sports venues, recreation and parking places) relates to issues of urban governance. This reconfiguration of space for middle-class consumers and tourists includes enforcing new commercial laws as well as criminal laws. In order to “beautify” the city, the enforcement of criminal laws by states involves displacing the urban poor into the periphery of the city. Maintaining these secured spaces for sports consumption depends on state and private security forces, including new surveillance technologies. For the 2016 Rio Olympics, the security forces included around 48,000 police officers and fire fighters combined with 38,000 military personnel costing over a billion dollars. The new security-influenced 6 S. J. Biyanwila urban redevelopment, under the aegis of “national security”, is based on reinforcing the coercive apparatus of the state from policing to prisons. Meanwhile, the military is also integrated with sports institutions in fostering its legitimacy. Even in the Global North, the US Department of Defense allocates considerable resources to self-promote through sports leagues and teams. This “normalisation” of the military with sports consumer culture is of particular significance for the Global South, where multiple struggles for social justice endure demanding economic redistribution, cultural recognition and political representation. This book argues for an alternative culture of sports production and consumption, which involves transforming both work and play. The Southern standpoint highlights enduring relations of subordination, marginalisation and exclusion in former colonies as well as complexity and emergence (Amin 2010; Santos 2007b). It highlights how sports intersect both the realm of production (in the field, the track, the court and the pool, as well as the factory) and the realm of social reproduction or households, neighbourhoods and communities. The aim is to foreground how different social forces with complex entanglements also create the conditions for a range of actors that are in perpetual ferment to democratise sports and reframe sports as a public good or the commons. The cultural self-realisation of “modern” sports emerged out of the struggles of organised workers. The demands of European organised labour in the mid-1800s, for a shorter working day and improved working conditions, or better work–life balance, was instrumental in expanding collective participation in leisure and public life (Jones 1986; Kruger and Riodan 1996; Spracklen 2011). Of course, the elimination of child labour, along with the relegation of women into household labour, coincided with this socialisation of labour markets. The eight-hour workday campaign, which asserted demands for rest and play, was essential for nurturing community sports cultures. While this applied only to a small nucleus of the labour force at the time, and expressed specific Eurocentric masculine notions of “work” as only paid work, it nevertheless transformed the realm of social reproduction and collective consumption. The struggles to transform work and play in the Global South not only relate to worker struggles but also the broad anti-colonial movement towards self-determination and cultural self-realisation. The influence of Introduction 7 the labour movement within post-independence nationalist “development” projects encouraged the expansion of collective consumption and the provisioning of sports as a public good. The state social provisioning of sports which broadened sports participation was mostly within urban areas and involved both authoritarian and democratic tendencies. Nevertheless, the reintegration with global markets since the mid-1970s reconfigured the sports cultures firmly within the realm of markets and consumer culture. Despite the promises of the “evangelical sports” narrative, the authoritarian and exploitative structures of sport cultures in the Global South highlight the necessity and possibility of transforming sports through collective struggles. This book argues for the reimagining of the sporting pleasure in terms of transforming work (the realm of production) as well as play (social reproduction). A range of social movements, activist networks and local groups are engaged in diverse efforts to re-embed sports markets in local communities, not in order to expand profits, but in the interests of people (Millward 2011; Wilson 2007). Meanwhile, a range of critical perspectives on sports point towards the possibility of less harmful and more liberating alternative sports cultures (Kidd 1995, 2008; Messner 1992, 2007; Eichberg and Loland 2011; McKay and Sabo 1994; Lenskyj 2008). The dominant Eurocentric mainstream sports discourse around “clean sports” or anti-corruption overlaps with the “green sports” sustainability discourse. The encouragement towards “ethical” sports consumption consisting of an ethical code of conduct in sports, “good governance”, waste recycling in sports stadiums and other similar efforts are important. However, this utilitarian and elitist sports discourse continues to mystify the generative mechanisms of sports consumer culture, creating “testosterone dreams” (Hoberman 2005). When the commercial values of sports are prioritised over the social provisioning values of sports, sports cultures become disembedded from communities and shaped by interests of profits. Promoting non-market sports cultures, enhancing household and human capacities to participate in sports, relates to the socialisation and democratisation of sports markets. Reflecting on sports within the realm of production as well as social reproduction involves emphasising how sports cultures are co-dependent on our material transaction with nature. While the building of mega-event 8 S. J. Biyanwila stadiums, Formula One racing tracks and golf courses, along with the car culture, transforms the external nature or the lived environment, the enhancement of bodily performance through biotechnology, or “drugs”, transforms human nature or embodiment (Miah 2004). Recognising how the realm of sports (play) interacts with nature, both in terms of embodiment and lived environment, is significant for the reimagining of sports in terms of well-being. In arguing for public-driven sports cultures or the sports commons, the main aim is to foreground issues of justice and care, both in the realm of work as well as play. This study draws from my own experience as a competitive diver and a coach, mostly in the US (1980–92). It is an autoethnography of a migrant sports worker from the Global South to the North. Given the hypermasculine individualism of dominant sports cultures, my aim is not to confuse sociological analysis and insight with masculine angst or “sub- jectivist slippage into asocial solipsism” (Giulianotti 2005: 96). The autoethnography entails narratives of “life history” linking ontology (being) lived experience, involving social relations and institutions, with episte- mology (knowledge). By reinterpreting my own experiences, however incompletely through knowledge, or conceptual analysis, the aim is to reveal the limitations of world sports, in order articulate a vision of resistance and possible, more pleasurable, alternatives. This study articulates a Southern perspective on the production and social reproduction (consumption) of sports. The Global North–South distinction foregrounds how the spatial configuration of capital accumulation (including the spread of markets) relates to processes of regulation and emancipation in the North, which, in turn, depends on the reappropriation and violence in the South (Santos 2007b; Basu and Roy 2007). Each of these categories are differentiated and stratified, meaning there are many differences as well as layers of disadvantage. In the South, national sports cultures co-evolve with histories of colonialism and anti- colonial struggles. These struggles are replicated in different ways in the Global North in the form of marginalised people, such as indigenous people, the unemployed, and people with disabilities, along with ethnic, religious and sexual minorities. The Global North also exists in the South, among the privileged (leisure) classes in urban centres. The network of urban centres or global cities, integrating the North and the South, Introduction 9 reflects core regions of global production networks and expanding sports markets. The knowledge production of sports, paralleling sports markets, mostly takes place in the Global North, focusing on concerns in the North and of market interests (mainly focused on enhancing consumer experience). This knowledge production often contains Eurocentric and masculine, able-bodied tendencies, projecting universalist accounts of European modernity and the diffusion of European sports cultures through processes of colonisation (Dimeo 2003; Mills 2005a; Magan 1998). These dominant tendencies subordinate and marginalise knowledge production as well as local sports traditions in non-European cultures (Connell 2007; Santos 2007a). This moral–cultural hegemony of the North is reproduced and co-produced by a range of institutions and cultures, such as sports-media and academia within the South. This study contributes to an ongoing research programme around reimagining sports (Giulianotti 2004, 2005; Nauright 2004; Donnelly 2008; Eichburg 2010; Hargreaves 1999; Kidd 2008; Horne 2006; Lenskyj 1986; Levermore and Beacom 2009; Maguire 2004, 2008; McKay 1992). In keeping with the vision of the International Sociology of Sport Association, the objective is “to contribute to our understanding of sport and also to inform policy that will make the sports experience less wasteful of lives and resources” (ISSA 2016). My aim is also to highlight how the dominant experience of sports in the Global North is based on a more extended waste of lives and resources in the Global South. The Global South perspective in this study draws from a South Asian, particularly Sri Lankan context. The South Asian context is significant for the study of sports cultures in many dimensions (Mills 2001a). The urban centres in the South Asian region represent expanding sports consumer markets (professional leagues in cricket, football, basketball, badminton, and kabaddi). Workers in the region are a significant labour force, integrated within global production networks of sports cultures. Workers in India, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Pakistan make a range of sports goods (balls, bats, shoes, shirts, shorts, etc.); provide care labour as migrant domestic workers for urban middle-class sports consumers; build sports venues as construction workers; and produce food as farmers for sports nutrition markets. A large portion of the global poor lives in the South Asian region 10 S. J. Biyanwila with more than 200 million living in slums, and about 500 million without electricity (World Bank 2016). The South Asian region as “a front-line region in the battle against terrorism” (US State Department), illustrates how the spread of sports markets are integrated with authoritarian militarised state forms. These state forms reproduce hypermasculine ethnonationalists (communal) politics in the region, which draws on sports cultures to reinforce communal identities. The conditions of violence and reappropriation (of land, livelihoods and communal property) in the South is also a site of struggle. The Southern perspective is a strategic orientation, in solidarity with struggles in the Global North, asserting demands for alternative democratic sports cultures based on justice and care.

1.1 Understanding Sports in Society: Theory and Practice

Central to the practice of sports is the notion of play, which links with concepts of joy, conviviality, and cultural self-realisation (Soper 1995; Ryle and Soper 2002). Culture is broadly defined as all things that are intelligible, or things that have the disposition of being understood by someone (Archer 1988). The cultural activities of sports, as other similar social phenomena, are shaped by enduring structures and ongoing human interaction in many domains (actual, empirical, and real) and levels (human ecological, social–material, social–institutional and social– cultural levels). The sports spectacle is grounded in producing rituals. Rituals and play are mutually interacting forms of cultural expression. Rituals are seen as an expression of beliefs and values, with predictable outcomes, while play is seen as a display of fun and joy, with uncertain outcomes. Play as imitative performance can be a form of transmitting ritual knowledge, as in the case of certain religious festivals in South Asia (Husken 2012). The notion of play involves bodily cultures and movement, encompassing games, dance and aesthetics (Huizinga 1971; Caillois 1961; Turner 1982; Sutton-Smith 1997). There is also a range ofnon- Eurocentric approaches to notions of play shaped by specific historical and cultural Introduction 11 contexts (Mills 2001b, 2005b). This bodily organisation of the human movement includes the whole historical, social and inner contradictions of human bodily existence (Eichberg 2010; Ingham and Loy 1993). The aspect of enjoyment, or laughter, from a spectacle to a carnival can be both harmless and harmful. In effect, the notion of play is not without aesthetic judgement (what is beautiful?) and moral valuation (what is right? or what is good?). The distinctions between sports, play, leisure and recreation remain porous and shaped by the context. Nevertheless, the separation of these categories is significant for analytical purposes. Sports involve three interacting yet different dimensions: elite sports, mass sports, and popular festivals and games. Elite sports relate to competitive identities and oppositional patterns; mass sports contain social discipline and fitness; and popular sports comprise a sense of community or “emotions of encounter” (Eichberg and Loland 2011). Competitive sports are characterised by the following elements: quantifiable progress derived from competitions and exact measurement of performance—the standardisation of performance conditions and the sporting record ideal; specialisation; and instrumental rationality—training methods, equipment, technical and tactical patterns to enhance performance (Eichberg and Loland 2011; Guttmann 1992). These characteristics of “modern” European sports also integrated notions of hygiene and health, emerging from positivist notions of science. This book is framed within a cultural political economy perspective (Sayer 2001), with a critical realist philosophical approach. The critical realist frame suggests a transformational model of social activity which foregrounds the possibilities and limitations of social change through individual and collective agency (Bhaskar 1989; Bhaskar et al. 2010; Archer 2000, 2003). From this approach, social structures always pre-exist human agency, but they are reproduced or transformed in the course of our ongoing social activity. As opposed to seeing society as a summation of individual decisions in an atomised social context (based on a positivist notion of science), this approach is grounded in a relational conception of society. More specifically, the focus is not on behaviours, either individual or collective, but on enduring relations between individuals shaped by structures and cultures. Rather than an amalgamation of individual 12 S. J. Biyanwila motivations, powers and tendencies, the emphasis is on the reality of structures, entities and powers. Sports, from the dominant perspective, are situated as a closed system, creating a notion of “sports exceptionalism” or “mystique of sports”, which is then extended into society through sports metaphors. In contrast, sports as an open-systemic phenomenon, suggests complexity and emergence, which requires a multidisciplinary approach, referring to a multiplicity of mechanisms, different and emergent levels of reality. As such, this study integrates perspectives from sociology, political economy, gender studies, South Asian studies, urban studies and development studies, including labour studies. The analysis of sports involves many interdependent dimensions and each of these dimensions also includes many levels. First, sports are located within four key dimensions: (i) material transactions with nature, (ii) social interactions between agents, (iii) social structure proper, and (iv) the stratification of embodied personalities of agents. Each of these dimensions reflects specific properties, mechanisms and tendencies, which provides a way to look at social events and social systems as “laminated”. The stratification of embodied personalities of agents refers to seven main mechanisms: (i) physical; (ii) biological, and more specifically physiological, medical or clinical; (iii) psychological; (iv) psychosocial; (v) socioeconomic; (vi) cultural; and (vii) normative kinds (Bhaskar and Danermark 2007). In avoiding reductionism to one particular mechanism, the purpose is to achieve satisfactory explanations, which inform new transformative practices. Material transactions with nature relates to an uneven relationship between human beings and nature, where nature could exist without human beings, while the opposite is not possible. This dependence of human beings on nature has two interrelated dimensions. Human beings are natural, in the sense that they not only depend upon nature but also are constituted by nature. In avoiding the culture–nature dualism, the aim is to recognise the influence of both in their geo-historic elaboration (Frank et al. 2010). The process of elaboration entails questions of structure and agency, where human beings possess and exercise instinctive causal power, either maintaining or transforming emergent orders of both culture and social structure (Archer 2000). Introduction 13

Sports organisations, institutions, cultures (social systems) contain enduring and emergent ‘micro’, ‘meso’ and ‘macro’ structures. These structures determine access to material and cultural resources. They also define their objective social interests relative to other agents. We, as agents in the present, engage in a process of “internal conversation”, deliberating internally (human reflexivity) about what to do in situations that are not of our making (Archer 1988, 2003). In turn, agents can be active, take stances and initiate intervention, or be passive, oppose taking stances and allow things to happen to them. Of course, agency is also shaped by “external conversations”, with specific situational and structural influences, with varying individual and collective spatial histories. Approaching nature or reality from a critical realist perspective involves recognising a multi-tiered stratification of nature. This stratification encompasses three domains of the actual, the empirical, and the real. The ways these three domains interact with one another reflect emergent states and properties of sports. The actual realm of sports is the realm of everyday practice, events or state of affairs where hegemonic and counter- hegemonic struggles shape sporting institutions, cultures and practices (Bairner 2009; Morgan 1997; Rowe 2004). The empirical realm is the less visible realm of experience. This is where social structural processes or enduring structures interact with both the actual and the real domains. For example, the marginalisation of women in sports cultures reflects enduring structures of patriarchy made invisible by market ideologies of competitive individualism. The real is a more open system of complexity and emergence, which includes events, experiences, and mechanisms. Here, generative mechanisms are defined as the powers and liabilities of things. The purpose is to recognise the distinction between structures and events, or the domains of the real, empirical and actual. The dominant knowledge production around sports sciences asserts a positivist notion of science, particularly in fields of biomechanics, medicine, sports psychology, physiology, anatomy and biochemistry (Reinhard and Roessler 2005). In contesting the positivist monoculture of sports, strong hermeneutic perspectives (mostly in cultural studies) highlight interpretive processes including normative assessments of categories. However, the conflation of social structures into culture also reduces social life to concepts. 14 S. J. Biyanwila

The critical realist approach resolves this contradiction between hermeneutics and positivism, by locating social life as conceptually dependent but not exhausted by conceptuality. This involves emphasising practice, which I will return to later. While conceptuality provides the necessary hermeneutic starting point for social investigation, it remains in principle corrigible (Bhaskar et al. 2010). Critical realism avoids the hyper- individualism and voluntarism of positivist approaches to science and the over-socialised cultural “dupes” stance of hermeneutics or interpretivist (social constructivist) approaches (Archer 1988). The critical realist tendency deepens both positivist and hermeneutic approaches to knowledge, emphasising the “practical adequacy” in adjudicating between theories of social transformation (Bhaskar 1989; Archer 2000). Sports operate at radically different levels of reality, including four- planar social reality, and orders of scale. Within the human social field, we can further differentiate human ecological (at the level of human life support systems), social-material, social-institutional and social-cultural forms and aspects of social practices. The socio-material level is concerned with the production, consumption, care and settlement of groups or communities of living human beings in their environments. The socio- institutional level entails social, economic, political and military institutions as well as familial, educational and linguistic forms and structures. Meanwhile, the socio-cultural level includes scientific, artistic, ethical, religious and metaphysical, elite and popular modes of expression, learning and interaction. This allows for “laminated explanations” that can make clear, distinct levels of agency and collectivity in order to transform sports and bodily cultures of leisure. The concept of the “activist athlete” (Juan Carlos, Mohammad Ali, Serena Williams, Colin Kaepernick, etc.) suggests an exercise in human potential as agents where athletes speak out against injustices (marginalisation, exploitation, oppression, and alienation) within and outside sports (Zirin 2005). Agency represents the embodied intentional causal- ity or process that attempts to change the state of affairs in a context that would not have occurred otherwise (Bhaskar 1993). However, individual and collective agency can be mobilised to reproduce as well as transform dominant sports cultures and institutions. While all these dimensions, levels and mechanisms may seem confus- ing and complex, the purpose here is to recognise how the realm of sports Introduction 15 is embedded in a multidimensional and multilevel social reality. The depth and breadth of the analytical frame is significant for the rethinking of sports as a social practice reproduced and transformed through individual and collective agency. The objective is to inform strategies for action that can combine transformative action across the personal, social relational and social structural spheres and scales (Bhaskar et al. 2010). The emphasis on complexity overlaps with the Southern perspective and lived reality of negotiating multiple power hierarchies, through varied rhythms of time and space. In contrast to an “objective” intransitive notion of knowledge, critical realism suggests a transitive and a transformational approach to knowledge. While highlighting the experiential and tacit dimensions (social character) of knowledge emphasised by critical theory and new social movements, critical realism sustains the possibility of a real world, independent of knowledge. Accordingly, knowledge is seen as irreducible to being (Bhaskar 1989: 17–18), and social activity of knowledge production is embedded in a structured, differentiated and changing world. Thus, social practice is linked with theory in an unfold- ing, mutually reinforcing dynamic making new forms of practices possible, leading to enhanced understanding in “an emancipatory spiral” (ibid.: 6). In weaving together theory with practice, this book is oriented towards intercultural dialogue and translations (Santos Sousa) aimed at advancing an ecology of knowledge that can reinforce concrete political action towards transforming sports as well as society. From a social-material level, the aim is to recover the “aesthetic, sensuous and democratic elements” of sport from its subordination to an endless accumulation of capital (McKay 1991). This suggests reframing work and play in order to discover alternative sports cultures, by combining sociological imagination with ecological imagination (Salleh et al. 2015).

1.2 Structure of the Argument

The second chapter, following this introduction, provides a framework to understand the spread of sports consumer markets in the Global South. It explains how sports cultures in the Global South are shaped by global 16 S. J. Biyanwila production networks and the promotion of market-driven development. Then it examines how the restructuring of the state enables the expansion of sports markets, and the ways in which the IOC (International Olympic Committee) and the UN articulate “sports and development”. The dominant “evangelical sports” narrative which, coupled with the notion of “sportive nation”, not only mystifies the integration of the military with sports cultures, but also overlooks the violence in both sports and market- driven development. The third chapter focuses on the workers in global production networks that produce the sports consumer culture. It explains how athletes as sports cultural workers are interdependent, with a range of workers in other sectors, and how flexible production systems and global production networks are intensifying the realm of work, including sports labour. Recognising the significance of migrant workers for sports markets, this chapter explains the emergent international division of sports labour and how migrant labour complicates articulations of citizenship rights and national sovereignty. The hyper-competitive sports culture demanding “performance enhancement” reinforces the self-exploitation of workers depicting “cyborgs on steroids”. Chapter 4 focuses on how expanding sports markets are based on branding or intellectual property rights (IPR), as well as urbanisation processes. It explains the mechanisms of extracting monopoly rent from cultural goods such as sports, which overlaps with the interests of finance capital encouraging urban entrepreneurialism and inter-urban competition. The promotion of financial risk-taking, or “financial doping”, not only influences community sports cultures but also expands sports gambling. Meanwhile, the urbanisation processes promoting urban consumer sports cultures reinforce car cultures and fossil fuel economies that contribute to the ecological crisis as well as “resource wars” in the Global South. The focus of the fifth chapter is on the emergent sports-media- tourism complex, which reproduces a monoculture of sports consumption. The launch of the Indian Premier League in Cricket, in 2008, illustrates the Disneyfication of sports targeted at affluent consumer segments. The spread of sports markets overlaps with markets in education, which reframe school sports in terms of commercial values. Drawing on my own experience as a student-athlete, this chapter describes structures of class, gender and ethnicity within the university sports culture in the US. The colonial “civilising mission” along with Muscular Christianity, Introduction 17 or the embodiment of religiosity with physical fitness and manliness, that influences sports cultures in the ex-colonies, endures within militarised masculine sports cultures, devaluing disabled and aging bodies. Chapters 6 and 7 focuses on the case of Sri Lanka. Chapter 6 explains how the market-driven development in Sri Lanka integrates specific segments of workers within global production networks. The spread of sports markets asserting “sportive nationalism” reinforces patriarchal Sinhala-Buddhist ethnonationalist tendencies, despite hybrid identities within sports labour and labour migration. The dominance of the cricket culture, encompassing new cricket venues amidst rural and urban poverty, reflects class dynamics subordinating other popular sports, such as football. This coincides with urban “development” projects creating safe urban spaces for sports consumption which, coexist with under-resourced popular mass participation sporting events. Meanwhile, the integration of elite disabled athletes with “sportive nationalism” legitimises able- bodied masculine sports cultures. All this takes place in a context, where the deregulation and privatisation of media overlap with authoritarian “security” state strategies restraining freedom of speech while enforcing multiple forms of censorship. Chapter 7 examines enduring authoritarian sports cultures and how sports workers reproduce, negotiate and accommodate as well as resist hierarchical sports cultures. The two dominant sports governance institutions, the Sports Ministry and the National Olympic Committee, illustrate tensions as well as cooperation in extending sports markets. They also illustrate the reproduction of sport oligarchies or cartels governing sports cultures at multiple levels (global, regional, national, and local). The overlap of sports bureaucrats with party politics reinforce authoritarian masculine cultures based on patronage systems subordinating sports labour. The emergent mercantilist elite, within cricket governance, foster authoritarian masculine sports cultures subordinating women’s cricket while legitimising patriarchal Sinhala-Buddhist ethnonationalist politics. By relating the life stories of two women and two men who were elite sports workers, this chapter describes how sports labour negotiates structures of class, gender, ethnicity and disability. Chapter 8 explains how sports resistance illustrate alternative notions of play and living well. For the Global South, the anti-colonial struggles were significant for the elaboration of local sports cultures. In the contemporary 18 S. J. Biyanwila context of market-driven sports consumer culture, the socialisation and democratisation of sports markets relates to contentious collective action by different social movements, particularly the labour movement. The resistance against sports mega-events in the Global South illustrates forms of urban protests, asserting public spaces and community control. Re-embedding sports markets within communities, concerns contesting hegemonic heterosexual able-bodied masculine sports cultures, which involves rethinking work and play, and notions of development in terms of “living well”. The concluding chapter examines transformative politics in terms of recovering solidarity as the essence of sports, while reimagining “sports commons” and alternative sports pleasures in a just society. The articulation of “sports commons” suggests reimagining human interaction with nature including human nature as the basis for mutual flourishing. The democratisation and socialisation of sports markets overlaps with reframing how we think about justice, in terms of interdependent politics of recognition, redistribution and representation. Recognising the relationship between justice and care, which overlaps public and private realms, is significant for re-embedding sports markets within communities. The articulation of sports commons suggests integrating life politics and the realm of social mediation, articulating a sports worker/consumer movement, a cultural citizenship movement, reimagining sports within an alternative notion of work, play and resistance. This book is about reimagining sports from a Global South perspective that foregrounds the relationship between work and play as well as the significance of collective mobilisation and resistance. It reveals how sports pleasures are embedded in a crisis of care labour within households and communities, diminishing their capacities to participate in sports. Meanwhile, the intensification of sports labour coincides with sports entertainment cultures increasingly entrenched in normalising gratuitous violence, injuries, pain and suffering. The protests against sports mega-events in the Global South highlight the contradictions of sports markets, the “sports and development” discourse and the celebration of “sportive nationalism”. The realm of work and play are transformed through social struggles in multiple dimensions in a variety of spaces. Individual and collective Introduction 19 forms of resistance, within, against and beyond competitive sports illustrate “spaces of hope” towards a “sports commons” involving an alternative notion of collective flourishing. The transformation of sports also relates to our desires for belonging and the ways we enact our roles, as producers and consumers of sports, as audiences, sports officials, coaches, parents, athletes and academics as well as citizens. Regaining sports as a “carnival of the commons”, driven by the interests of local communities with a global sense, involves democratising both work and play.

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The Spread of Sports Markets in the Global South

The global sports markets, mostly dominated by the urban centres in the Global North are expanding, despite the onset of the global recession in 2008 (PWC 2011). Global sports sponsorship spending increased from $49 billion in 2011 to $55 billion in 2014 (IEG 2015). Total sports market revenue in 2014—from tickets, media rights, and sponsorships—was close to $80 billion. The main expansion of sports markets are in the largest emerging capitalist economies in the Global South, particularly the BRICS—Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. However, this global growth in sports markets is an uneven process with the expansion of more profitable segments, such as football, cricket and US sports (NFL, basketball and baseball). The promotion of competitive sports is increasingly tied with state strategies of international economic competition, where performance in international mega-events is linked with the achievements of the “sporting nation” or the cultural capital for the nation (Giulianotti 2005c; Bairner 2011). Sports, particularly competitive spectator sports, have become a significant mechanism for profits for a range of economic actors; mainly transnational corporations (media, sports goods, finance) (Allison 2005; Boykoff 2013; Collins 2013). State strategies of market- driven “development” are integrated with creating markets in the services

© The Author(s) 2018 25 S. J. Biyanwila, Sports and The Global South, Global Culture and Sport Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-68502-1_2 26 S. J. Biyanwila sector, including developing high performance sports labour, which overlaps with tourism as well as remittances (Rowe and Lawrence 1998; Whitson and Macintosh 1996). The 2012 sports policy of Sri Lanka illustrates how the promotion of sports markets integrates tourism as well as development:

It is proposed to develop many varieties of sports in Sri Lanka to make sports an active contributor to the economic development of the country. Sports could also be used for the development of tourism and especially the international fame and recognition achieved in cricket can be used for this purpose. Similarly golf, surfing and other water sports have ideal opportunities and possibilities in Sri Lanka. In addition, motor racing, hill climbing, beach games and horse racing could be promoted in a big way and developed to attract tourists. (SLMoS 2012)

This chapter examines the expansion of sports consumer markets particularly in terms of “sports and development” strategies. It focuses on how nation-states along with global institutions of governance, including sports institutions, engage in the governance of a complex set of relationships in promoting the marketisation of sports cultures. The complexity relates to a range of factors encompassing interdependence between different functional systems; increased fussiness of institutional boundaries; relations within different spaces and scales reconfiguring nation-state capacities to coordinate national economies; and different time frames of interconnectedness, and the multiplication of identities or “imagined communities” (Jessop 2015). The complexity of sports governance concerns how the spread of sports markets overlap with the realm of social reproduction, of households and communities. This includes a range of state institutions engaged in social provisioning, such as health and education as well as the welfare state. The welfare state here refers to a combination of social services and social insurance, as well as social policy. This is also the community sector, the “third sector” as well as “civil society”, involving NGOs. The presence of international NGOs (INGOs), including transnational activist networks, is a distinct feature of civil society in the Global South. The discussion on sports resistance in Chap. 8 will further examine the concept of civil society. The Spread of Sports Markets in the Global South 27

Within the new global economy, the nation-state governance of sports cultures is integrated with global institutions of sports governance (IOC, FIFA, ICC), the interests of TNCs (media and sports goods manufacturing) and financial institutions (Nauright and Schmill 2005; Deloitte 2015; Magee et al. 2005). Global financial institutions in coordination with state treasuries are central to shaping state policies of “development”. For the Global South, the World Bank and the IMF are significant actors in shaping nation-state integration with the different trading regimes and, in turn, access to resources, mostly tax revenues, for social provisioning. However, state strategies to harness resources for the provisioning of public goods and services are in conflict with a range of concessions and subsidies offered to attract investment. The internationalisation of sports consumer markets is an uneven time–space process, with emerging and submerging markets with pecu- liar local tendencies. The peculiarity entails new hierarchies promoting sports consumer cultures that subdivides resources around changing log- ics. In effect, sports markets are shaped by a “variegated capitalism” where varieties of capitalism interact in the uneven integration of incomplete and seemingly “singular” forms of capitalism (Jessop 2016). While urban centres are the focus of sports consumer markets, governance of complexity also relates to urban governance failure and the struggles over public spaces (Hall 2006; Lowes 2002; Belanger 2000). For the Global South, the varieties of capitalism encompass varieties of authoritarian state forms, which integrate the military and police forces with local sports cultures.

2.1 Global South and Regional Articulations

Expanding sports markets in urban centres in the Global South coincide with growing inequalities within and across regions. During the 1990s and 2000s, more than 80% of the Asian region’s population lived in countries with worsening inequality. Poverty in sub-Saharan Africa has increased in the last three decades. The Asian region lags, when compared to Latin America, in public spending on education, health services and social protection. In the Asian region, public spending on education in 28 S. J. Biyanwila

2010 averaged around 2.9% of gross domestic product (GDP) compared to 5.3% in the Global North, and 5.5% in Latin America. The difference is starker for health care where Asian governments spend only 2.4% of GDP, compared with 3.9% of GDP spent by Latin American governments and 8.1% of GDP in the Global North (ADB 2014). While the Global North spent 20% of GDP on social protection, in Latin America this was 12% compared with Asian governments spending only 6.2% of GDP (ADB 2014). Public spending in South Asia is considerably less when compared with averages for the Asian region. The Global South highlights the uneven development of a global capitalist economy with enduring structures of global geopolitical alliances and the global trading system. The Global South is also a stratified and differentiated reality, with varieties of capitalist states with internal tensions and uneven integration. While the Global North signifies regulation or emancipation, the Global South represents reappropriation or violence (Santos 2007b; Basu and Roy 2007; Spencer 2007). The reappropriation concerns the “incorporation, co-optation, and assimilation” by the Global North (IMF, World Bank, human rights), and “violence involves physical, material, cultural, and human destruction” (Santos 2009). The ways in which the dominant sports consumer culture maintains geopolitical relations between domination and subordination, is elaborated in the chapters ahead. The institutions governing sports in the Global South relates to specific histories and geopolitics of colonialism and imperialism (Magan 1992; Darby 2002; Darnell 2010b; Hoberman 1997). The British Empire was central to shaping sports cultures in Africa, South Asia, Asia Pacific, North America and the Caribbean. In South and Latin America, Portuguese and Spanish colonialism shaped specific sports cultures. The expanding American empire also influences sports cultures in Philippines, South Korea and Japan (Brookes 2008). Meanwhile, Socialist Russia and Eastern European countries, and Cuba as well as Communist China, also influenced the sports cultures in varying degrees in the Global South. The anti-colonial struggles that led to independent nation-states following the Second World War, particularly in the 1950s and 1960s, formed alliances, movements, confederations, blocs and communities. This was part of the “Third World” between the imperialist capitalist The Spread of Sports Markets in the Global South 29 economies in the West and the Soviet Union and the socialist economies in Eastern Europe (Frank et al. 1991; Amin 1997). The emergence of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), Asian–African Summit in 1955 in Bandung, Indonesia, reflected the articulation of an alternative vision of global integration based on anti-colonial and anti-imperialist development. However, the internal tensions, compromises and contradictions within the alliance and nation-states reflected their uneven structural integration with major trading partners. Nevertheless, the decolonisation process depicted the capacities of social movements and nation-states to embed markets within societies, illustrating varieties of regulated modes of capitalist economies. These “mixed economy” projects focused on local development, which involved strengthening the public sector in order to gain control over the means of production and to deliver a range of social services addressing poverty and redistribution. The expansion of the public sector was significant for creating initial “sports commons”, which was coupled with public provisioning of education and health services. The key moment of a collective counter movement against the dominant IOC-driven sports cultures was the November 1963 Games of the New Emerging Forces (GANEFO). The GANEFO was an international multi-sport event hosted by Djakarta, Indonesia, and involved the participation of nearly 3000 athletes from 48 nations, mostly from recently decolonised countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America. The People’s Republic of China and the Soviet Union sent the largest teams. The IOC President Avery Brundage warned that the GANEFO was “unquestion- ably the first move in a campaign to take over international sport” (Guttmann 1984). Although the GANEFO collapsed with the internal contradictions of the NAM, it reflected a regional sporting phenomenon of the anti-colonial movements of the 1960s, Cold War politics, tensions in the Sino-Soviet split, and the residue of European worker’s sports culture (Field 2014). The articulation of “anti-imperialism” within the Global South remains complicated with formally democratic, centralised elitist nation-states with a variety of reactionary and repressive regimes. Anti-imperialism (and anti-Westernisation) discourses are monopolised by ethnonationalist and religious fundamentalist projects, which marginalise other cultural 30 S. J. Biyanwila identities while offering no alternative to capitalist accumulation of profits. In other words, this reactionary anti-imperialism integrates with global markets restraining democracy and compromising rights of workers and citizens. Nevertheless, the “anti-imperialist solidarity” by progressive governments in Latin America, such as Cuba, Venezuela, Bolivia and Ecuador, in the 2005–2013 period, illustrated new possibilities as well as tensions. This solidarity asserted a notion of “diversity in unity” in terms of region- alism and strategic anti-imperialism, aimed at encouraging alternative local development strategies. However, the alliance of this regional bloc with the Sri Lankan state, at a time of state violence against the Tamil community, illustrated contradictions and complexities of anti- imperialism. More importantly, the emergence of progressive governments in Latin America relates to the social movements that mobilised during the late-1990s against authoritarian dictatorships committed to market-driven development. While the progressive governments in Latin America face a range of internal and external counterforces, the social movement and activist networks continue to engage in multiple struggles on different spatial scales.

2.1.1 The Uneven Spread of Markets into Sports

For the economies in the peripheries, the accumulation of capital through sports is a relatively new phenomenon, emerging mostly in the 1990s, shaped by new dynamics of a global capitalist economy (Allison 2005; Bairner 2011; Bale and Sand 1996; Boykoff2013 ; Darnell 2010a; Giulianotti and Brownell 2012). The uneven integration of sports cultures in different spaces also illustrates specific historical trajectories. The historical phases of the emergent sports markets can be demarcated in terms of early-1880s to the mid-1970s, mid-1970s to 1990s, and 1990s to the present. The emergence of sports markets from the mid-1800s to the mid-1970s, in Europe and North America, illustrates more localised sports cultures linked with processes of industrialisation (Guttmann 2004a, b). The 1960s and 1970s were a time when newly decolonised states were articulating sports as a public good, coordinated through The Spread of Sports Markets in the Global South 31 embryonic sports ministries. The growing urban working class communities were central to nurturing multiple sports cultures (Cantelon and Hollands 1988). During the period from the mid-1970s to the early-1990s asserting market-driven politics is significant for the emergence of a new sports consumer culture. The mid-1970s marks the changes in the global capital accumulation process or the internationalisation of capital (Harvey 2003; Held and McGrew 2003). The deregulation of capital markets, along with changes in technology, reshaped the global trading system. The deindustrialisation of the North, leading to the expansion of the services sector also reintegrated the ex-colonies. No longer were the peripheral economies simply suppliers of cheap labour and resources, they were to industrialise through export-led industrialisation, encouraged by loans from the World Bank and the IMF (Harvey 2003, 2005). The Global South integrated with the expanding sports consumer culture mainly in the North, through global production networks, in sports goods and equipment manufacturing. This also coincides with early sports markets, particularly cricket in South Asia. The 1990s to the present day illustrates a new phase of sports consumer markets with the emergence of media-sports. Following the collapse of state-socialist economies, a new global trading system was articulated by the World Trade Organisation, along with the World Bank, IMF and US treasury complex (Washington Consensus). This new phase, driven by the interests of global finance and the expansion of information and communication (media) networks, also transformed nation-state relations with transnational actors (Magee et al. 2005; Lapavitsas 2014). The further deregulation of telecommunications and media sectors, beginning in the early-1990s, directly contributed to the extended role of media TNCs in creating sports consumer markets (Rowe 2004a; Tomlinson 1996; Wenner 1998). This decisive shift in sports markets illustrates a consolidation (concentration) of the sports-media-tourism complex (Nauright 2004), emphasising sports as a traded service driven in the interests of profits. The deregulation of media, trade, and education sectors were of particular significance for the expansion of sports markets. Beginning in the mid-1980s, private companies in Sri Lanka gained access to media and 32 S. J. Biyanwila telecommunication sectors, ending the state monopoly of broadcasting sports events. The deregulation of trade expanded imports while export processing zones (EPZs), launched in 1978, produced manufacturing goods, including sports goods and apparels for markets in the US and Europe (BOI 2017). The deregulation of education expanded private sponsorship of public school sports events as well as private for-profit “international” schools. Meanwhile, the deregulation of the health sector expanded private hospitals and clinics, while extending the role of pharmaceutical TNCs. These changes shifted sports from a public-driven physical education and “human development” oriented cultural activity to a market-driven commercial “performance efficiency” activity integrated with an emerging sports consumer culture (Maguire 2004).

2.2 Sports and Development

The dominant discourse on sports in the Global South is integrated with UN conventions on human rights and sustainable development (Donnelly 2008, David 2005; Kidd and Donnelly 2000). In terms of sports, article 24 of the Human Rights Convention highlights leisure as an entitlement:

Everyone has the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limitation of working hours and periodic holidays with pay. (UN 2016)

The recognition of the right to rest and leisure also overlaps other UN conventions specifically targeting women, children, people with disabilities and indigenous people. While these conventions enable a range of reformist agendas, the economic strategies of nation-states in the Global South extending rights of corporations through privatisation and deregulation, contradict the adherence to human rights conventions (Giulianotti 2004). A decisive shift in the governance of sports in the Global South took place in 1993, with the UN officially recognising the International Olympic Committee (IOC) as “building a peaceful and better world by educating the youth of the world through sport and culture”(UN 1993). The coupling of the UN with the IOC since 1993, shifted the “sports and The Spread of Sports Markets in the Global South 33 development” agenda into sports consumer markets, driven by a sports- media-tourism complex (Nauright 2004). The IOC gaining UN observer status in 2009, further legitimatised this Lausanne-based, billion dollar sports NGO ($5.6 billion in revenues from 2013–16), with a governance structure unaccountable to the public (Jennings 1996, 2000, 2011). The UN discourse on sports and play is integrated with the broader agenda of sustainable development and a relatively new dimension of “cultural dialogue”. The aim is to encourage “full and effective participation and inclusion”. The UN definition of sports, framed in 2003, includes

all forms of physical activity that contribute to physical fitness, mental well-being and social interaction, such as play, recreation, organised or competitive sport, and indigenous sports and games. (UN 2014a)

According to the UN “sports for development and peace”,

sport and play are human rights that must be respected and enforced worldwide; sport has been increasingly recognised and used as a low-cost and high-impact tool in humanitarian, development and peace-building efforts, not only by the UN system but also by non-governmental organisations (NGOs), governments, development agencies, sports federations, armed forces and the media. Sport can no longer be considered a luxury within any society but is rather an important investment in the present and future, particularly in developing countries. (UN 2014a)

The benefits of sports include:

Individual development, Health promotion and disease prevention, Promotion of gender equality, Social integration and the development of social capital, Peace building and conflict prevention/resolution, Post-disaster/trauma relief and normalisation of life, Economic development, Communication and social mobilisation. (UN 2014a)

The concept of “social capital” is significant for the reframing of “development” in terms of the spread of markets (Houlihan and Groeneveld 2011). It involves extending commercial values in the realm of production 34 S. J. Biyanwila into the realm of social reproduction and social provisioning values. By conflating economy into society, the concept of social capital also blurs the distinction between state, markets and civil society. From the World Bank perspective, social capital is defined as “the glue that holds society together” (Fine and Lapavitsas 2004). Not only does “social capital” mystify how capital relates to markets, property rights and the needed nexus of institutions and ideologies, but also where the realm of production ends and social reproduction begins. In terms of peace-building efforts, the 1993 resolution entitled “Building a peaceful and better world through sport and the Olympic ideal” urged member states to observe the Olympic Truce throughout the duration of the Games. The truce remains mostly symbolic while trivial- ising the militarisation of state forms in the Global South as well as distorting the integration of the military with the Olympics, particularly in terms of urban security (Sugden and Tomlinson 2005; Hoberman 2011). Nevertheless, the emergence of an international movement of Sport for Development and Peace (SDP), involving athletes, NGOs, and some universities and high schools in the Global North illustrates new tendencies towards an alternative dialogue (Kidd 2008). The positioning of sports celebrities as “role models” for youth is central to hegemonic sports cultures (Andrews and Jackson 2001; Darnell and Hayhurst 2012). Just as consumer markets use sports celebrities to sell commodities, nation-states and global governing institutions, including UN agencies (UNICEF) have increasingly enlisted them for public campaigns (UN 2014b). Many Olympians, world champions, elite athletes and sports personalities are bestowed with titles of Goodwill Ambassador, Messenger of Peace, Special Representative, and Champion for Sport. The United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) has enlisted Sachin Tendulkar (Indian cricket celebrity) as a Goodwill Ambassador, while the Sri Lankan cricketer, Muttiah Muralidharan, is “celebrity partner” for the World Food Programme. The use of sports celebrities is problematic on many fronts. They have contradictory effects of narrowing the complexities of development issues while reallocating much needed resources (financial and intellectual resources) for managing media events (Siegfried 2013). The foregrounding of “individual achievements” of celebrities also reasserts masculine The Spread of Sports Markets in the Global South 35 ideologies of competitive individualism and entrepreneurship. Along with fantasies about sports stars, the celebrity culture valorises elements of “cult of personality” underpinning an “invasive egoism” (Rojek 2006). More importantly, it reinforces the consumer culture of sports portraying celebrities as “change agents”, where apolitical philanthropy and charity is to replace state provisioning of sport services and the protection of social rights (Levermore and Beacom 2009; Saavedra 2009; Coalter 2010). The limits of the “sports and development” discourse relate to how the UN and IOC governance alliances evade and subordinate the International Labour Organisation (ILO) as well as trade unions. Nevertheless, the relationship between the ILO and IOC emerged in 1922, in the aftermath of the Treaty of Versailles, where labour, capital and state (tripartite) governance mechanisms were encouraged to improve the working and living conditions in the Global North. Of course, the workers in the Global South gained ILO recognition only after decolonisation struggles and the emergence of post-colonial nation-states. Since the 2005 launch of the “International Year of Sport and Physical Education”, the ILO has been coordinating with key actors on issues related to youth employment, gender equality and women’s empowerment, and the elimination of child labour (di Cola 2006). The International and National Olympic Committees, the International and National Sport Federations and the World Federation of Sporting Goods Industry (WFSGI) are all part of the network. However, the main international institution for guiding global labour standards, the ILO, remains in the periphery of the IOC and dominant global sports institutions (FIFA, ICC). This overlaps the marginalisation of the ILO within the global economic governing institutions, such as the IMF, World Bank, and the WTO. The dominant international sports governance institutions (the IOC- multi-sport, FIFA-football and ICC-cricket) are shaped by the strategies of international economic governance institutions, such as the World Trade Organization (WTO), the IMF and the World Bank (Sugden and Tomlinson 2011). The coupling of the IOC with the UN since the mid- 1990s, as well as the ILO in varying degrees, illustrates new forms of institutional coordination and interpenetration. The IOC’s promotion of markets into the cultural production of sports integrates with the WTO 36 S. J. Biyanwila agenda for the deregulation and privatisation of public goods and services in the Global South. The promotion of elite competitive sports not only contradicts the UN “sports and development” agenda of “full and effective participation and inclusion” in sports, but also reproduces the ethnonationalist patriarchal “sportive nation” celebrating hyper-competitive sports cultures. The limitations of the “sports and development” agenda, also relate to how sports NGOs within the realm of civil society integrate and promote sports markets, at the expense of public resources for school and community sports (Black 2010).

2.2.1 IOC Commercialisation and Civil Society

The expansion of markets into sports, particularly media-sports in the 1990s, has accompanied the spread of sports NGOs engaged with youth and community development (Collison 2016; Westerbeek and Smith 2003). Under market-driven politics (Leys 2001), the retraction of the state from social provisioning coincides with the rise of civil society discourse. Particularly since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1989, the notion of civil society expanded coupled with markets. Within the UN’s sports and development discourse, among the key stakeholders are civil society actors or NGOs. Although the IOC is positioned as an actor in global civil society, as a representative of cosmopolitan norms such as world peace and humanitarianism, the historical trajectory of the IOC illustrates contradictions. The IOC’s emergence in a context of elite armature sports cultures in Europe was transformed in the 1980s under Reagan–Thatcher neoliberal market ideology (Barney et al. 2002). In contrast, in 1962, the IOC had wanted “to keep Games free from politics and from commercialism”, and stated, “The Games shall be conducted in a dignified manner and without excessive commercial exploitation. (IOC 1962: 5) The purpose of the Games is to assert that

sport is play for fun and enjoyment and not to make money, and, that with devotion to the task at hand, the reward will take care of itself—the philosophy of the amateur as contrasted to that of materialism. (IOC 1962: 11) The Spread of Sports Markets in the Global South 37

The assertion of “play” over markets and materialism along with the notion of amateurism and dignity, however, is rooted in elitist ideologies and organisational cultures (Gorman 2010; Guttmann 1994). In effect, the IOC was committed to maintaining autonomy from nation-states as well as public scrutiny. “To allow countries to select their own representatives on the Committee would be fatal” (IOC 1962). The IOC’s relations with the nation-states in the Global South emerge with decolonisation and the active role of the state in the social provisioning of sports. A range of state-driven strategies in the Global South, mostly in the late-1960s, linked nationalised public services with sports governing bodies and extended community sports cultures in varying degrees. In the early 1960s geopolitical context of the Cold War, the Soviet, Chinese, Cuban and Eastern European state-driven models were significant for the restructuring of decolonised economies in the Global South. State social provisioning of sports also located sports governing bodies as a part of civil society, overlapping concerns of community health, cultural integration and cultural flourishing. However, the retraction of state social provisioning since the mid- 1970s repositioned sports governing bodies as actors in markets, compelled to search for private sponsors, while restraining alliances with other actors in civil society (such as workers’ and women’s movements). The reintegration of sports cultures in the Global South mostly takes place with the commercialisation of the IOC, under the leadership of Juan Antonio Samaranch, who was also the sports minister under the fascist dictatorship of Franco in Spain. In effect, the IOC illustrates an enduring elitist authoritarian (technocratic) mode of sports governance, integrated with a new phase of the internationalisation of capital, reproducing the moral and cultural hegemony of the Global North (Bairner 2007, 2009; Darnell and Hayhurst 2012). The Olympic “family” encompasses the National Olympic Committees (NOCs), the International Sports Federations (IFs), the athletes, the Organising Committees for the Olympic Games (OCOGs), transnational corporations (the TOP/sponsorship partners, broadcast partners) and United Nations agencies. The notion of “family” is significant to illustrate a hierarchical oligarchy (or a hegemonic bloc), engaged in the sharing and expropriation of political, economic and cultural resources 38 S. J. Biyanwila

(Bairner and Molnar 2010). Similar to a multinational firm, the IOC, as a global civil society organisation, consists of personnel who are not accountable to the public or nation-states. In 2012, of the 19-member London Olympics organising committee (LOCOG) board, 17 were white men (the only woman was Princess Anne). Half the members were primarily engaged in commerce while the rest overlapped lucrative business interests. The Chief Executive Officer was a Goldman Sachs banker and the Chief Financial Officer was a partner at the global accounting and consulting firm Deloitte. Since the 1984 Los Angeles Olympics, the IOC has emerged as a commercial enterprise whose primary interest is to protect the Olympic brand (Simson and Jennings 1992; Barney et al. 2002; Lenskyj 2008; Chappelet and Kubler-Mabbott 2008). The commercialisation of the Olympic Games illustrates how the populist official slogan “the games belong to the people”, relates to promoting the interests of private corporations and a self-elected elite. Despite massive revenues, the IOC depends on the allocation of public funds. Out the total cost of the 2012 London Olympics of £12 billion, private corporate sponsors amounted to just £1.4 billion (11%). A significant portion of the costs of the Olympics involves the use of military and police forces for security purposes, which overlaps the private–public partnerships extending new forms of surveillance. The IOC’s historical trajectory illustrates the integration with sports markets while reproducing an image as an actor in civil society articulating the “popular will”. The IOC, along with other dominant global sports governing institutions, particularly those with large budgets (FIFA, ICC), have increasingly gained more influence in their interactions with nation- state sports ministries, especially in the Global South. While these global sports institutions have minimal interests in the development of sports at local levels, they have the capacity to provide the nation-state with a global sports audience. In promoting “sportive nationalism”, state strategies primarily focus on elite athletes for gaining “international” recognition. However, this also reallocates resources away from state social provisioning for local sports cultures. Sports federations at the nation-state level that have been absorbed into professional sports such as football, cricket, and athletics, increasingly enact their role as competitive firms maintaining autonomy The Spread of Sports Markets in the Global South 39 from the nation-state or sports ministries. While the financial benefits of these rich sports federations have the potential to develop local sports cultures, the logic of markets (commercial values) outplays the interests of communities (social provisioning values). The IOC illustrates how problems of sports bureaucracies are intertwined with the problems of sports markets. The lack of transparency and accountability of the IOC, similar to the FIFA, is integrated with national level Olympic committees, which illustrate oligarchic authoritarian modes of governance (Jennings 1996, 2006; Jennings and Sambrook 2000). The problems of bureaucracies are captured by the discourse of “good governance”, a reformist agenda in the coordination of global sports markets. It also highlights the market ideology of self-regulation, which involves the interaction between transnational and national legal institutions, or sports legal orders and public legal orders (James and Osborn 2016; Latty 2015). The emergent transnational sports legal order, or lex sportiva, illustrates a form of self-regulation, which is in tension with public legal orders. One of the key mechanisms of this conflict relates to the how the transnational legal order maintains the axiom “guilty until proven innocent” as opposed to “innocent until proven guilty”. While it reinforces punitive legal mechanisms in a very selective and symbolic manner, it also undermines efforts at deterrence (Buono2015 ). The IOC suspended the National Olympic Committees in India, Pakistan and Ecuador in early 2013 for malpractices as well as state intervention. India was suspended in December 2012, for having elected officials with criminal convictions. Lalit Bhanot was elected secretary- general of the Indian Olympic Committee (IOA) in 2012, despite his conviction for corruption related to the 2010 Commonwealth Games (PTI 2013). When the IOC requested the IOA to amend its constitution to ban officials facing criminal or corruption charges from the election process, the IOA argued that under Indian law, a charged person can stand even in parliamentary elections on the axiom of “innocent until proven guilty”. Although, the IOA suspended Bhanot for 14 months, he became the vice-president of the Asian Athletics Association (AAA) in 2015. The bureaucratic problems of corruption are co-produced by transnational as well as nation-state sports institutions illustrating elitist hierarchical modes of governance. This overlaps with how transnational sports institutions, such as the IOC, create consent within. 40 S. J. Biyanwila

2.2.2 Civil Society—Sports Creating Consent

The hierarchical modes of governance within sports institutions relates to the subordination of sports labour. The IOC’s Athletes’ Commission illustrates how sports labour is located in this market perspective of the IOC, to reinforce sports as a space free of conflicting economic and political interests. The Athletes’ Commission was introduced in 1981 by the IOC president, Juan Antonio Samaranch, to serve as a “consultative body”. The commission is composed of 12 athletes elected for eight years by the athletes participating in the Olympic Games, and of up to seven athletes appointed by the IOC president, to ensure a balance between regions, gender and sports (IOC 2016). Accordingly, the IOC charter of neutrality in sport declares: “No kind of demonstration or political, religious or racial propaganda is permitted on any Olympic sites, venues or other areas” (Chap. 5, Rule 51.3). In April 2008, in preparation for the 2008 Beijing Olympics, the Athletes’ Commission issued a statement against the politicisation of the Olympics, claiming the “futility of boycotts”. According to the statement:

We are all of the wholehearted belief that boycotts are pointless and senseless—and only hurt the athletes. Some of us know this through bitter, personal experience. Others know it through our friends. We are heartened by the fact that the futility of boycotts is recognised by the majority of governments and organisations around the world … Athletes have a right to express themselves, and plenty of opportunity to do so ahead of and during the Games. Typically, however, they are focused on how to achieve sporting success … This is why our event has regulations in place to discourage its politicisation. With so many issues and conflicts in our world, if we allow our event to be the place to raise them, this would change the essence of what we are there to do—to compete athlete against athlete in a spirit of respect, friendship and fair play. Athletes have the right not to express themselves—and certainly the right not to feel obliged to do so. It is normal that the majority of athletes will simply want to be allowed to focus on their preparations and their competitions. We support and defend them in this right … Violent protests around the Olympic torch are totally counter to the values the torch stands for. The torch, which does not belong to any country but rather to the world, represents Olympic values—nothing else, The Spread of Sports Markets in the Global South 41

and should be allowed to pass peacefully. We do not want to see it mis- treated nor exploited … We, your representatives, along with your National Federation, your National Olympic Committee, and of course the International Olympic Committee are here to guide and advise you. Good luck!”… (IOC 2008).

This statement was a response to the protests demanding the boycott of China, which targeted the Olympic torch rally mostly in London and in Paris. Conservative European governments also allied with the civil society protests to highlight the Chinese state repression in Tibet rather than the process of dispossession and displacement of Chinese urban communities because of urban development in Beijing. The mobilisation around the Tibet issue had limited alliances with other counter-Olympics activism, which focused on the corporate control over the Olympics (Brookes 2012). For the majority in the Global South, what was absent from these protests were multiple forms of human rights violations implicating the Global North (and their corporations). Moreover, the boycott of South Africa under the apartheid regime galvanised ex-colonies to demand democratic change (Booth 1997; Rees 1996). The ongoing Palestinian-led movement for decolonisation, the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) continues to demand the IOC, as well as the FIFA, to end relations with Israel. By asserting the neutrality of sports, the IOC reinforces the hegemonic sports consumer culture which represents sports as a secular sacred realm, a “mystique of sports”, uncontaminated by politics (Bairner 2007; Rowe 2004b). This ideology is significant for the coupling notions of “sports exceptionalism” and evangelical sports narratives, particularly for transnational actors. The aim to “keep politics out of sport” itself is a specific political strategy to maintain the power and the interests of the ruling elite. While blurring the relationship between sports and violence, what is significant in this framing is how it positions sports labour as individual entrepreneurs and not as wage workers who are interdependent with others. More importantly, by positioning sports labour in a “cooperative” mode as a consultative body, the IOC continues to marginalise unions and worker rights. This highlights the contradictions of coupling the 42 S. J. Biyanwila

IOC with the UN, and the “sports and development agenda”. Although the IOC has incorporated peak union organisations within dispute resolution mechanisms during the Olympics, they are limited in scope and scale (TUC 2011). By representing these forums, such as consultative bodies, as spaces for resolving diverse objectives, a narrow social engineering frame with a “mystique of sports” is mobilised to evade contentious political engagement over fundamental inequalities, particularly between capital and labour. The use of consultative bodies overlaps with a range of similar forums, such as “reference groups” or “stakeholder committees”, which often function to reinforce the status quo. What is fostered in the IOC’s vision of the Athletes’ Commission is cooperative subservience, creating consent to an authoritarian sports culture, co-produced by the nation-states and the National Olympic Committees (NOCs) as well as sports NGOs in the Global South (Fig. 2.1).

Coercion hegemony consent

Sports consumer culture media-sports-tourism

UN IOC Sports and Development ethno-nationalism, Human Rights Right to Leisure patriarchy: nation-state masculinity Risk society, Market driven: privatization; deregulation NOC Authoritarian: National Olympic rationalization of recreation Committee

Military Civil Society “national security” Sports NGOs sports associations National, regional, local

oligarchies

Fig. 2.1 Sports governance: consent and coercion The Spread of Sports Markets in the Global South 43

2.2.3 IOC and Sports NGOs

The hierarchical modes of governance within the IOC, and other sports governing institutions, in multiple scales, depend on a range of sports NGOs. Sports NGOs as actors in civil society play a significant role in creating consent to the spread of markets into community sports. The global sports NGO, Right to Play, is a key actor promoting the marketisation of sports through a discourse of development, humanitarianism and sports internationalism. Right to Play, established in 2000, is networked within the UN working group on “sports and development”, which includes the IOC, FIFA and sports equipment-producing multinationals such as Adidas. Most members of the board of directors are linked with global equity companies. The chairperson is the CEO of a private equity firm (Northleaf Capital Partners) in Canada with “$9 billion in commitments under management on behalf of public, corporate and multi-employer pension plans, university endowments, foundations, financial institutions and family office” (Northleaf2017 ). Right to Play operates in more than 20 countries with programmes facilitated by more than 600 international staff and 13,500 volunteer coaches. The aim of Right to Play is to use

the transformative power of play to educate and empower children facing adversity … Through sports and games, we help children build essential life skills and better futures, while driving social change in their communities with lasting impact.

The evangelical aspect of Right to Play is articulated as:

Yes, we are empowering and educating tomorrow’s leaders. Our programs continue to produce results. We see improved academic performance, increased participation and attendance in schools, reduction in violence, increased awareness and steps taken to prevent disease. (Right to Play 2017)

The emergence of Right to Play overlaps with the UN’s promotion of corporate social responsibility (see Chap. 8). The global sports governing 44 S. J. Biyanwila institutions, along with sports NGOs such as Right to Play, are significant mechanisms for creating consent to the hegemonic sports consumer culture (Carrington and McDonald 2009). Right to Play highlights how finance capital integrates with sports cultures, reframing the realm of civil society and the realm of social reproduction. At the same time, hegemonic NGOs such as Right to Play reproduce “whiteness as a subject position of benevolence, rationality and expertise” as opposed to the “marginalized, unsophisticated and appreciative bodies of colour” (Darnell 2007). This racialised dimension to the spread of sports markets, coupled with charity rather than human rights or justice, reveals the changing role of the state under market-driven politics.

2.3 State of Play: Recreation Rationalisation

The changing role of the state under neo-liberal market-driven politics relates to the expansion of capital accumulation with new dynamics (Leys 2001, 2008). The integration of the Global South, with the global trading system in the mid-1970s, was reinforced with new tendencies by 1990. These new tendencies included the expanding scale and power of global financial markets, the extended role of TNCs in the production and marketing of goods and services, new transnational regulatory structures, and new information and communication networks (Wood 2003; Harvey 2003, 2006; Jessop 2015). In this changed global context, state social provisioning of sports was adapted to promoting sports markets, by encouraging new modes of governance. The expansion of markets into state social provisioning of sports involves transforming regulated national economies towards deregulated market economies (Gruneau 1983, 1993; Hargreaves 1985; Houlihan 2004; Houlihan and Lindsey 2013). The deregulation of global trade in services requires reframing sports from a public good to a private good. Whereas state social provisioning of sports was seen as a form “rational recreation” for improving the middle and working classes in the late nineteenth century (Kidd 2008), the new model, the “rationalisation of recreation”, is different. The rationalisation discourse (under neo-liberal “free” markets) recasts The Spread of Sports Markets in the Global South 45 the public sector in terms of market principles of efficiency, exchange relations and contracts. With state planning reframed in terms of governance, the strategic orientation of administration and policy shifted to an emphasis on management. The New Public Management or new managerialism, promoted a business enterprise approach to sports in search of quick profits. The outsourcing of sports provisioning encouraged partnerships with the private sector and community groups, or NGOs. This market-driven strategy to “deliver services” is considered as naturally innovative and successful (Pitts et al. 1994). The social provisioning of sports to citizens and communities shifted to delivering a service to customers or clients. While the promotion of decentralisation and devolution of state functions enabling local decision-making does reveal potential for democratising institutional processes, the prioritisation of markets and commercial values constrain the potential for collective (communal) priorities based on social provisioning values of cooperation, solidarity and care (Kingdom 1992; Walsh and Giulianotti 2007). The spread of sports markets is intertwined with the production of cultural goods and events such as arts, theatre, music, cinema, architecture or more broadly localised ways of life, involving heritage, collective memories and affective communities (Harvey 2002). The outsourcing of state social provisioning of cultural commons is shaped by the allocation of finance to a range of activities. The UK government’s approach to sports funding changed in 1993 through the expansion of National Lottery funds. A private sector consortium (Camelot), which was acquired by the Ontario Teachers’ Pension Plan, holds the national lottery license (Camelot 2017). Although considered decentralisation, the new sports funding strategies increasingly centralised power over community sports and encouraged a bidding culture among local authorities prioritising opportunities to apply for National Lottery funds (Houlihan and Lindsey 2013: 46). A range of European governments use the lottery-funding model for sports (EU 2007). The social provisioning of sports through state-licensed gambling or lottery services is problematic on many fronts. While encouraging and normalising gambling, it also fosters potentially wasteful spending 46 S. J. Biyanwila on sports and undermines the development of sustainable financing models for long-term support for community sports. Although libertarian in rhetoric, the emergent market-driven, neo- liberal state is highly centralised and concentrated. The deployment of knowledge and, implicitly, of government rationality (or governmentality) under neo-liberalism prioritises the state as the embodiment of reason and modern science (Wainwright 1994: 265–67). The marketisation of the state emerges with a critique of the Keynesian welfare state (state planning and collective public interest). The state is seen as inefficient and wasteful as well as catering to sectional interests of bureaucrats and politicians. This framing of the state, sustained by market-driven state strategies, simultaneously encourages cynicism as well as scepticism about the public sector. In contrast, markets are projected as inherently efficient, innovative and impartial. In particular, financial markets, or the price mechanism (monetary policy), are considered the basis for the efficient allocation of resources. The marketisation of state provisioning of sports is shaped by the adaptation of the state to the needs of international finance capital, under the logic of “international competitiveness” and “investor confidence”. The emergent governmentality articulates governance from a narrow social engineering perspective, which conflates the different value orientations between market and non-market spheres of economic activity (Fine and Lapavitsas 2004). These different value orientations require different (more caring) modes of governance between social provisioning (domains of social reproduction) and markets (social production) (Elson 2012). More importantly, the delivery of state services through market mechanisms not only reinforces hierarchical modes of governance but also accompanies coercive mechanisms of the state enhancing the punitive, surveillance state, which overlaps the militarisation of the state.

2.3.1 Sports, Military and the “Security State”

What is often missing in the analysis of expanding sports markets is the militarisation of the state, normalising a risk culture. The economic imperatives of maintaining international competitiveness and promoting The Spread of Sports Markets in the Global South 47 markets involves the construction of diverse nationalist projects grounded in a national security discourse (Santhirasegaram 2013). The prioritisation of “national security” directly influences issues of democracy, individual liberty and the rule of law. The emphasis on national security entails reinforcing coercive state institutions, such as the military, police and judicial system. Under the national security discourse, the coercive apparatus of the state from policing to prisons have expanded while legitimising state violence, particularly in terms of detention and torture (Basu and Roy 2007). The suspension of the rule of law by the declaring a state of emergency is normalised particularly in the Global South. The evictions or the forced displacement which coincides with sport mega-events mobilise state as well as private coercive “security” forces while restraining judicial interventions. The hegemonic notion of the security state maintained by the US also encompasses creating consent with Southern state forms. A range of nation-states, including Sri Lanka (in 2003), supported the highly classified programme of secret detention and extraordinary rendition of terrorist suspects (OSF 2016). The “war on terror” agenda, in the post-9/11 context, co-evolved with an expanding sports consumer culture, where security issues have become increasingly central to the hosting of sport mega-events (SMEs). Security budgets for events like the Olympic Games now run into billions of dollars. The security concerns of the IOC, FIFA, the ICC, the host nation-state and the sponsors include: terrorist threats, spectator violence, and broader risks associated with poverty, social divisions and urban crime. There are also the security legacies that follow from SMEs, such as new surveillance technologies, new security-focused social policies and security-influenced urban redevelopment (Giulianotti and Klauser2012 ). The criminalisation of dissent is a key mechanism that reinforces state violence, including the functioning of “intelligence” services. In a context of “asymmetrical wars”, with “terrorist” groups engaged in “unconven- tional” tactics, the coercive apparatus of the state expanded with new technologically driven strategies, particularly in terms of surveillance (Giulianotti and Klauser 2012). The integration of intelligence services is also fragmented along interstate geopolitical rivalries and intrastate bureaucratic rivalries, creating tensions and instability (Cumings 2016). The criminalisation of dissent, by restraining access to information and 48 S. J. Biyanwila individual freedoms, is legitimised through the enhancement of a sense of fear as well as patriotism and nationalism. Media promotion of coercive state strategies, celebrating the “tough on crime” law-and-order discourse, also overlaps issues of censorship and the criminalisation of dissent (Amnesty 2013). Following the terrorist attack at the 1976 Montreal Olympics, the next major attack took place at the 1996 Olympics, which I attended. On July 27, a bomb (in fact, three pipe bombs) exploded at the entertainment area of the Games, Centennial Olympic Park. Two people died and more than 100 people were injured. The official Olympic memory erases this incident, in order to promote sports consumption and to reassure the “safety” of sports mega-events. It is also significant since the attacker in this case was a self-confessed white supremacist, Christian, homophobic, ex-US soldier (enlisted during 1987–89 period). He was arrested in 2003, and claimed that he was protesting against the US government’s policy on abortion and the global socialism of the Olympics as expressed by the use of the song “Imagine” by John Lennon, as well as homosexuality (NPR 2005). The erasure of this historical moment of white domestic terrorism not only concerns the protection of the Olympic brand and the liberal image of the US Empire, but also the consequences of militarism (impairments and underfunded veteran services) on the white working class in the US (Gems and Pfister 2009). The main narrative around security and sports is a managerial approach, where the management of risk is integrated with the financial system, mainly in terms of insurance. Meanwhile, sports entrainment culture also romanticises “adventure” sports, where risk-taking is promoted as a key site of desire. The pleasures of risky behaviour in sports reverberates risks associated with deregulated financial markets or gambling. The emergence of action or adventure sports in the 1990s illustrates how expanding markets in sports reproduce hegemonic (white) middle-class male cultures in the Global North or the interests of those who have the resources and the security to take risks (Booth and Thorpe 2007). The risk culture of entrepreneurial individualism also relates to the functioning of sports governing institutions where financial risk-taking is seen as integral for organisational survival. The romanticised risk of sports cultures often separates those who are continuously positioned at risk in The Spread of Sports Markets in the Global South 49 terms of poverty, discrimination, and marginalisation, along with state violence. The “security state” discourse and the romanticised “risk culture” also involve contradictions with violent consequences. During the 1996 Cricket World Cup in Sri Lanka, there was considerable tension regarding state capacity to provide security for this sub-continental mega-event (Dimeo and Kay 2004). The host Sri Lankan state was faced with the Australian and West Indies teams withdrawing from participation in their World Cup fixtures in Colombo. When the Australian sports celebrity, Shane Warne, expressed his concerns in terms of a potential attack outside the field of play, while shopping for instance, the Sri Lankan foreign minister Kadirgamar expressed male bravado, by claiming, “shopping is for sissies”. Nine years later, in August 2005, Kadirgamar was assassinated by an alleged LTTE sniper, at his heavily guarded private residence in a high security area of the city. The overlap of sports cultures with the military is a significant institutional dynamic absent from the consumer culture of sports. The global military industrial complex is intertwined with sports entertainment culture—from boot camp fitness culture to fighter jet flyovers at sports mega-events. The US Department of Defence continues to spendmillions on marketing and advertising contracts with sports teams. These “patriotic tributes” involve game sponsorship, military appreciation nights, welcome-home promotions for soldiers, on-field colour guard performances, enlistment and reenlistment ceremonies, performances of the national anthem and more (McCain and Flake 2015). The national security discourse that elaborates the militarisation of the state is integrated with the global trade in firearms, weapons as well as military or security services. Northern countries account for about 75% of world military spending but only 16% of the world’s population. In 2012, the US accounted for 40% of world military spending, followed by China (around 10%), Russia (5%) and UK (4%). In 2012, US military spending accounted for nearly US$685 billion (Global Issues 2012). The GDP of Sri Lanka in 2004 was around US$21 billion, while military spending was nearly US$560 million. In 2015, military spending increased to $2.2 billion, despite the war ending in 2009 (World Bank 2016). The gendered, racial, and sexualised national practices of military 50 S. J. Biyanwila cultures in the Global North (Mohanty 2006) are reproduced in different ways in the Global South. Those profiting from the sale of military goods and services have a vested interest in perpetual military action or a “war without end” (Wood 2003). The expanding markets in defence or security services involving private security services, contractors, including mercenaries, illustrate the elaboration of public and private military relations, where former military personnel become contractors for the state. The large multinational military suppliers, such as Boeing and Lockheed Martin, are integrated with a range of surveillance companies, profiting from government as well as the media-induced fear of terrorism. Given that the military is also concerned with performance in combat, biotechnology and pharmaceutical companies that profit from performance enhancement or painkillers in sports markets also cater to the military needs. Within the Global South, the Asian region is of significance in terms of geopolitical strategies for the US and its allies in Europe and Japan. The main thrust of US foreign/military policy since the mid-1990s has focused on the “pivot” to Asia—maintaining a unipolar US global hegemony by undermining China regionally. Under these hegemonic manoeuvres, the US has reinforced military alliances with Australia, Japan, the Philippines, South Korea, and Thailand, while developing strategic partnerships with a range of other nations in the region, including India (Cumings 2016; Smith 2014). The militarised nationalisms in the South Asian context, (which includes nuclear weapons systems in India and Pakistan) is intertwined with US foreign policy in the region as well as counter-state armed insurrectionary movements (Maoists movements in India and Nepal) (Roy 2010). The militarisation of state forms in the Global South is significant for the protection of markets, private property and enabling access to labour and natural resources. The public spending of military services not only limit resources to other social priorities but also involves unintended consequences of undermining social integration. The flow of former soldiers, including deserters, into an economy lacking meaningful employment or a livelihood also means the sale of their skills in the open market, from benign security guards to lethal assassins. The military expansion also appropriates local sports cultures, by integrating with sports federations The Spread of Sports Markets in the Global South 51 as officials, providing security for sports events and participating in sports leagues and competitions, as well as subsidising employment of elite athletes. The military is also in the frontlines, in terms of accumulation by dispossession in the Global South, repressing social protests. The role of the military in “disabled sports” is significant in reinforcing the able- bodied masculine project of sportive nationalism as well as patriarchal ethnonationalism in the Global South. I will return to this topic of how the dominant narrative on disability and sports reproduces able-bodied sports consumer culture.

2.4 Sports, Development and Violence

The integration of the sports and development discourse with market- driven development overlooks the violence in both sports and development. The cultural consumption and production of sports is integrated with multiple forms of violence. Violence in sports relates to risk-taking behaviour, pain and injury, and the use of performance enhancement drugs (Giulianotti 2005). It illustrates an enduring masculine culture in sports linked with sports and media, as well as the militarisation of state (Messner 1992, 2007; Fuller 2006; McKay and Sabo 1994). George Orwell, writing in 1945, extracted the violence in sports in this way:

People want to see one side on top and the other side humiliated, and they forget that victory gained through cheating or through the intervention of the crowd is meaningless. Even when the spectators don't intervene physically they try to influence the game by cheering their own side and ‘rat- tling’ opposing players with boos and insults. Serious sport has nothing to do with fair play. It is bound up with hatred, jealousy, boastfulness, disre- gard of all rules and sadistic pleasure in witnessing violence: in other words it is war minus the shooting. (Orwell 1945)

Violence in sports as entertainment catering to an audience, thriving in “sadistic pleasure in witnessing violence” foregrounds the role of media-sport. The deregulation of telecommunications and the expansion of markets in media meant reframing news as well as entertainment to 52 S. J. Biyanwila realise profits. The glorification of violence, mostly male against male -vio lence, through sports media is significant for the reproduction of violence in sports. As one veteran US sports journalist who covered the NFL confesses:

I covered the NFL over four decades dating back to 1972. Now semi- retired and five years removed from day-to-day football coverage, I have one main regret: not focusing more of my reporting and writing on the absolute brutality of the sport, particularly the painful post-football lives of so many players. (Shapiro 2013)

According to the UNICEF, violence in sports involves many dimensions. In terms of social interaction with others, it encompasses psychological degradation or humiliation based on gender, sexuality, body shape or performance; male privileges in team selection; and physically, psycho- logically, harmful or sexually degrading initiation (hazing) rituals. At an individual level, excessive pressure to achieve high performance accompanies diet regimes leading to eating disorders and other injuries; beatings and other forms of physical punishment; forced risk-taking; requiring to play while injured; physical exercise as punishment; and denial of sufficient rest and care (UNICEF 2010). The UN approach also recognises the limitations where “sport can also have negative side effects such as violence, corruption, discrimination, hooliganism, nationalism, doping and fraud” (UN 2014a). Accordingly, the aim is to uphold “the quality and integrity of the sport experience”, by “adhering to generally accepted principles of transparency and accountability, and pursuing sustainability through collaboration, partnerships and coordinated action” (UN 2014a). The promotion of market-driven development encompasses violence in terms of the exploitation of human labour and natural resources. The sportive nation legitimises sports cultures of violence and violent bodily cultures. Militarised sports cultures overlap with factory labour regimes that produce sporting goods demanding disciplined and docile workers. The changes in the realm of work, expanding insecure low wage work, involve risk-taking as well as insecurity (Standing 2012). The ongoing process of large-scale displacement of people in the Global South, owing to “development” as well as internal civil conflict, illustrates the process of “accumulation by dispossession” (Banerjee-Guha 2010; Harvey 2003, 2009) The Spread of Sports Markets in the Global South 53

(see Chap. 4). The lack of access to means of living also relates to the consequences of environmental degradation due to development. In Sri Lanka, the ethnic war (1983–2009) as well as the 2004 tsunami were key moments of displacement and dispossession, along with the loss of lives. What is often forgotten is the 1988–90 JVP (Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna) youth insurrection, which saw the killing of around 40,000 people. In the post-2009 scenario, the military occupation of land belonging to the Tamil communities, particularly in the Northern Province, is used for a range of entrepreneurial activities, including export-oriented activities, in agricultural, manufacturing and tourism (Santhirasegaram 2013). Displacement also takes place in the form of development by the encroachment of agricultural areas by housing projects for the middle-classes along with extractive industries, factories and tourist resorts. The lack of proper resettlement and rehabilitation of affected families exacerbates struggles for livelihood in rural agrarian communities. Migrant workers, unemployment, and poverty in multiple spaces illustrate this displacement and dispossession owing to internal conflicts and market-driven development.

2.4.1 Development and “Evangelical” Sports

The “sports and development” agenda, promoting markets into sports is grounded in an “evangelical” sports discourse, asserting the “innate goodness of sports” (Giulianotti 2004). The coupling of the IOC with the UN is grounded in a top-down “development” discourse that reproduces the moral hegemony of the Global North (Nauright 2004; Bairner and Molnar 2010). Similarly, the sports and development discourse, reproduced by the IOC, the UN, and sports NGOs, reverberates the colonial “civilising mission” in varying degrees (Dimeo 2003). The geopolitics of “humanitarian imperialism”, privileging the Global North is co-produced in the Global South by the Eurocentric middle-class masculine monoculture of sports (McDonald 2009). The evangelical sports narrative illustrates a rebranding of colonial “muscular Christianity” into “muscular liberalism” compatible with the Empire of Capital (2003) (Fig. 2.2). This involves affirming cultural difference and competition, 54 S. J. Biyanwila

Empire of Capital TNCs: Finance; Media; sports goods and equipment; agri-business; pharmaceuticals, military

muscular liberalism

Global North UN IMF, World Bank, Regulation/emancipation Sports and WTO Development

Sports markets : International Sports Federations US, EU, Japan, (OECD) IOC, FIFA, ICC, IAAF

Global sports nation state Sports consumer culture workers’ “sportive nationalism” media-sports-tourism unions Evangelical Sports

Sports markets : BRICS : Brazil, Russia, India, Military China, South Africa “national security”

Global South National Olympic Committee Appropriation/violence National Sports Federations

Public Enterprise Education System

Fig. 2.2 Sports in the Global North and South which overlaps with identity politics and ethnonationalist notions of nationhood. The evangelical sports narrative is coupled with the articulation of sportive nationalism, which shape the sports and development agenda. The sportive nationalism promoted by ethnonationalist projects in the Global South, reproduces centralised elitist nation-states legitimising authoritarian cultures that reinforce hierarchical sports governing institutions (Tännsjö 2000). The masculine narratives of “sports heroes” overlaps with “war heroes”, while reinforcing able-bodied ethnonationalist The Spread of Sports Markets in the Global South 55 patriarchal cultures that subordinate women, minority ethnic communities and people with disabilities. The concept of development, which emerges in the Cold War period, is central to the understanding of sports in the Global South. Although the notion of development is intertwined with decolonisation struggles, the model was based on the historical emergence of European industrial and capitalist development (euro-modernity) (Amin 2010; Santos 2009; Chakrabarty 2000). The subordinated status within the global economic hierarchy was redefined as “underdevelopment”, living in a state of ‘back- wardness’. As a result, the notion of underdevelopment extended beyond the economy to encompass institutions, laws and cultures. The articulation of development in apolitical economistic terms also meant creating consent to Western capitalist modernity, including hyper-competitive, masculine sports cultures. The evangelical sports discourse rests on a Eurocentric notion of development and Western modernity. This distorts the relationship between development and a socialist revolution, as a contest between development and underdevelopment (Amin 1997: 14). A range of actors and social movement in the Global South has demanded an alternative notion of development grounded in a post- capitalist project. These counter-movements to development suggests a more eco-friendly non-militarist alternative of “living well” (see Chap. 8). Recognising the limitations of the UN and the IOC’s sports and development agenda suggests an intercultural dialogue reframing sports in terms of multiple modernities that preserves and expands ecological as well as cultural commons including sports commons.

2.5 Conclusion

The coupling of the IOC with the UN highlights the integration of sports and development with the promotion of sports consumer cultures along with sportive nationalism. The expansion of sports consumer markets is an uneven time–space process, which generates new hierarchies that real- locate resources around changing market strategies. The subordination of the ILO to the UN and IOC nexus overlaps with the subordination of 56 S. J. Biyanwila sports labour within the IOC’s governance structures. This marginalisation of interests of sports labour, institutionally and individually, relates to the “mystique of sport” as a realm free of values and politics. Meanwhile, a range of stakeholders, including global sports NGOs, creates consent to the hegemonic evangelical sports discourse while reinforcing the consumer culture of sports. The role of sports NGOs as civil society actors is interdependent with market-driven state strategies. Under market-driven development, the state transformed from planned provisioning of social services to contracting out services to the private sector as well as to NGOs. This involves efforts to encourage market values into the public sector as well as the provisioning of public services. Sports cultures in the Global South continue to depend on the state in terms of the social provisioning of sports and redistribution of resources. Nevertheless, sportive nationalism is based on promoting elite sports, sports mega-events and sports consumer cultures. Despite efforts to frame sports as transcending politics, the production and consumption of sports is entrenched in power relations of class, gender, ethnicity, sexuality and disability. More importantly, the sportive nation in the Global South depends on authoritarian state projects, which are increasingly militarised. The militarisation of state forms in the Global South also appropriate local sports cultures legitimising the role the military, particularly in terms of protecting property rights and creating safe urban spaces for consumption. The sports and development agenda coincides with the crisis in the realm of social reproduction. The lack of access to basic public services (health, education, transport, water, electricity and transport) depletes household and community capacities to participate in sport. Sports consumer culture, promoting commercial values, not only restricts sports participation but also undermines social provisioning values of solidarity, cooperation and care. In order to reframe the sports and development agenda it is important to examine how the production of sports consumer culture integrates workers within global production networks of sports. The Spread of Sports Markets in the Global South 57

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Sports Workers in Workplaces and Communities

The production of elite competitive sports spectacles depend on a stratified and differentiated global labour force integrated within global production networks. In 2011, the head of the WTO, Pascal Lamy, explained the global production network (GPN) for sports goods.

The sports equipment industry is another example that typifies the new global production network pattern. For instance, the blueprint of a sport shoe is designed and conceived in a research lab in the United States, but manufactured in factories located in China, Vietnam or Indonesia, using raw materials such as leather, rubber and plastic from neighbouring Asian countries. You locate the different stages of your activities from creation to production, marketing and distribution in order to maximise efficiencies and optimise your value addition chain. It suggests that the “Made in China” or “Made in Vietnam” label on the back of a sport shoe should really read “Made in the World”. (Lamy 2011)

The integration of workers within global networks of production illustrates a new international division of sports labour (Munck 2009, 2013). With increasing mobility of capital since the mid-1970s, this international division of cultural labour (Miller et al. 2001; Mirrlees 2013) has

© The Author(s) 2018 67 S. J. Biyanwila, Sports and The Global South, Global Culture and Sport Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-68502-1_3 68 S. J. Biyanwila elaborated with new migration patterns to emerging sports markets. The migration of sports labour overlaps with expanding global production networks (GPN) of sports goods, shifting manufacturing jobs from high wage, unionised labour markets in the North, to lower wage, non- unionised labour markets in the Global South. The internationalisation of capital, in the form of GPNs, illustrates a “variegated capitalism” involving the uneven integration of varieties of spaces, places and relations of production (Jessop 2012). The variegated nature of capitalism relates to how transnational companies engage in “regime shopping” by searching low cost, disposable labour regimes. The nation-states in the Global South complement this as integral to international competition based on comparative and competitive advantage. The reregulation of labour markets in the interests of transnational capital is an uneven time-space process of relocation (through outsourcing and offshoring), which also instigates the migration of labour. While the dominant tendency is to locate sports within consumer culture and entertainment, it also depends on a material economy that interacts with nature, including human beings within specific relations of production (Dickens 1996). Wage labour is at the heart of a capitalist economy, with varying degrees of commodification and exploitation. The wage relationship masks the uneven relationship between labour and capital, or worker (employee) and employer, by representing it as an exchange between equals. While labour is bought and sold as a commodity, the degree of the commodification of labour, including sports labour, depends on the role of the state in terms of regulating labour markets as well as state social provisioning, including cultural activities such as sports. This is also the realm of citizenship, in terms of state responsibilities to guarantee a comfortable “decent” mode of existence. The retraction of state social provisioning, which increases costs or restricts access to basic services, amplifies the commodification of labour and their dependence on wages. This chapter explains the deeper structures and mechanisms that shape the conditions under which sports labour performs. The focus is on the realm of work, labour markets and its intersection with households and communities. The GPNs of sports relates to the global trade in services, driven by TNCs in services (media, sports clubs and leagues) and promoted Sports Workers in Workplaces and Communities 69 by the IFIs (international financial institutions) and the World Trade Organisation (WTO). The spread of markets through trade agreements such as Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) is significant for global sports media as well as the global sporting goods industry. This chapter explores how and why the expansion of profits through sports defines sports labour, primarily in terms of entrepreneurs or independent contractors, and what impact this has on their well-being, their relations with other workers, their lived environment as well as households and communities that nurtured their skills.

3.1 Labour Markets and Social Provisioning Values

Sports labour depends on the functioning of labour markets, influenced by the deregulation of trade and financial markets in specific ways. The deregulation of trade has meant increasing the vulnerability of local labour to shifts in global production networks. Mergers and acquisitions, along with changes in supplier networks while illustrating flexible production, contribute to lowering wages and heightening employment insecurity as well as restraining the self-organisation of workers. The deregulation of financial markets in the 1980s has expanded profiting through speculation as well as money lending, involving commercial banks, cooperative banks and self-help groups. In the context of low wages and increasing cost of living, expanding household debt is exacerbated by financial markets, encouraging new forms of debt bondage (Lapavitsas 2014). The burdens of unpayable loans have pushed a range of workers into multiple forms of self-exploitation, self-harm (farmer sui- cides) and the exploitation of women and children. The debt dependence of nation-states in the Global South has also meant restrictions on state social provisioning exacerbating social reproduction within households and communities. Unlike abstract markets, which are self-adjusting, concrete markets are social institutions, with internal tensions and contradictions as well as possibilities (Sayer 1995). The functioning of labour market institutions—employment contracts, collective bargaining, pensions and other 70 S. J. Biyanwila social protection policies—is distinct yet structurally integrated with relations of production in the workplace, involving specific labour regimes. Labour markets are gendered institutions—a set of rules, and a range of actors and processes (Elson 1999). Male-biased practices perme- ate in labour legislation, government labour standards inspectorates, professional and business networks, systems of job evaluation, systems of organisation of work and pay determination structures. In effect, sports labour markets are notoriously enduring male-biased institutions, which also discriminate along the lines of ethnicity, sexuality and ability.

3.2 Governing Sports Labour Markets

The functioning of sports labour markets depends on different modes of governance illustrating overlapping and conflicting practices, norms and networks (Miller et al. 2001). The elaboration of sports labour laws illustrates a changing legal landscape that intersects diverse local, regional, national and international laws. Unlike the US, in the EU sports market (of coordinated capitalism) sports associations maintain governing bodies that integrate key actors (stakeholders) including the players and fans within a certain geographic region (Murray 2001). In effect, different forms of state governance, in terms of capital-labour compromises determine the power dynamics within sports markets. The sports markets depend on maintaining a competitive balance among clubs, in order to enhance entertainment value. Nevertheless, there is a constant tendency for the competitive balance to decline, with clubs facing financial crisis and debt. The advanced sports labour markets, similar to other labour markets, have varying degrees of “good faith” bargaining, dispute settlement mechanisms, freedom of association, and freedom of collective bargaining (Khan 2000). Of course, these mechanisms of workplace democracy remain submerged in a context of competitive individualism, limited self-organisation among sports labour and restricted union capacities. In terms of sports labour markets, the late 1960s illustrate the recom- position of the North Atlantic sports market, through the deregulation of wages. The abolition of the maximum wage for professional players in Sports Workers in Workplaces and Communities 71 major spectator sports in the 1960s, both in the US and the UK, illustrates the demands of skilled sports workers as well as club owners (Khan 2000). While skilled workers demanded better wages to maintain a livelihood through sports, the owners wanted “star” players, increasing competition for sports labour among clubs. Nevertheless, the survival of sports labour as “free agents” was still dependent on deregulated labour markets, replicating conditions of slave labour (Rhoden 2006). In the European football market, the Bosman decision in 1995 deregulated the transfer system, enabling a more flexible labour force. This decision illustrated the how regional governance mechanisms (EU) influence global sports institutions such as the FIFA and UEFA. In 2001, when clubs began extending contract lengths, the European Union limited maximum contract durations to five years. In 2005, the EU further deregulated sports labour markets encouraging more speedy recognition of qualifications, and simplifying administrative procedures. While these changes have enhanced labour mobility, this has also accompanied labour insecurity. In the European football market, more than one third of all players only last for one season and only one career out of twelve lasts for 10 years and more (Andersson et al. 2008).

3.2.1 Labour Markets and Social Reproduction

Labour markets intersect both the realms of production and reproduction. While work relates to the realm of production, rest and leisure involves the realm of social reproduction. The public realm of production is integrated with the private household realm of social reproduction through hierarchies of gendered and sexualised labouring bodies. The production of sports entertainment, while nurturing masculine sports cultures, also incorporates labouring bodies of women as sports producers, consumers as well as carers. The labouring body is also a body needing rest, care and pleasures. The body as a site of pleasure overlaps the crucial interdependence between the market economy and the care economy or the reproductive economy along with the entire human (economic) system and the ecosystems (Fraser 2016; Shiva 2016; Salleh et al. 2015). 72 S. J. Biyanwila

Expanding sports markets based on commercial values drives the consumption of sports cultures by households, communities as well as the state (nation-state and the public sector). The household and the community are where earnings are transformed into consumption, “enabling people to feel like human beings in a system that treats them like commodities” (Elson 2012). Dominant male-breadwinner (masculine) notions of “work” as paid work masks a range of localised “women’s work” in the household and the community (Elson 1999). This sexual division of labour in households and communities (cultural rituals, volunteering, etc.) is shaped by access to public services. The retraction of public services, or state social provisioning, involving collective goods such as clean water, sanitation, housing, transport and electricity along with health and education services, directly impact women’s work in the realm of social reproduction (Fig. 3.1).

Marketed sports goods and services Commercial Values

profit & cost recovery dynamic of regulation Private Domestic Public services Public services Sector sector regulatory values Public regulatory values sector

Dynamic of provisioning

Labour services ; physical, technical, social capacities

Provisioning Values Depletion of human capacities and Provisioning values

Fig. 3.1 Sports and social reproduction Sports Workers in Workplaces and Communities 73

The realm of social reproduction is also the unpaid care economy that enables people to work in the paid economy, and it directly relates to notions of well-being. The realm of social reproduction provides labouring services, consisting of physical, technical and social capacities. As opposed to commercial values of the market, the provisioning values of households are reinforced by consumer, labour, health and safety, and environmental protection regulations. This highlights how social provisioning values such as caring and giving also entail power relations, with patriarchal and hierarchical tendencies. The crisis of social reproduction directly concerns how expanding deregulation of markets (labour and consumer) and the privatisation of collective goods and services deplete human capacities and provisioning values. The deregulation of trade in services reconstitutes the care economy, such as child-care services, education and health services, with new dynamics of reappropriation. The global care chain, mostly involving migrant women workers, overlaps care services as domestic workers, nan- nies, caregivers, teachers and nurses, as well as sex workers and trafficking (Durano and Francisco 2006). While the migration of skilled sports labour from Global South to North, illustrate a “skill drain”, the migration of women workers entails a “care drain”, where source countries and especially source households are depleted of reproductive aspects of care.

3.3 Global Production Networks of Sports

The production of sports markets depends on a global labour force that intersects different economic sectors. The direct producers of sports entertainment markets (particularly athletic or sports labour) are interconnected with other services sector workers (in finance, health, education, media, telecommunications and transport). The producers of sports goods, sports merchandise and equipment manufacturing illustrate a second tier of less visible producers of the sports entertainment market. The main labour force in the Global South engaged in sports goods production, are young women workers producing sports goods and merchandise in “world factories” located in the Global South (China, India, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Mexico, El Salvador, Honduras, etc.). The construction of 74 S. J. Biyanwila

stadiums, metal for medals, and the provision of nutrition for sports labour depend on a tier of workers engaged in primary industries, such as mining as well as agriculture. In framing the cultural production and consumption of sports, global production networks (GPNs) provide a useful framework to understand “the nexus of interconnected functions, operations and transactions through which a specific product or service is produced, distributed and consumed” (Coe et al. 2008: 274). The logic of the network which integrates disparate national and sub-national territories, is to “create value” by transforming material and cultural resources into commodities. The GPN approach as an analytical frame explores possibilities of regional development and governance. The key actors in the analysis include firms, nation-states, civil society organisations (CSO), labour and consumers. The GPN takes into account corporate power, institutional power (states and other interstate agencies at multiple scales) and collective power (CSO and labour). The GPN overlaps with notions of embedding markets in society in terms of territorial regional development. Based on the GPN approach, the embeddedness involves both network and territorial dimensions (Coe et al. 2008: 289). The embedding of markets in society encompasses the socialisation and democratisation of markets. This suggests encouraging participatory governance mechanisms reshaping institutional and collective strategies towards asserting local sports commons with a global sense (discussed in the concluding chapter). The global production network of sports commodities “made in the world” depends on a global labour force integrated within decentralised production systems or flexible production (Moody1997 : 69). Flexible production systems, as opposed to the Fordist model of production (early-1900s to mid-1970s), relates to increasing mobility of capital in search for cheap docile labour regimes. The flexible production or post- Fordist production, “lean production”, emerges in different time frames and spatial scales. The lean production method illustrates a reconfiguration of assembly line production systems involving sub-contracting, outsourcing and offshoring production processes (Moody 1997: 87–88). Lean production operates in accelerated time frames (real time) with minimum buffers of inventory (Just-in-time or JIT strategies), as well as production capacity and personnel. Sports Workers in Workplaces and Communities 75

Under lean production methods, the labour process is fragmented and outsourced to new specialised labour, in sports marketing, physiotherapy, sports nutrition, sports medicine, biomechanics, sports psychology, drug testing, sports policy and sports law. This extended division of labour within sports involving new specialised occupational categories, illustrates the stratification and differentiation of a labour force. Although women continue to access sports production processes as athletes, coaches, officials, administrators, trainers, and media workers (feminisation of labour), they remain subordinated within male dominated sports institutions and cultures. The expansion of decentralised production systems complemented by deregulated labour markets is characterised by two main features of casualisation and feminisation. While women entered wage work, they were also absorbed into increasingly insecure casualised work (Elson 1999; McDowell 2001). The “feminisation” of labour processes relates to the increased entry of women into previously “masculinised” production jobs and as producers for the world market. It also highlights how conceptual categories of femininity, masculinity and heterosexuality construct the world of work/labour, reinforcing capitalist patriarchal structures (Mohanty 2003). The term “casualisation” is used here to emphasise the breaking down of the neat dichotomy between “formal” and “informal” sector work. The casualisation of jobs illustrates the deviation of both public and private sector employment practices from the norm of “secure, permanent, full- time jobs, with pension rights and other benefits” (Elson1999 : 61). This involves increasing part-time, temporary, self-employed, contract and casual work arrangements. The flexible labour market model is grounded in “generalised risk-taking and thus generalised insecurity” (Standing 2012: 101). The casualisation of work has transformed the socialisation of production integral to the industrial era, enhancing the individualisation of labour as well as a sense of indignation (Standing 2012). Fordist production systems, which emerged with industrialisation in the early-1900s, involved a permanent (mostly male) workforce and longer time frames of production. The coupling of the Fordist workplace often recognised unions, within regulated labour markets supplemented by public social 76 S. J. Biyanwila provisioning or the welfare state. Nevertheless, the “male breadwinner” model of the family, which determined wage standards, located women in an ambivalent subordinated position. While public social provisioning in terms of health, education, housing and other amenities benefited some women in their household labour, access to paid employment (along with education and training) remained constrained. The relative continuity of time and space in structures of (Fordist) production meant local communities also elaborated local sports clubs and sports cultures. The provision of public housing within urban industrial cities in the Global North prior to the mid-1970s, despite their limitations (in terms of segregation and bureaucracy), also fostered local community sports cultures. For the Global South, the emergence of “sports commons” relates to the post-independence expansion of Fordist modes of production through state enterprises and public school systems. The emphasis on state planning expanded community sports cultures in varying scales, but mostly concentrated in urban areas. The emergence of flexible structures of sports production is often celebrated as increasing the mobility of sports labour and enabling “opportunities” and “choice”. However, under lean production systems, sports labour is increasingly intensified with shorter time frames of employment (casualisation) as well as increased (physical as well as psychosocial) injuries (Theberge2012 ). The competition among sports workers bidding for work along with underemployed and unemployed sports labour strength- ens owner and employer positions (Miller et al. 2003). Despite the seeming individual freedom of flexible labour markets, it is also a process that subordinates direct producers to market imperatives by making their self- reproduction market dependent (Wood 1995: 156). In effect, “choice” under flexible markets restricts the ability to choose differently while evading structural issues related to making a living.

3.3.1 Global Labour Force and the “Informal” Sector

While the majority of the global labour force resides in the Global South, most of them work in the so-called “informal sector”. The informal sector is characterised by employment relationships that are “not covered in law Sports Workers in Workplaces and Communities 77 or in practice by national labour legislation, income taxation, social protection, or entitlement to certain employment benefits” (ILO2016a ). According to the ILO, informal employment is particularly widespread in Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean, with a cross-country average of between 40% and 50% (ILO 2014: 24). The spread of informal work contradicts the linear evolutionary modernist view of gradual formalisation of the informal sector. Rather than a remnant of a previous mode of production, the informal sector is a by- product of capital accumulation and restructuring within the global economy (Castells and Portes 1989). Formal wage labour in the periphery interacts within a complex social organisation that includes various forms of property, multiple ways of appropriating labour, and myriad processes of circulation and social practices. The labour markets are also stratified along gender, ethnicity, age, disability and caste. With most work being temporary, multiple forms of wage work, and income livelihood strategies converge in making a living (Ahmad 1985: 60). The search for low cost labour requires transforming the huge potential labour pool in the South towards a vast low-wage workforce, engaged in temporary insecure forms of employment. Between 1980 and 2015 the global labour force grew from 1.9 billion to 3.4 billion, a rise of 63%, with 73% of the labour force located in the developing world, and 40% in China and India alone (ILO 2014). During the same period, the world population grew from around 4.5 billion to 7.4 billion in 2015 (UN 2015). However, in 2013 there were 202 million unemployed people, with more economically active women unemployed than men. The global youth unemployment rate (around 13% in 2014) was double the adult unemployment rate (ILO 2016a). In terms of employment, the services sector accounted for more than half of total global employment growth in 2013, with agriculture accounting for around 25%. The labour force in agriculture has declined by nearly 12% in the past two decades. In the post-2009 period, slower employment growth has coincided with a strong recovery in corporate profits and global equity markets (ILO 2016a). The expansion of the global labour force available to capital since the 1990s relates to two factors. First, the reduction in small farms in the global periphery by means of agribusiness—removing peasants from the 78 S. J. Biyanwila land, with the resulting expansion of urban slum populations. Second, the integration of workers in former “socialist” countries into the world capitalist economy expanded the labour options for capital (Foster et al. 2011). In 2015, the labour force in the Russian federation was around 75 million, and China accounted for 822 million (ILO 2016a). In South Asia, the labour force in agriculture declined from 62% in 1991 to around 46% in 2015. In the case of Sri Lanka, in 2015, the labour force (population 15 years and over) in Sri Lanka was around 8.2 million, consisting of 5.2 million male and around 3 million female workers (SLLFS 2015). Out of this labour force, around 7 million (85%) were in the rural sector. During the 2006–15 period, the labour force in agriculture remained relatively stable around 2.2 million to 2.5 million workers (32% of the labour force); workers in industry were around 2 million (26%), workers in the services sector increased from 2.9 million (41%) in 2006 to 3 million (46%) in 2015 (SLLFS 2015). Those who were working over 40 hours per week increased from 63% in 2006 to 66% in 2015. The public sector in Sri Lanka employed around 1.2 million workers in 2015, or 15.1% of total employment, mostly in education and health services. The private sector employed around 41%. In 2015, 2.5 million workers, or 32%, were self-employed. During the 2006–15 period, unemployment declined from around 6.5% to 4.7%. During the same period, female unemployment dropped from around 9.7% to 7.6%. Unemployment among young people (age 15–24) during the 2012–15 period was 17.3%. From 2001 to 2015, unemployment declined from 7.9% to 4.7%. The low unemployment levels, however, hide the reality of underemployment and the working poor, who are engaged in multiple forms of insecure, low-wage jobs to make a living.

3.4 International Division of Sports Labour and Migration

The international division of labour, a structural feature of colonialism and the expansion of capitalist markets, also concerns migrant labour— rural to urban as well as across national boundaries. From the perspective Sports Workers in Workplaces and Communities 79 of the Global South, forced migration and coercive labour regimes relate to how European modernity and industrialisation was based on the Atlantic slave trade. The changing uneven geography of production, or the reorganisation of spatial structures of production, also involves a spatial division of labour (Massey 1994). Emergent global production networks transforming institutions and cultures shape issues of local, regional and national development, along with rural–urban relations. Unlike capital, labour is mostly localised and conditions of mobility are shaped by varying access to information, education, communication and transportation. Labour is also often localised in terms of commitments to families, communities and local cultural elaboration. The number of international migrants increased from 173 million in 2000, to 244 million in 2015 (ILO 2016a). Almost half of international migrants are concentrated in North America and Europe. Although migrant workers are less than 5% of the global labour force, they consti- tute 36% of all workers in the Arab states, 20% in North America and 16% in Europe. In 2013, around 80% of migrant domestic workers were in high-income countries and women accounted for nearly 73% (or around 8.5 million) of these workers. A central feature of elite athletes or sports cultural labour is migration, depicting an international division of cultural labour (Carter 2011; Maguire and Falcous 2011; Bale and Maguire 1994; Mirrlees 2013). In 2014, two-thirds of the footballers at the World Cup were migrant workers who worked outside the territorial nation they represented. These workers were mainly working (playing) in England, Italy, Germany, Spain and France. Of the 115 players from African countries, only 9 played in their home countries (Katwala 2014). The proportion of foreign players in the big-five football leagues in Europe has increased from around 9% in 1985 to 47% in 2015 (CIES 2016). In the Latin American football leagues, in Mexico, Chile, Bolivia, and Peru, over 20% of the players were foreign players (CIES 2016). The migration of sports labour involves specific path dependencies, shaped by colonial histories of sports, affinities along language, religion and culture (Bale and Cronin 2003). The dominant migration of sports labour (mainly athletes and coaches) is from South to North with better-developed sports labour markets (Bale and Maguire 1994). The development of sports 80 S. J. Biyanwila markets in the Global South, since the 1990s, has also encouraged the North to South migrations, mostly on a temporary basis. The uneven migration of sports labour mostly involves men in a nomadic migratory lifestyle, constantly on the move from one sport event to another (Carter 2015; Bale and Maguire 1994). The driving logic behind this labour migration is access and opportunities for education, training, employment, higher wages and economic security (or class mobility). These migrant workers (skilled sports labour in popular media-sports such as football, cricket, basketball, baseball) also influence local sports cultures, particularly in terms of the marketisation of sports leagues and the construction of fan cultures as well as nationalism. The marketisation of sports changes the dynamic of historical bonds between the local community and the club/league or the national team. The migrant worker is both valorised and stigmatised. They are valorised for engaging in new sports markets, but they are also stigmatised for maintaining or not maintaining alliances with their places of origin. Within the neo-liberal market ideology of individualism and entrepreneurialism, the contextual discontinuity of livelihood strategies has meant glorifying migration, while stigmatising commitments to place, or “heroism of departure” and “the victimage of location”.

3.4.1 Migrant Women Workers and Sport Commodities

Women in formal employment are mostly in education, health, and other services including migrant domestic work. Migrant women workers are absorbed within global factories in urban and semi-urban areas, as well as the services sector, in terms of skilled (nurses) and less skilled (domestic and care) workers. While women are often excluded from actually participating in sports, they remain a significant labour force in the global production networks that produce sporting goods and merchandise, as well as providing mostly unpaid and undervalued care labour for male and female sports labour. The proportion of women in precarious work globally continues to expand because of the agrarian crisis in the Global South, illustrated by Sports Workers in Workplaces and Communities 81 poverty, hunger and malnutrition. Moreover, women workers in rural agricultural communities are pushed into precarious work owing to the spread of markets (creating landlessness and indebtedness) along with the loss of access to the commons (water, land, ecological resources) (Satterthwaite and Tacoli 2004). Women workers in the Global South are engaged in multiple forms of insecure work, such as domestic work, home-based work, and contract labour. The irregular or precarious nature of home-based work means that women are doing different types of work (piece rate, order based and own account work) in the same week or even in the same day (Coskun 2010). Along with insecurity of work, natural resource depletion due to environmental degradation and climate change contribute to multiple forms of migration. State social provisioning directly shapes the sexual division of labour, which relegates women to the realm of social reproduction. The retraction of the state from social provisioning, education, health, and social welfare sectors, not only limits women’s access to public sector employment, but also intensifies women’s work within households. The privatisation of health, education, transport, water, telecommunications and electricity has resulted in increasing costs of care. Meanwhile, the privatisation or marketisation of care work (reproductive labour) has expanded the global care market creating a global care chain, integrating women workers from the Global South within domestic work in the Global North (Hochschild 2000). Migrant workers are often victims of forced labour, around 9.1 million in 2012, and they endure multiple forms of discrimination, marginalisation, exploitation and injuries (ILO 2016b). Migrant women workers are vulnerable to a full spectrum of male violence, within and outside the realm of production. With minimum state protection, migrant women workers are faced with despotic labour regimes in factories, private households, as well as parasitic middlemen (labour contractors). Even within their own households, male members within the family and kinship relations often pilfer their meagre earnings. The patriarchal nation-state, which valorises motherhood and remittances of migrant women workers, simultaneously maintain structures of super-exploitation denying labour market regulation and social protection. 82 S. J. Biyanwila

3.5 Migrant Sports Workers, Nationalism and Citizenship

Migrant sports labour highlights the contradictions of “sportive nationalism” as well as citizenship. The articulation of sportive nationalism through ethnic and national identities is significant for nation-states in the Global South competing for investors and trade relations. Nation- states and markets (particularly media and tourism) are dominant forces in the framing of national identities, which also interact with notions of internationalism and cosmopolitanism. In turn, sports mega-events such as the Olympics, Commonwealth Games, FIFA World Cup and the ICC World Cup, are not only sporting events but also brands that can enhance the cultural capital of nation-states. Nation-state strategies articulating ethnic and national identities consist of complex notions of belonging and political citizenship across different spatial (territorial) scales. Notions of belonging intersect multiple identities involving localised ways of life, heritage, collective memories and affective communities. They also overlap different spaces—households, neighbourhoods, regions (intranational), cities, nations and regions across national boundaries (international proximity). These identities are stratified along social inequalities of class, gender, ethnicity, sexuality, disability and age. The nation is an “imagined” as well as an “invented” community (Hobsbawm and Ranger 1983) based on histories, myths, ideologies as well as institutional and cultural practices. At the same time, territorial articulations of national identity are complicated by ethnic communities that coexist across territorial boundaries. For example, the Tamil community in Sri Lanka overlaps with the Tamil community in Tamil Nadu, India, with a population of over 60 million. For nation-states in the Global South asserting new national identities in a post-conflict situation such as Sri Lanka, engaging in international sports competitions is significant to reframe internal and external relations. Internally, participation in the international sports arena manufactures new notions of belonging, while externally it facilitates integration with the global trading system forging new alliances. The emphasis on cultural differences between nation-states is significant for the enhancement of competitive advantage. However, the Sports Workers in Workplaces and Communities 83

construction of national identities around elite sports labour, “national” teams, in a context of temporary migration (or dual citizenships) reveals the hybrid nature of national identities. At the 2014 World Cup, 75% of those representing non-European nations (324 out of 437) were migrant football workers (Katwala 2014). Many countries allow skilled sports labour to acquire their citizenship through facilitated naturalisation on the grounds of “national interest”. Meanwhile, national sporting teams in the Global North increasingly consist of sports labour with family histories of migration (Carter 2007, 2011). However, this manufacturing of national teams based on migrant labour contradicts notions of cultural uniqueness and authenticity articulated in sportive nationalism. While sportive nationalism allows for new notions of belonging, it can also legitimise maldistribution of resources, ethnic hierarchies and cultural marginalisation, along with exclusion from representative institutions (Sugden and Bairner 1999). An athlete from a marginalised community representing the nation-state is often projected as symbolic of “democracy” and “inclusion”. However, this articulation of a national collective achievement through sport coincides with enduring forms of economic inequality, cultural discrimination and state violence (Sugden and Tomlinson 2005). For example, the expression of national unity through symbols, such as flags, dress, songs and dances, hides the power hierarchies and the contestations within these symbols. While permanent migration of skilled sports labour occurs mostly from South to North, emerging sports markets have expanded migration within the South. Some migrant workers gain citizenship in order to become members of national teams, while others migrate temporarily. For example, in 2015, a Fijian rugby player played for both Fiji and Sri Lanka at different rugby tournaments. In the sport of diving, since the late 1980s, coaches from Mexico and China have migrated to the Global North, US and Australia. As a diving coach at the University of Utah (1987–92), I was also a migrant worker from the South to the North. Nation-states, unlike sports markets and international sports institutions (IOC, FIFA) have specific responsibilities towards citizens. However, both nation-states and international sports institutions converge to enhance the skill levels and the organisation of domestic sports, through inter-state diplomatic relations supplying temporary skilled sports labour 84 S. J. Biyanwila

(Redeker 2008). However, nation-states also access skilled labour for longer periods through the migrant sports labour market. From 2000–05, the Indian cricket team hired a New Zealander (John Wright) as India’s first ever foreign coach. In 2011, the Athletics Federation of India employed seven foreign coaches, mostly from Russia and Eastern European countries. Sports governing institutions regulate the propensity for nation-states to grant citizenship to skilled migrant sports labour, in order to maximise their cultural capital (McLaren 2009). The global sports governing institutions (international sports federations, FIFA and the ICC, as well as the IOC) maintain eligibility rules, which reframe citizenship legislation in different countries. Most sport governing bodies enforce a temporal fix—a two- to three-year wait after gaining new citizenship, or a five-year residency requirement—on transnational migrant sports workers. Meanwhile, the IOC and FIFA have more “nations” as members than the UN, owing to their recognition of communities as members, despite their marginalised status as “citizens” within the territorial boundaries of a specific nation-state. For example, Palestine is recognised by all major global sports governing institutions. While this expanding diversity relates to the interests of global sports institutions to increase their membership, the benefits for the Palestinian struggles remain limited, other than occasional international exposure. While FIFA may deliver some sport services, the responsibility of the cultural elaboration of football lies with the Palestinian Authority. Meanwhile, in 2017, FIFA rejected a motion by the Palestinian Football Association demanding the exclusion of the Israeli Football Association for its complicity in the expansion of illegal settlements in occupied Palestinian land. National sports federations along with sports ministries have the power to decide who participates in international competitions despite having achieved the qualification standards required by global sports institutions. The selection of national teams is rife with conflict. In the case of Olympic teams, there are conflicts between sports and within sports. Recognising the emergent legal disputes, the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS) was approved by the IOC in 1982, and since 1996, the IOC established the Ad Hoc Division (HAD) of the CAS (McLaren 2009). The main purpose of the HAD was to efficiently resolve disputes without Sports Workers in Workplaces and Communities 85 disrupting the flow of the Games. Disgruntled athletes or sports bodies can now access separate sports tribunals circumventing engagement within the legal system of nation states. Athletes or countries can lodge protests (regarding the result of a competition or qualification standards) within the relevant time limits. However, access to the tribunal depends on the resources, networks and information or knowledge available to the victims (Latty 2015; McLaren 2009). The expansion of sports consumer culture highlights how the “nation” is a tenuous concept of “common good” or “social harmony” that attempts to reconcile disparate social inequalities, in particular class and gender (Yuval-Davis 1997; Fraser 2016). In displacing the class and gender dimension, liberal capitalist democracies (mis)represent the historical development of citizenship, purely as an enhancement of individual liberty (liberal doctrine) against an arbitrary state and communal repressions. Nation-states in the Global South are increasingly constrained in their responsibilities towards citizens under market-driven development. The deregulation of labour markets has restrained their wages, employment security and freedom to organise. Meanwhile, migrant workers are further excluded from worker rights and access to services. While a minority of skilled workers (including sports labour) may access better working conditions, most migrant workers suffer as well as resist within different authoritarian labour regimes. Although workers have formal citizenship rights, they remain subordinated within the employment relationship, or rights of capital (Fig. 3.2). This contradiction between political and socio-economic rights enables the state and employers to benefit from the remittances of migrating workers, while ignoring their entitlements for legal and social protection. Simultaneously, the state also retracts its responsibility to create meaningful decent jobs in local communities and to provide needed, reliable quality public services. This subordination of economic and social rights to political rights is an ongoing dynamic of governing complexity. These inequalities highlight how the manufacturing of the “sportive nation” mystifies multiple struggles in the Global South to deepen notions of belonging and citizenship as well as democracy. 86 S. J. Biyanwila

Sports cultures Global South Sports Consumer culture

“common good” & “social harmony” Sporting nationalism ethno-nationalist, patriarchal, able bodied, heterosexual

Nation-state Promotion of consumer markets, media, tourism, export oriented industrialisation, migrant workers

Privatisation and deregulation of public goods and services collective struggles social movements Accumulation by dispossession Primitive accumulation

Crisis in Social Reproduction Rights of capital Rights of citizens collective struggles social movements global, regional, national, local

Fig. 3.2 Sports consumer culture and citizenship

3.5.1 Sports as Cultural Workers Providing a Service

The production of sports and sports labour relates to the services sector of an economy. The services sector is distinct yet integrated with the manufacturing or industrial sectors and agriculture, fisheries and resources extraction sectors. Sports workers producing the consumer culture of sports are integrated with other service sector workers in education, health, finance, media, telecommunications, construction, entertainment and social services. Meanwhile, certain impersonal services now move across borders over the Internet, digitised and stored electronically, and integrated with global production networks. Sports Workers in Workplaces and Communities 87

The deregulation of the services sector, promoted by the media-sports complex, directly concerns issues of national sovereignty and cultural self- determination. The expanding services sector in the Global North (North America, EU, Japan, Australia) entails the saturation of markets for dura- ble consumer goods and the need to create new markets for non-material goods, like services, culture, therapies, religion and tourism. The North wants both, the material cake and the spiritual (cultural) icing on top of it (Mies 1997). This is where sports markets articulate cultural authenticity of nation-states as well as the “originality” or “uniqueness” of sports entertainment (Lawrence 2005). The deregulation of the services sector (internationalisation of services), involves the search for profits through the deconstruction and reconstruction of services, including the cultural commons. The final two chapters will further explore these themes. Services are defined in terms of employers, whom are private, public, or community service organisations (CSOs). Although all three entities may engage in similar services their intent or purpose along with their value orientations are different. This highlights the complexities of governance in the legal, administrative and political domains. While both private firms, as well as CSOs, which are also civil society organisations, provide sports entertainment, the state plays a key role in the social provisioning of sports activities, particularly through the education system. However, the state outsourcing or contracting out of social provisioning (of services) blurs the distinction between public and private services. More importantly, the provisioning of more difficult services, particularly in rural areas, remains the responsibility of the public sector. The dominant (World Bank) definition of services, exclude environmental services, which the EU recognises (World Bank 2016; EU 2016). The EU, considers environmental services as those engaged in “the purpose of preventing, reducing and eliminating pollution and any other degradation of the environment”, as well as “preserving and maintaining the stock of natural resources and hence safeguarding against depletion”. The reframing of services to include environmental services is significant in the shift away from fossil fuels, such as coal, oil and gas, into renewable energy sources as well as extending new forms of eco-friendly service sector jobs. Acknowledging environmental services is substantial for the 88 S. J. Biyanwila reimagining of “green sports” and “development” in terms of articulating sports commons and “living well”, as discussed in the conclusion. Services are directed to both consumers and producers. The emergence of personal trainers in the fitness services illustrates the expansion of personal services to consumers. Services to producers include business services, such as computer services, real estate, research and development; finance, legal services, accounting, market research, advertising, industrial cleaning and security services; and distributive services—transportation, communication, and utilities. Utilities, such as water, gas and electricity play a vital role in the realm of production as well as social reproduction. Jobs in the services sector are differentiated along a spectrum, from secure, hi-tech, hi-wage, skilled jobs to insecure, hi-touch, low wage insecure jobs (McDowell 2001). Although high-tech, high- wage, skilled jobs in sports markets relate to affluent clubs and leagues (the NFL, NBA, NHL, NBL, UEFA), most sports markets create high- touch, low-wage, insecure jobs.

3.5.2 Sports and the Global Trade in Services

The commercialisation of sports and the global trade in services is shaped by TNCs in services (media, sports clubs and leagues), the IFIs (international financial institutions—World Bank, IMF) and the World Trade Organisation. The General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) initiated in 1994 is incorporated within a range of Free Trade Agreements (FTAs). In 2013, the Trade in Services Agreement (TISA) negotiated among states in the Global North was placed outside the WTO, with less transparency. Once governments make commitments to deregulate trade in services, there is a consistent effort to expand, furthering market accesses through non-favourable treatment based on regional and domestic suppliers. Encouraged by notions of self-regulating markets, dominant TNCs shape new rules of “competition” administered by an “independent regu- lator”. The secrecy regarding the content of trade agreements and the lack of public scrutiny within the negotiation process, along with the capacity for corporations to sue governments illustrates a new hegemonic global trade regime complicating notions of citizenship and democracy. Sports Workers in Workplaces and Communities 89

Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) is also part of the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS), implemented in terms of International Trade in Health Services. Expanding markets into the realm of public health mainly benefit a thin layer of the middle classes in the Global South. The privatisation of health undermines universal access and increases cost burdens on the public system. In South Africa, intellectual property rights, owned by multinational pharmaceutical companies to life-saving medicines for the treatment of HIV/ AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria, cost thousands of lives (IRIN 2011). The privatisation of public services results in a loss of secure jobs, casualisation, an erosion of working conditions and a loss of social security or social protection. The erosion of services, particularly public services, both as workers as well as users of these services directly affect women. The TRIPS agreement signed by countries in the Global South involves limiting state capacities to protect their citizens’ rights to a range of essential services, foregrounding issues of national sovereignty and government accountability. The spread of markets through trade agreements such as TRIPS is significant for global sports media as well as the global sporting goods industry (Westerbeek and Smith 2003). In terms of the global sporting goods industry, the World Federation of Sporting Goods Industry (WFSGI) represents the interests of dominant TNCs. The WFSGI, established in 1978, consists of over 200 companies and trade associations, and is the industry representative within the “Olympic Family” of the IOC. For the 2011–14 period, the president of the WFSGI was a director of Asics Corporation, and the regional vice presidents included representatives from the SFIA—Sports and Fitness Industry Association, USA; Sports Goods Export Promotion Council, India; and the general counsel, Adidas Group. According to the WFSGI, “the industry is faced with the highest tariffs and trade-defence measures worldwide”, thus, the need for “pursuing freer and fairer global trade”, and to seek to “highlight the benefits of more open markets” (WFSGI 2011). The demand for opening markets, involving deregulation as well as state subsidies, accompanies notions of self-regulation, articulated in terms of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR). The CSR committee of the WFSGI focuses on “global societal, social and environmental trends 90 S. J. Biyanwila like climate change, resource depletion, labor and health issues” (WFSGI 2011). In 2012, WFSGI was encouraged by the FIFA to strengthen CSR regarding the global production of FIFA licensed soccer balls by extending the scope beyond child labour to include internationally recognised labour and environmental standards. The WFSGI Code of conduct, in the FIFA press release, highlights the recognition of working hours, health and safety at work and forced labour. However, as with most CSR frameworks, the right to associate and the right to collectively bargain are excluded. The WFSGI emphasises its “humanitarian” role in providing a “positive contribution to global health by encouraging physically active lifestyles”. However, the good intentions of the WFSGI are contradicted by the pursuit of profits (in open markets), which demand low-cost workers—mostly women workers in the Global South—as well as lowering environmental regulations.

Sport as cultural products Production social reproduction labour play; Leisure

Sports goods and services

labour markets Migrant workers

factories : Relations of production sports clubs & sports goods despotic labour regimes manufacturing

depletion of Intensification of work capacities : human exploitation, alienation and ecological

Fig. 3.3 Sports as cultural production and workers Sports Workers in Workplaces and Communities 91

The WFSGI is an ongoing target of labour campaigns. When abuses of labour in the supply chain were highlighted by unions and civil society organisations (the Play Fair campaign) at the 2004 Olympics, the WFSGI dismissed any collective response by relegating responsibility to individual CSR programmes (Play Fair 2005). In 2012, the WFSGI was again ineffective in addressing issues of child labour, excessive hours, poverty pay and dangerous working conditions in the global production network of sporting goods (CC 2012). Nevertheless, the WFSGI also represents the positioning of the WTO in terms of dismissing labour rights (and the role of the ILO). In a 2011 speech to the WFSGI, WTO director, Pascal Lamy asserted, “I believe your industry is a force for good in the world” (WTO 2011) (Fig. 3.3).

3.6 Sports Labour as Enterprising Cultural Workers

The articulation of sports labour as cultural workers is grounded in ideologies of competitive individualism and enterprising workers. The producers of cultural goods and events enact this individualism as artisanal producers (or professionals). The expansion of the labour force in cultural labour has been analysed as “the cultural mass” (Daniel Bell), and more recently as the “creative class” (Florida). The deployment of individualism in neoliberalism combines concepts of entrepreneurs with competition, or the “enterprise culture” with the “opportunity society” (Jessop 1997: 564). In social theory, the ideal of the entrepreneur emerges in Weber’s account of commercial society and the protestant “work ethic”. By situating human life in entrepreneurial terms, the owner of that life becomes responsible for his or her own self-advancement and care (DuGay 1999: 85). A prominent feature of the “enterprising worker” is the foregrounding of “free will” (the subjective realm of individuals) or voluntarism. This partly relates to the specific ways in which cultural workers benefit from the cultural product. Cultural workers, such as in sports labour, benefit from the cultural product as well as the “cultural capital” (cultural recognition) attached to the consumption of that cultural product. Sports labourers as cultural workers create profits 92 S. J. Biyanwila

from the culture of the product to the cultural practices that surround its consumption and the cultural capital that can evolve alongside among both producers and consumers. (Harvey 2002)

The “enterprising worker” is a flexible worker, multi-skilled and self- motivated towards his or her own career development. By focusing on the micro-social level, new management strategies concentrate on winning the “hearts and minds” of workers. These strategies modify elements of trust, co-operation, loyalty and organisational culture, in the interest of reducing labour costs and enhancing labour productivity (Storey 1992: 266). As a result, workers are constantly monitored for their work moti- vation, labour utilisation and commitment (ibid.: 265). The “performance- based pay” in sports reinforces enterprising worker ideology of masculine individualism, competition and short-term gain while internalising specific attitudes, dispositions and demeanours compatible with co-operative subservience. This co-operative subservience is a significant feature of dominant sports governing institutions. In asserting management control over labour, the aim is to redefine the self-understanding of workers, their capacities and interests. At the core of this ideology of individualism is the abstract utility-maximising self-interested rational economic man. Once everyone acts in their own self-interest the “invisible hand” of self-regulating markets co-ordinate the actions of rational economic actors moving towards an equilibrium (Sayer 1995). Central to this mechanistic “rational choice” economic model is the use of game theory, or decision-making strategies for maximizing gains and minimizing losses within specific constraints (Lawson 2009). Dominant sports culture also foster similar “closed system” approaches to sports performance, individually and collectively as teams. A key mechanism is to reframe ethical considerations and personal notions of self-flourishing (other than maximising material goods). In this atomistic view of human beings (agency theory in financial economics), performance is recalibrated in terms of a “closed system” cost/benefit analysis. In turn, fouls/penalties in games become strategic choices where optimis- ing performance outcomes relate to deliberating whether the cost of the foul is less than the benefits. This “closed system” approach of highly Sports Workers in Workplaces and Communities 93 formalised mathematical model of human interaction, entails emphasising competition and conflict among atomistic individuals over co-operation and interdependence. The “enterprising worker”, who is also an efficient manager, represents primarily an ideal type of a skilled, white, male worker, and not “lower skilled” women and men, or marginalised disabled, ethnic, and sexual identities. By conflating labour with capitalist enterprise, the neo-liberal ideology of enterprising workers reinforces the notion that it is the capi- talists and not the workers who “produce” (Wood 1995: 156). Simultaneously, the managerial culture of the workplace (realm of production) extends into the realm of households, influencing notions of care, including self-care and care for others (social reproduction). The notion of individual “choice” is significant for sports, particularly in terms of the risks of sports injuries and performance enhancement. The emphasis on high performance foregrounds a “culture of risk” over a “culture of precaution” (Theberge2012 ). The valorisation of choice evades attention to the sphere of production where workers liberty and control over their work is increasingly curtailed (Sayer 1995: 121). The narrowing of leisure to notions of “escape”, “freedom” and “choice” also overlaps the risk society, maintained by interests of capital and the state (Rojek 2009). Sports labour makes “choices” when it comes to taking risks, which may lead to a spectrum of bodily injuries from temporary to permanent, and immediate to latent. However, these choices are also made within specific contexts, with specific forms of (mis)information, commitments and concerns. Sports labour internalising the risks of injuries, takes place in a context of wages and labour market conditions, prioritising profits. Meanwhile, the notion of choice emphasising consumer sovereignty continues to restrict access to affordable and accessible sports participation for many, particularly women. This abstract model of individuals as social atoms and perpetual “bargain hunters” (Archer 2000) evades history, the normative assessment of choices and enduring hierarchies of power relations. It also ignores human vulnerability as well as interdependence (with human and non-human beings as well as ecology), particularly in terms of work and play. 94 S. J. Biyanwila

3.6.1 Time for Work and Play

The restructuring of work, through rationalisation and technological advances, continues to intensify work while diminishing capacities to engage in leisure. The average annual hours of work have declined since 1919, when the Hours of Work convention established the “8-hour working day” in the core capitalist economies (ILO 2011). However, workers across the globe are working longer hours, in multiple jobs, often at a faster pace. Even within core capitalist economies the restructuring of work (deregulation of labour markets and privatisation) has led to new concerns such as “time squeeze”, “time poverty” and “karoshi” (death from overwork). Most elite sports workers also endure similar conditions, internalising a range of injuries and self-harming working conditions. The restructuring of work, which effects free time and leisure, directly relates to the realm of wages and actual working hours. The actual working hours are interdependent with uneven distribution of decent work and wages, and the stratification of labour markets along a range of skills. History of working hours and working conditions is an outcome of struggle between capital and labour, which develops unevenly globally, regionally and nationally. The 8-hour day (48-hour week) struggle of the unions in the mid-1800s in the core metropolitan economies led to the structural emergence of new work cultures and institutions. Although the regulated work time often encompassed a minority of the working classes, it enabled the cultural elaboration of free time and leisure. Simultaneously, the effort to find an optimum balance between work and non-work was also about ensuring that “(standard) workers could lead satisfactory lives as citizens of civilized societies” (Murray 2001). In the balance between work and non-work, the work-time is articulated in uneven ways. Between 2004 and 2005, nearly 22% of workers globally are working more than 48 hours per week (Lee et al. 2007). Despite more women entering labour markets, women are working fewer hours in paid work than men. Fewer hours does not mean that women do not feel overworked. Both younger and retirement age workers are working fewer hours. Average working hours in the services sector (whole- sale and retail trade; hotels and restaurants; and transport, storage and communications) are particularly longer. The increasing shift work in Sports Workers in Workplaces and Communities 95 terms of work schedules, particularly in the services sector, has extended night and weekend work. The work hours in the informal sector in the Global South generally tends be longer, with women working fewer hours in paid work, while entrenched in longer unpaid work hours in the household (Lee et al. 2007). The retraction of the welfare state, the decline of pensions and other social benefits, and increasingly privatised health care, has made it necessary to keep working. While “workaholic” cultures are encouraged through coercion and seduction of full-time workers, the majority of the precariat workers are in a permanent state of insecurity and job search (Munck 2013). Although labour productivity has increased this has not released more free time, “greater autonomy, and more space for self- chosen activity”. Instead of free time, we are to produce more and more material commodities and commodified services (Soper1995 : 184).

3.6.2 The “Drive to Mastery”: Cyborgs on Steroids

The commodification of sports labour in the realm of sports consumer markets involves reframing human interaction with nature. The notions of well-being and a healthy body are made more complicated by technology, in biotechnology (pharmaceutical) and agribusiness. The elaboration of biotechnology has introduced a spectrum of performance-enhancing drugs creating new markets for hormone therapies and other “sports nutrition” products (Hoberman 2005). Humans as a species on performance-enhancing drugs are also doping other species for sports (i.e. horses). Meanwhile, the promotion of genetically modified food crops (by Monsanto) integrates with the genetic modification of sport labour (gene doping) (Miah 2004). This technological modification and commodification of human nature demands reimagining notions of work and play in terms of a satisfying mode of living as a human being. The concept of the cyborg captures how the commodification of labour also changes notions of embodiment. The cyborg relates to “fabricated hybrids of machine and organism”. We (the emerging cyborgs) are “ille- gitimate offspring of militarism and patriarchal capitalism, not to men- tion state socialism” (Haraway 1991). While allowing different ways of 96 S. J. Biyanwila technological engagement to contest relations of power, the cyborg myth shifts the dominant narrative of resistance from technological domination to accommodating technology for resistance. This shift enables the contestation of “meanings, as well as other forms of power and pleasure in technologically mediated societies” (Haraway 1991). The strength of the cyborg metaphor is that it deepens the notion of “genetically modified athletes” (Miah 2004), and highlights how technology relates to militarism and patriarchal state projects. However, the cyborg collapses “the organic–inorganic human–animal distinctions” as the basis for enabling “animal well-being and human sexual emancipation” (Soper 2012: 227). In the process, the cyborg ontology fails to explain the diversity of human suffering and flourishing in terms of love and sexuality, and its distinction from other creatures (Soper 2012: 227). It also evades countering the maltreatment of animals (including human animals) by biotechnology and agribusiness (Benton 1995). The dominant anti-doping discussion projects a biomedical technology discourse that subordinates bioethical concerns or basic questions about human well-being as well as civil rights (Hoberman 2005; Møller 2010; Houlihan 2004a). The anti-doping discourse relates to specific notions of “performance” within sports entertainment markets projected by the media, sports goods manufacturers, food companies and finance multinationals (Miah 2004, 2006). Even expanding “sports nutrition” markets, which includes a range of dietary supplements, involves advertising and large multinational food companies (e.g. Coca Cola). The poorly regulated dietary supplement market contains pharmacologically active ingredients capable of causing ill health (USFDA 2009). Linking the anti-doping discourse with bioethical concerns also encompasses evaluating the ethical limitation of a hyper-competitive sports consumer culture and the commodification (or the dehumanisation) of sports labour (Houlihan 2004b; Wilson et al. 2001) (Fig. 3.4). In a 2013 survey by UNI Sports Pro, a union of professional sports workers in European sports markets, highlighted exploitative work practices in ice hockey, rugby, handball and basketball. Many players work without a contract, wages are often paid late, there are no provisions for pension, and no support from employers for education (for employment mobility). Despite the high risks of injuries there is limited support and Sports Workers in Workplaces and Communities 97

Sports Consumer culture nation state commodity fetishism “sportive nationalism” sports fantasies TNC’s International Sports Media, Finance, Sports goods Federations: IOC, FIFA,ICC, manufacturing, agri-business IAAF

Sports markets Sports labour markets

Exchange value use value commercial values provisioning values

Intensification of labour Performance based pay Performance enhancement Alternative sports cultures Cyborgs on steroids Equitable pay based on collective bargaining community owned, community Commodification of managed sports labour

Fig. 3.4 Commodification of sports labour insurance, particularly against career-ending injuries. Along with dominant notions of “entertainment”, low quality of refereeing also contributed to injuries as well as violence. Other restrictive practices include high incidence of harassment and discrimination, invasion of privacy by drug-testing away from the workplace, increase in evening work, insufficient notice for changes to work schedule, and a low awareness of disciplinary rules. In terms of harassment and discrimination

… in all sports and across all countries professional players have been exposed to various unwanted physical acts, threats and bullying and discrimination on the grounds of ethnicity and age. (UNI-Sports Pro 2013)

The sports labour regimes can be viewed within a spectrum of despotic regimes (in which coercion prevails over consent) to hegemonic regimes (in which consent prevails along with coercion) (Burawoy 1985). The dominant tendency within sports labour markets is a despotic tendency 98 S. J. Biyanwila where coercion prevails over consent. The enduring sports labour regimes in the US is often described as a “plantation labour regime” (Hawkins 2013), highlighting forms of labour control that subordinates workers’ rights, respect and dignity. It is important to highlight that the dominant sports markets are also entrenched in able-bodied patriarchal cultures maintaining structures of white privilege, particularly in North American, EU and Australian sports labour markets (Darnell 2010; Carrington 2011; Frankenburg 1993). However, white workers are also exploited in extracting profits from sports labour. Although women’s sports labour in specific sports, such as golf and tennis, have expanded, women in team sports leagues, such as netball, basketball, cricket, football, softball, and volleyball, continue to struggle. The marginalisation of women sports workers within sports labour markets highlight the necessity for further socialisation and democratisation of labour markets.

3.7 Conclusion

The production of sports consumer culture integrates workers in a range of sectors, labour regimes and nation-states within an international division of labour. The labour force in the Global South absorbed within global production networks of sports goods are mostly young women working in factories. These workers represent a minority of formal sector workers in a sea of informal sector workers, struggling with unemployment, underemployment and hunger. The lack of work with liveable wages in local communities instigates the migration of sports workers. Sports labour markets are social institutions, which involve specific histories and enduring structures and cultures. While sports labour has gained more mobility within deregulated sports labour markets, this has been accompanied by insecurity as well as an intensification of work. Sports labour markets are also gendered institutions, where women’s sports labour remains marginalised. The functioning of labour markets relates to new lean production systems, which demand flexible, irregular and casualised workers. The lean production systems, linked with GPNs, interact with the deregulation of global trade in services, involving a Sports Workers in Workplaces and Communities 99 range of state strategies. The deregulation of services shifts the provisioning of sports from a public good to a private market-based good. This overlaps with the processes of individualisation reinforced through casualised employment and migration. These mechanisms changing state forms and labour markets, complicates articulations of citizenship, national sovereignty, and cultural self-determination. Meanwhile, the nation-states and international sports governing institutions, articulate the “sportive nation” through overlapping and conflicting notions of citizenship. The emergent citizenship regimes along with membership within global sports institutions illustrate a diminishing of rights and entitlements of sports labour. While a few elite sports workers may access high wages and celebrity status, most encounter low wages, work insecurity and career-ending injuries. The celebration of sports consumer markets and the “sportive nation” by nation-states and sports governing institutions (IOC, FIFA, etc.) depends mostly on these sports workers in low wage, insecure jobs in the services sector, with limited access to social services. The spread sports labour markets also foster authoritarian labour regimes, which reproduce able-bodied masculine sports cultures. The elite sports consumer culture, promoted by nation-states, TNCs, and global sports governing institutions not only intensify sports labour but also limit household and community capacities to participate in sports. The disembedding of sports markets from communities and the subordination of social provisioning values is reflected in how the hyper- competitive sports cultures demanding “performance enhancement” reinforces the self-exploitation of workers depicting “cyborgs on steroids”. These changing dynamics in the realm of sports production is interdependent with the realm of sports consumption explored in the next chapter.

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Sports Revenues from Property Rights and Cities

In 2012, Maria Sharapova had plans to change her name to Sugarpova— after a range of sweets she launched—for the US Open in August 2013. Sharapova, who won Wimbledon as a 17-year-old in 2004, is one of the highest-paid female athletes, with $29 million in earnings from prize money, endorsements and appearance fees between June 2012 and June 2013 (Badenhausen 2013). However, the Sugarpova project, targetting the sports spectacle, was later abandoned. According to the promotional website, “Sugarpova is a premium candy line that reflects the fun, fashionable, sweet side of international tennis sensation Maria Sharapova”. Among the 12 different flavours were: Flirty, Smitten, Sour, Splashy and Sassy. Meanwhile, her main sponsors in 2013 were TAG Heuer (luxury watches); Smasung (Korean Business conglomerate); Porsche (premium sports cars); Head (sports equipment); Nike (sportswear and equipment); Evian (min- eral water); Cole Hann (footwear, accessories and outerwear). This capacity to promote disparate commodities highlights how the “evangelical sports” narrative mystifies the extraction of profit through sports labour. Branding through extending intellectual property rights (IPRs) is a central feature of commodification of cultural goods such as sports (Andrews and Jackson 2001; Wenner 1998; Brookes 2002). The uniqueness about consuming cultural goods is that it relates to human experiences

© The Author(s) 2018 107 S. J. Biyanwila, Sports and The Global South, Global Culture and Sport Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-68502-1_4 108 S. J. Biyanwila of pleasures. Cultural goods involve a spectrum of social practices from sports, arts, theatre, music, cinema and architecture, or more broadly to localised ways of life, heritage, collective memories and affective communities (Harvey 2002). The spread of sports markets depends on the reproduction of “sporting nationalism” and multiple fan cultures, inventing a sense of belonging, linked with identities and self-esteem. Strategies for winning hearts and minds through sports involves “reinventing sports” (Rein et al. 2006), in order to extract profits through monopoly rent (branding) as well as processes of urbanisation (sports venues). Enhancing “consumer experience” entails increasing consumption through the deconstruction and reconstruction of sports pleasures adding new cultural components. The consumer experience or the “transcendental effect” of cultural commodities entails the separation and the elevation of the realm of culture above the economy. This also comprises “commodity fetishism”, where the product of social relationships is transformed into an object, a “fantastic” relation between objects, which is considered “natural”. The commodification of sports involves reframing social identities and practices: “fans are now customers, clubs are now enterprises, and football is in the entertainment industry” (UK Gov 2011: 16). This chapter focuses on the economic realm of sports consumption, in terms of the extraction of profits through sports markets. The spread of sports markets overlap the spread of markets into the cultural commons, commodifying cultures. While the role of media, discussed in the next chapter, is central to the extraction of profits through sports, this chapter focuses on how the “business model” of sports interacts with the global finance and processes of urbanisation. The production and consumption of sports mega-events is a key mechanism in the emergence of varieties of sports markets. Sports mega-events are defined as “large-scale cultural events, which have a dramatic character, mass popular appeal and international significance” (Roche 2000: 1). The mega or the extended scale relates to the composition of the event as well as TV audiences (Horne and Manzenreiter 2006; Horne 2007). The sports mega-events are seen as significant for asserting comparative advantage of cities, regions and the nations, as well as enabling advertising opportunities for cities through global media. The Sports Revenues from Property Rights and Cities 109 expanding scale of the Olympics depicts the emergence of sports mega- events, particularly since the 1984 Olympics. At the 1984 Summer Olympics in Los Angeles, 140 countries with 6797 athletes competed in 221 events held in 23 sports. By 2004 in Athens, 201 countries with 11,099 athletes competed in 301 events in 28 sports (Malfas et al. 2004). In 1984, there were 180 hours of TV broadcast compared with nearly 100,000 hours at the 2012 London Olympics. Sports mega-events transforms urbanisation processes (and built environments) along with sports consumer cultures. The urban development processes linked with sports mega-events illustrates the crisis of capitalism grounded in over-accumulation. Over-accumulation generated by monopoly competition needs urbanisation to absorb the surplus products it perpetually produces (Harvey 2012: 5–6). Urbanisation, particularly investment in urban renewal and speculation in urban property while absorbing excess surplus, allows for delayed returns. This enables capital invested at one period to bring inflated returns later (Harvey 2012). Sports mega-events are notorious for abandoned sports stadiums and infrastructure. While there is ample evidence from previous Olympic Games, even regional mega-events, which have expanded in the 1990s, illustrate residues of underutilised sports stadiums. In Sri Lanka, the swimming stadium built for the 1992 South Asian Federation games remains underutilized by the local swimming clubs. The diving boards, often poorly maintained, with slippery surfaces, make it more of an “extreme sport” with unnecessary risks posed to mostly young boys and girls. While this represents a waste of public funds, this is also the power of “creative destruction” along with “planned obsolescence” built in to the logic of maximizing profits (Harvey 2012).

4.1 Intellectual Property Rights and Profits

The promotion of markets relates to establishing property rights, particularly private property rights over collective rights to the commons or public services. The profits derived from cultural goods relate to a form of rent, in particular, monopoly rent (Harvey 2002). This extraction of 110 S. J. Biyanwila monopoly rent involves specific changes in the global capitalist economy enabling commodification of cultural good and services. The spread of markets into sports overlaps with similar processes in other cultural domains, such as media and knowledge production; this illustrates a form of “primitive accumulation”, involving new enclosures carving out private property (De Angelis 2001; Harvey 2003). The reconfiguring of feudal property relations into capitalist relation, taking place since the late1400s in Europe, described as “primitive accumulation”, is a process by which direct producers are reappropriated from their means of production. The eviction of peasants from their land in order to create more value from that land, or the “enclosure movement”, also gives rise to urbanisation, mostly agglomerating a labour force living in slums and squalor. The expansion of primitive accumulation from tangible assets or goods into the cultural realm of intangible rights depicts a “second enclosure movement” (Boyle 2003). The privatisation of intellectual, cultural or sports commons differs from other tangible commons, such as land or water, where there is no threat of overuse. Many can use it at the same time, and one unit of the good can satisfy anyone with no cost to others or “non-excludable” (Boyle 2003: 41–42). In order to make profits, a limited monopoly is articulated through the introduction of new laws (intellectual property rights). Rather than markets leading to innovation, the fragmentation of the cultural (or intellectual) commons increases the cost of each component induced by property rights. It also contains the potential to slow down and harm innovation. This fragmentation of cultural commons, enforcing multiple licenses, depicts the “Tragedy of the anti-commons” (Boyle 2003: 44). In terms of contesting the “second enclosures”, Boyle suggests “reinventing” the public domain, in order to save it (Boyle 2003: 52). This has implications in terms of the “sports commons” discussed in later chapters. The rise of Intellectual Property Rights since the 1990s, with the emergence of GATS (General Agreement on Trade in Services), include expanding patentable and copyright subject matter, lengthening the company copyright term, and giving legal protection to “digital barbed wire” or encryption (Boyle 2003: 40). The legal protection of IPRs (held mostly by large corporations) is central to securing economic profits. The IOC’s main revenue relates to the sale of broadcasting rights and the licensing of Sports Revenues from Property Rights and Cities 111 the Olympic rings to TOP (“The Olympic Partnership”) and other sponsors and service providers. The licence to use the Olympic rings is fragmented along different geographic markets as well as particular goods and services (Billings 2008). The protection of property rights requires other “supporting institutions” such as effective contract laws, banks and financial markets, effective and stable governments, pro-competition legislation and developed capital markets (Parker and Saal 2003). In sports, intellectual property rights laws are based on ownership of patents, trademarks and broadcasting rights (Wenner 1998). The main aim of extending property rights is to maximise profitability while mini- mising legal liability or “risk”. Business transactions related to sponsorship, merchandising, broadcasting and media deals integrate IPRs. For example, several IPRs extract profits from a sports shoe: patents—the technology used to develop the shoe; design—the “look” of the shoe; trademarks—the “reputation” of the shoe (and the company making it); and copyright—protection of any artwork used to publicise the shoe. Licensing and merchandising of sports properties have emerged as a billion dollar global market. Global revenues from merchandising have increased from US$17.6 billion in 2010 to US$20.1 billion in 2015 from (PWC 2015). In 2010, North America dominated (71%) the total global sports merchandising market. Sports clubs are increasingly using the Internet for expanding merchandising, while Nike even enables consumers to customise their own shoes. However, the enforcement of IPR for sports illustrates the variegated expansion of capitalist markets with overlapping and contradictory legal terrains. In 2011, the European Court of Justice excluded sport events such as football matches from copyright laws. Nevertheless, sports organisers with dedicated venues can claim exclusive use rights and develop access agreements; broadcasting rights can be further fragmented; and national- level laws can introduce rights of sports organisers (Margoni 2016).

4.2 Market-Driven Sports

The restructuring of sports markets taking place in the Global North in the early 1990s relates to the reintegration with the global trading system emphasising the role of finance or capital markets. This overlaps with the 112 S. J. Biyanwila deregulation of media and communication sectors, generating new audiences (consumer markets) for sports (Westerbeek and Smith 2003). The sports markets based on community ownership and control shifted into a new business model, asserting the role of finance. Sports leagues are mainly cartels that fix prices, to regulate production or to share markets or customers between them (Zimbalist 2003). This disembedding of sports markets from communities is defended in terms of remedying the financial crisis of the major sports leagues and the decline in fans (consumers). In the UK, in 1992, all 22 clubs of the First Division resigned from the 104-year-old Football League and reconstituted within a new league, the English Premier League, with the encouragement of Fox Sports (Millward 2011). Within two decades the sports clubs that were entrenched in financial crisis and low audiences were outperforming the Italian and Spanish leagues, in terms of revenue. The league is a key source of profits for international investors, and its matches are televised in more than 200 countries. The increase in ownership of Premier League teams by US investors has involved “diverse revenue streams including media rights, luxury seating, commodification, and branding of clubs and their heritage” (Nauright and Ramfjord 2010). However, the arrival of new, affluent fans and American owners were a source of discontent for many fans, despite the on-field results. The changes in sports governance structures in Europe, since the mid- 1990s, illustrate a shift from a community-based model to a market- driven model. Many European football clubs have changed from cooperative (or corporatist) to contractual form of governance. Contractual forms emphasise professional managerialism, whereas the cooperative forms emphasise maintaining membership or community control. Clubs like Manchester United, Liverpool and F.C. Copenhagen adopted a professional managerialism of the North American model. Most German clubs have a hybrid structure due to the so-called 50+1 rule, which stipulates 50 per cent plus one vote of an incorporated German football club must be controlled by the club’s membership. The dominant clubs adopting strategies of transnational corporations illustrate this shift from a community-driven organisation to a market-driven firm. Sports Revenues from Property Rights and Cities 113

4.2.1 Manchester United Business Model

The Premier League, which emerged out of a football history that dates back to 1888, is a cartel (Football Association Premier League Limited) with 20 member clubs (Nauright and Ramfjord2010 ). The ten-month long Premier League season consists of teams playing 38 matches each, totalling 380 matches in the season. The turnover of Premier League clubs has grown from £170 million in 1992 to £561 million in 1998-99 and to £2.36bn in 2011/12 (UK Gov 2011; Deloitte 2015). This level of revenue was the highest of any league in Europe in 2011-12, followed by Germany (£1.5 billion), Spain (£1.4bn), Italy (£1.3bn) and France (£0.9bn) (Deloitte 2015). The revenue from TV rights, sold collectively and profits shared, has increased from £42 million in 1992 to over £1 billion in 2010. Despite increased turnover, profitability has been declining since 1996 (UK Gov 2011). Manchester United (ManU) is one of the world’s leading sports brands and recorded the largest operating profit (£117m) among the Premier League clubs in 2013–14. ManU attracts leading global companies such as Aon (insurance), General Motors (Chevrolet) and Nike that want access to their fan base who are also consumers. Among the products advertised using the ManU brand include: airlines, sports apparel, betting, cars, wine, logistics, office equipment, paint, beer, medical systems, marine diesel engines, motorcycles, soft drinks and tyres. Revenue from sponsorships increased from £41 million in 2010, to £90 million in 2013, and then to £160 million (or US$ 214 million) in 2016. ManU plays its home matches in northwest England, but it has a global fan base. Over the 2010–13 period, the club played 18 exhibition games in Australia, China, Germany, Hong Kong, Ireland, Japan, Norway, South Africa, Sweden, Thailand and the United States. In the same season, promotional exhibition games and promotional tours generated £5.4 million of revenue (excluding any related sponsorship revenue). The club receives revenue through three principal sectors—commercial, broadcasting and match day (ManU 2015). The commercial segment involves branding strategies through sponsorship revenue; retail, merchandising, apparel and product licensing revenue; and new media 114 S. J. Biyanwila and mobile revenue. The club’s retail, merchandising, apparel and product licensing contract with Nike under a 13-year agreement, ended in 2014, with the takeover by Addidas. The agreement guarantees an aggre- gate minimum sponsorship and licensing fees to the club. The club has formed mobile telecom partnerships in numerous countries around the world. In 2012, ManU partnered with Bharti Airtel (Indian Telecom Company) to promote a scouting tour in Sri Lanka, so that local players could attend a week-long training program at Old Trafford. In addition, the club also markets content directly to the fans through its website and associated mobile properties. Broadcasting revenue is derived from the global television rights relating to the Premier League, Champions League and other competitions. In addition, the club’s global television channel, MUTV, launched in 1997, delivers ManU programming to 54 countries around the world. In terms of gate revenue, Old Trafford is a historical sports venue with a capacity of 75,766. ManU’s profits depend on the fans paying more, as prices keep increasing, for tickets, refreshments and sports merchandise. ManU is owned by Malcolm Glazer’s six children via Red Football LLC, a company registered in the low tax state of Nevada. Following the Glazer family and their leveraged buyout of ManU in 2005, the club was registered in the Cayman Islands, a tax haven, and floated on the New York stock exchange (Conn 2013). Although the club claims a global community of 659 million followers, the figures also relate to marketing tactics to access sponsors. The increase in turnover by ManU and the leading clubs, takes place in a context of increasing inequality between the professional league and the local community level clubs. The profits of football are concentrated in the apex of the football market pyramid among the small strata of chairpersons, directors, managers, players and agents, while many non-league clubs in local communities suffer. According to the Derby County Supporters’ Trust, “Many small clubs have failed due to debts of less than a week’s wages for a Premiership footballer” (UK Gov 2011: 15). The Supporters’ Trust represents fans or community groups that were formalised in the early 1990s. However, supporters’ trusts face significant legal and bureaucratic hurdles. In the UK, a key recommendation of the 2011 football governance inquiry was to amend the Financial Services and Markets Act 2000 to recognise the Sports Revenues from Property Rights and Cities 115 special nature of supporters’ trusts. This was aimed at protecting minority supporter stakes when faced with the sale of communal property (UK Gov 2011). This highlights the tensions over demarcating communal property or the commons from the encroachment of commercial values of finance capital, and reimagining sports common concerns, embedding financial markets within local communities (driven by public interests).

4.3 Cultural Goods, Monopoly Rent and Cities

The realisation of profits through cultural goods relates to the extraction of monopoly rents. Monopoly rent is an outcome of the “exclusive control over some directly or indirectly tradable item which is in some crucial respects unique and non-replicable” (Harvey 2002). This can be the product of two conditions. First, “some special quality resource, commodity or location” can be controlled by social actors enabling them to “extract monopoly rents from those desiring to use it”. However, what is traded is “the commodity or service produced through their use”, and not “the land, resource or location of unique qualities” (Harvey 2002). Second, land, resource or location is directly traded, such as the sale of a sports team, for speculative purposes. “Scarcity can be created by withholding the land or resource from current uses and speculating on future values” (Harvey 2002). These two monopoly forms intersect in expanding profits. Nevertheless, there are also contradictions related to the homogenisation of cultural commodities, the concentration of capital and the potential for reinforcing local political regimes antagonistic to integration with the world trading system (Harvey 2002). While the “uniqueness and par- ticularity” are significant for sports cultures, it is also homogenised by the monetary calculus. The mass marketing of sports itself tends to destroy the uniqueness of qualities. For instance, some sports, such as hiking, sailing, open water swimming, high diving and skiing, depend on qualities such as the wilderness, remoteness, and “purity” of aesthetic experience. More importantly, those sports that are marketable (and subject to 116 S. J. Biyanwila imitations) also provide less monopoly rent. This is the Dysnification, or homogenisation of the sports experience. Pure commodification undermines the advantages of monopoly rent. Yet the main aim is to perpetually persuade consumers that these commodities are embodied with unique and non-replicable qualities (Harvey 2002). This entails the reinventing of sports in terms of commodity fetishism, the “transcendental effect” of sports or the “mystique of sports” (Fig. 4.1). Although the whole idea of monopoly rent is counter to the neo-liberal world view of competitive markets, competition inherently leads to “oligopoly if not monopoly” (Harvey 2002). The trend in mergers and acquisitions within different sectors of the economy highlight this aspect of capitalist competition. Since monopoly power of private property is at the core of all capitalist activity, there is also a non-tradable juridical right

Sport as cultural products “mystique of sports” sports transcendence sports spirituality

Monopoly Rent uniqueness of qualities

Intellectual Property Rights Dysnification, or homogenisation Sports Mega events

whose collective Cities memory, whose urban entrepreneurialism aesthetics, and who urban/regional development benefits?

Social exclusion; urban poverty, slums, unaffordable/ inadequate housing, (transport, sanitation, etc.); surveillance, violence

Fig. 4.1 Sports mega-events, cities and collective aspirations Sports Revenues from Property Rights and Cities 117

(to withhold or hoard), which is also a problem for capitalist markets (Harvey 2002). The legal remedies such as antitrust legislation in US, and monopolies and mergers legislation in the EU, remains shaped by structural forces. However, there are moments when the state intervenes. In 1999, the UK government (Monopolies and Mergers Commission) blocked the £623 million bid by Rupert Murdoch (BSkyB) to take over Manchester United, based on adverse impact on other broadcasters’ abilities to negotiate with the Premier League. The merger was considered anti-competitive and against the public interest. This highlights how different regulatory regimes can shape the functioning of markets and embed GPNs in local economies. Nevertheless, capitalist competition has changed in both form and scale, with changes in transportation and communications (Harvey 2002). In a context where nation-state regulatory measures are dimin- ished along with “natural monopolies” for space and location, the capitalist is empowered to centralise capital in mega-corporations, or set up looser alliances, or firmly secure “the monopoly rights of private property through international commercial laws that regulate all global trade” (Harvey 2002). The sports capitalist, similar to the pharmaceutical capitalist, is in competition to secure patents and licensing agreements. This is where the cultural discourses of uniqueness, originality, authenticity and speciality, circulated through “evangelical sports”, “sportive nation” and sports tourism narratives are significant. The extraction of monopoly rents through sports leads to a third contradiction where the emphasis on local development to yield monopoly rents can support local political regimes antagonistic to globalisation. Political regimes antagonistic to globalisation involve a spectrum of authoritarian to more democratic regimes. This third contradiction directly relates to the notion of embedding of GPNs in local economies, related to urban entrepreneurialism, or the emergence of civil society and commercial interests to form coalitions to promote urban/regional development. Particularly with the reduction of barriers to trade, through communication and transportation, the struggle for collective symbolic capital, or branding the city, is even more important. However, the ability to capture monopoly rents, based on uniqueness and authenticity, depends on the invention of cultural identities through historical narratives, interpretations and meanings 118 S. J. Biyanwila of collective memories and cultural practices (Harvey 2002). Consequently, the pursuit of “global prestige and profile” involves localised questions about whose collective memory and whose aesthetics. More importantly, who benefits?

4.3.1 Financialisation and Sports

The capital accumulation process through global sports markets increasingly depends on the functioning of financial markets. The expanding sports markets integrate with finance capital in different degrees at different levels (club, leagues, sports associations, and sports ministries, regional and global federations). The financial markets expanded with the internationalisation of capital in the late 1970s, and financialisation relates to the increasing significance of financial structures, institutions and cultures in the global economy (Epstein 2005). The termination of regulated financial markets or capital controls coordinated by the Bretton Woods System in 1971 shifted the location of the capitalist class from deriving wealth from production to finance (Lapavitsas 2014). The expansion of financial interests also reframes “consumer choice” in a context of stag- nant real incomes, where consumption required going into debt. This normalisation of indebtedness or forms of “debt peonage”, (having to pay off a debt through work), in the realm of social reproduction (through consumption) adds to the exploitation of workers through the wage system (Peet 2011). The prioritisation of monetary policy within state economic strategies also repositioned cities to attract global capital. The accumulation of capital within urban centres involves the commodification of finance, land and housing markets. At the same time, the timing and mix of policy interventions (consolidating property rights, contract laws and conflict resolution) influence the process of accumulation and functioning of markets. For example, the overly commodified and under-regulated housing finance market in the US, leading to the 2008 financial crisis, illustrates the dynamic relationship between cities, housing markets and global finance (Harvey2009 : 127). Finance capitalism driven by trading money, risk, speculation and associated products is considered more profitable and outpaces trading in goods Sports Revenues from Property Rights and Cities 119 and services. This has implications on the everyday interaction of people with capital markets, as more and more aspects of everyday life—from home ownership to pensions and schooling—are mediated through financial markets rather than just consumer markets. The deregulation of global financial markets in the early 1970s, illustrates the disembedding of financial markets from society, from public scrutiny or oversight. The coordination of financial markets is mainly framed as a technical issue (for the technocracy) to be addressed by innovations in computer and information technology, rather than a public concern involving political struggles (Lapavitsas 2014). The penetration of financial interests, emphasising short-term financial profit, into the realm of culture, particularly since the mid-1990s, directly impacts sports cultures. The increased risk-taking fostered by financial interests is described as “financial doping” (UK Gov 2011: 34). In 2011, the UK government inquiry into football concluded that “financial risk-taking is undermining football’s ability to deliver wider community benefits” (ibid.: 5). In 2013, the Barclay’s bank renewed its sponsorship of the English premier League for three more years, for £120m. This was a few days after Barclays was fined $453m by US and British authorities for rigging (2005–09) the London interbank offered rate (LIBOR), a key global interest rate (The Guardian 2012). The LIBOR not only influences the interest rates many clubs pay on their debts; it also effects debt repayments in the Global South. The sports financiers interact with elite sports celebrities and organisations (sports federations, leagues, clubs) on a range of activities from investment planning to taxes. Beginning mid-1990s, new financial instruments have been introduced into sport markets and include bond issues of entertainers’ future royalty streams; securitisation of sporting clubs’ gate receipts, sponsorship and television rights; and stadia construction via future revenue stream securitisation. Similarly, nation-states are integrated with finance capital in the bidding for sports mega-events, the construction of expensive sporting venues and the launch of sports leagues. Meanwhile, Sovereign Wealth Funds, based on state-owned foreign exchange assets, mostly from oil revenues such as the Qatar Investment Authority, is increasing investment in sports markets—sports clubs, events, broadcasting rights, and sports good manufacturing (Chanavat and Bodet 2015; Campbell 2011; Madichie 2009). 120 S. J. Biyanwila

The recurrent financial crisis, in the North as well the South, involving “sovereign debt default” and debt restructuring, directly impact on state social provisioning. Significant cuts to the welfare systems, including the provisioning of public services, directly impact on working class families and communities, particularly the youth, informal workers, ethnic and migrant groups, single-parent families and pensioners, while restricting social justice (ILO 2014: 39). In 2015, the UN was compelled to acknowledge that restructuring sovereign debt must take into account human rights considerations. It highlighted the how deregulated financial markets, “vulture funds”, depends on the US legal system to acquire wealth of sovereign nations. The speculative profits of finance capital, or “financial doping”, is also sustained by an expanding sports consumer culture around sports gambling.

4.3.1.1 Sports Gambling

The expansion of gambling as a source of state revenue, for urban development and capital investment, coincides with the deregulation of capital markets, including the promotion of stock markets. The betting industry has flourished with the consumer culture, particularly in terms of tourism, entertainment and leisure. While “casino capitalism” highlights the functioning of deregulated financial markets or the global casino of high finance (Strange2015 ), it also relates to the spread of actual casino culture in the Global South as an integral component of tourism and “development”. While state regulated lotteries in the Global South is also used for “development” purposes, there are contradictions (see Chap. 2). While the deregulation of gambling or legalisation of gambling is promoted by actors in tourism and leisure industry, there are no civil society organisations or people’s movement that support gambling (Goodman 2010). The economic and social costs of gambling result in losses for states, communities, and families. In other words, the extraction of profits through gambling directly influences state social provisioning and households or the realm of social reproduction. Although markets for sports gambling are very different from financial markets, they both involve a mix of risk-sharing, fun and information Sports Revenues from Property Rights and Cities 121 transmission. The dominant discourse of self-regulation is grounded in expanding profits while restricting information sharing as well as regulatory oversight (or transparency) (Brooks et al. 2013). However, an essential property of sports gambling is that betting agencies make profits by manipulating the odds. The customers lose more money overall than what they win. This leads to the manipulation of notion of “play” in sports. The allegations of match-fixing in cricket in the mid-1990s erupted as a sports media spectacle undermining the “evangelical sports” narrative. In 1995, the Pakistan Cricket Board investigation heard that “betting on cricket started in 1979–80 when Pakistan was on the tour of India … This spread to Sharjah and it was from there that match-fixing started on a larger scale” (Qayyum 2000). The former international cricket captains, Hansie Cronje, Mohammed Azharuddin and Salim Malik, faced life bans for their part in fixing matches all over the world (Qayyum 2000). In June 2002, Cronje died in a plane crash at the age of 32, under suspi- cious circumstances. A number of players and officials from a network of cities were implicated. Similarly, the 2013 match-fixing in the Indian Professional League (IPL), was facilitated through Dubai, with links to a Mumbai criminal network, and bookies in major cities hosting IPL teams (Unnikrishnan and Shekhar 2013). The sports gambling scandals exposed not only the limits of nation-states and sports governing bodies but also their incorporation within financial markets based in major cities.

4.4 Entrepreneurial Cities and Sports Cultures

Sports mega-events illustrate how the consumer culture of sports requires cities as centres of capital accumulation. Cities make profits through rent, or surplus gained from the direct sale or indirect use of “some special quality resource, commodity or location” (Harvey 2012: 19). Cities also agglomerate labour that goes into production and consumption by shrinking time and space. Inter-urban competition for securing an optimum position in the market drives sports mega-events, similar to other 122 S. J. Biyanwila major cultural events (Harvey 2009). However, the capturing of surplus from “rent” based on uniqueness of locality simultaneously homogenizes culture in the process of commodification. The expansion of urbanisation particularly in the Global South intertwines with interurban competition for attracting investments. The “branding” of the city overlaps with the “creative destruction” of communities, creating safe spaces of consumption and commerce, for the local middle-classes. This process of gentrification, involves the displacement of the working poor to the peri-urban areas, reinforcing the spread of slum settlements and shantytowns, which provide service workers for urban industries and households. A significant feature of cities in the Global South is urban poverty depicted by slum settlements. In 2015, around a billion people lived in slum conditions (UN Habitat 2016). People living in slums in the Global South expanded from 689 million in 1990 to 881 million in 2015. The urban population in South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa, the world’s poorest regions, is to double over the next two decades. In the South Asian context, these slum settlements are multifaceted, multi- occupational, multi-ethnic, multi-caste and multiregional in character. They are site of deprivation and violence as well as resistance (Basu and Roy 2007). The expansion of urban housing markets along with retraction of state social services continue fuel a range of protests by the urban poor. The reconfiguration of cities also entails the deregulation of labour markets, including migrant labour living precarious urban lives. The labour that goes into building cities, materially and culturally, also con- structs urban identities and notions of community. Nevertheless, their labour is extracted by processes of dispossession (Banerjee-Guha 2010)— dispossession of access to land, resources and institutions of representation. Cities in the Global South are increasingly feminised spaces, with more older women in urban populations and more female-headed households (Chant and McIlwaine 2016). Urbanisation is also linked with lower birth rates, and the ability of women to exert control over their fertility (education, access to safe adequate contraception). Women also play a critical role in the realm of social reproduction within households and communities in the processes of urbanisation. Sports Revenues from Property Rights and Cities 123

The increasing mobility of capital that took place in the mid-1970s also transformed the urbanisation processes. Managerialism, which characterised urban governance in the 1960s, gave way to entrepreneurialism, aimed at increasing interurban competition. This urban competition involves many dimensions—positioning in the international division of labour, as centres of consumption, for control and command functions (financial and administrative powers), and for government redistribution. The mix and timing of strategies pursued in relation to global shifts is central to uneven fortunes of urban regions (Harvey 1990). The social and spatial polarisation of urban class antagonisms illustrates a highly fragile pattern of urban development (Harvey 1990: 268). The processes of urbanisation illustrate forms of “creative destruction” unleashed by the spread of markets and flexible accumulation. However, it is also a process of recreating urban commons. In contrast to the projection of “creative destruction” (Schumpeter) as an evolutionary human condition, which naturalises and externalises capitalist exploitation, the aim here is to recognise the interaction between markets and communities. Labour and land are two common property resources central to all accumulation processes in cities. The cooperation among workers in processes of production and reproduction, in terms of communities, neighbourhoods and families, is both an opportunity and a constraint for expanding profits. While this cooperation allows commons to be developed, the common can also be turned into commodities. There is an ongoing tension between social relations of communality, solidarity and collective interests, as opposed to instrumental relations and private interests central to capital accumulation. This relates to how social provisioning values in the realm of social reproduction contest and socialise commercial values of social production (see Chap. 9). The urban competitiveness takes place in a specific context of urban poverty, slum settlements, and informal labour markets. The “rights to the city” recognised by the UN-Habitat, the main UN agency concerned with human settlement, entails accessing legal identity, participation, social mobilisation and security of tenure (UN-Habitat 2006). However, the process of appropriating land for urban development restricts the legalisation of existing unauthorised settlements and/or slums as well as 124 S. J. Biyanwila the formation of new informal settlements as a response to expanding urban communities in poverty (Huchzermeyer 2010). In the Global South, the “eradication of slums”, promoted by a coalition of “urban developers” including state and local authorities, illustrates how urban entrepreneurialism also encompasses coercion and violence. This includes state violence, resistance, and violence within marginalised slum communities, where material insecurity constrains as well as enables urban solidarity (Amin and Graham 1997: 424). The growing competition for living space can draw upon identities of difference creating notions of belonging and exclusion. The poor-on-poor xenophobic violence sparked up in Johannesburg’s informal settlements in May 2008 and spread across South African cities illustrates similar tendencies in cities in the Global South (Huchzermeyer 2010).

4.4.1 Sri Lanka Bidding for Commonwealth Games

In May 2011, the Sri Lankan state and sports market promoters nomi- nated the southern harbour city of Hambantota as the official bid to host the 2018 Commonwealth Games. This was in competition with the city of Gold Coast in Australia, which eventually won the bid. The aim of hosting a sports mega-event was to develop the district of Hambantota while promoting the Commonwealth Games brand. The Sri Lankan state organised a 22-member delegation, involving state bureaucrats, parlia- mentarians and business personnel as well as military officials. According to the governor of the Central Bank, a key delegate,

Our promise to athletes and guests hoping to visit Hambantota and our beautiful country in 2018 would be that we would provide them with an experience of a lifetime, offering diversity, beauty, and charm of our heritage, coupled with exciting festivals and fun. (ColomboPage 2011)

Despite Colombo being the main commercial and financial hub of the country, which hosts most international sports mega-events (South Asian Federation games being the largest), the proposal for Hambantota was an aberration. Hambantota is mostly a rural town in the midst of rural poverty Sports Revenues from Property Rights and Cities 125 and unemployment, but it was also the key electorate of the then president, Rajapakse. In a context of ongoing slum eradication projects taking place in Colombo, the proposal was strategic, in terms of avoiding urban protests as well as strengthening regional political power and dynastic wealth (Gunasinghe 2012). The Hambantota district is the ancestral home of the president, Rajapakse, descendant of a landowning family dynasty that was involved in politics since 1936. The president and the three brothers in the ruling regime (2005–15) were in charge of five key ministries. They promoted Hambantota as a commercial hub for the Southern province consisting of an airport, and port (shipping) infrastructure. Hambantota was also targeted for a special development effort given the devastation caused by the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami. The Hambantota District is mostly a rural agricultural area with a population of around 596,000 in 2012. With marginal absorption of local labour, both the seaport and the airport remain underutilised. Except for the international cricket stadium built for the 2011 cricket world cup, with a capacity of 35,000, there are no other international standard sports venues. The Commonwealth Games bid costs the government $2.6 million mostly in terms of public relations, contracted to a London-based international management consultancy (The Economist 2011). The cost of building new sports venues and infrastructure was estimated around $1.8 billion, which is a considerable debt burden considering the GDP in 2011 was around $59 billion. The Commonwealth games bid coincided with the debts related hosting the Cricket 2011 World Cup. Sri Lanka constructed one new cricket stadium while renovating two others, which involved increasing public debt while withholding wages for players. This episode in bidding for mega-events highlighted the waste of public funds by a coalition of urban political elites, financial speculators and developers, while rebranding “sportive nationalism” (Black et al. 2004).

4.4.2 Sports, Cities and the Ecosystem

The urbanisation process in the Global South is imperative for expanding sports consumer markets. The cities in the South contain histories of 126 S. J. Biyanwila colonial and anti-colonial struggles, which articulate particular ethnonationalist struggles along with class struggles. At the same time, these are international cities with varieties of cosmopolitan cultures (built space, architecture, cinemas, parks, stores, squares, music, religion and litera- ture) including tolerance of strangers. The reintegration of these cities with expanding markets has an added dimension of technologies of speed, which dramatically shape people’s experience of time, of space and of self (Mbembé and Nuttall 2004). Cities, as nodes of capital accumulation, also contain flows and stocks of resources (such as energy, fuel, metal, wood, water, food, materials for buildings and infrastructure, and land). The use of these flows and stocks involve residues in the form of air emissions, liquid and solid effluent and waste materials. In fact, the functioning of cities affects human nature (health and well-being) as well as natural environments extending beyond the permeable and stretched boundaries of the city. Cities, despite the discourse of sustainability and “green economy”, are entrenched in a fossil fuel economy or the non-renewable resource economy. This dependence on fossil fuels, in terms of energy use for operating energy-inefficient sports venues and the car culture of transport inevita- bly contribute to ecological degradation (Urry 2012). The search for cheap energy by the extraction industry in a context of depleting sources directly influences ecological and livelihood issues, particularly in the Global South. Sports markets, according to the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), vandalise the lived environment in multiple ways. The development of sports venues in fragile ecosystems or scarce land contributes to the loss of habitat/biodiversity. Sports venues cause noise and light pollution; consume non-renewable resources (fuel, metals, etc.) as well as natural resources (water, wood, paper, etc.). Sports also contribute to the emission of greenhouse gases by consuming electricity and fuel; ozone layer depletion (from refrigerants); soil and water pollution from pesticide use; soil erosion during construction and from spectators; and waste generation from construction of facilities and from spectators. Meanwhile, the well-being of sports participants, or their embodiment, is undermined by air pollution, toxic chemicals, pesticides, water pollution, noise pollution, and ozone layer depletion. Unpredictable and extreme Sports Revenues from Property Rights and Cities 127 weather patterns also affect sports participation (UNEP 2015). A range of initiatives is implemented for “green” sports markets, by sports governing institutions, UN agencies, sports clubs, governments and NGOs. While these are needed efforts, the issues of public transport in the Global South remain in the margins of reimagining urban sports cultures.

4.4.3 Sports in a Car Culture

The processes of urbanisation shaped by sports markets or the cultural consumption of sports, involve changes in the built environment as well as transport. The problems of public transport directly relates to the marketisation of the state and privatisation, which also overlap other public goods such as, telecom, energy, water and sanitation. The privatisation of public transport has coincided with expanding private road transport, particularly in the Global South. In a context of often unsafe and unreli- able public transport, the cultural consumption of sports, mostly by emergent middle-classes, reinforces a car culture (and a car system) in order to commute to sports venues and events. The expansion of the car system depends on massive publicly subsidised road projects, promoted by the World Bank and other international financial institutions, which are linked with the spread of suburbs (spaces of consumption/social reproduction) and workplaces (spaces of production). For the middle-class consumers in the North and the South, the private car is a symbol of status as well as mobility in a context where alternatives such as walking, cycling and public transit options are often considered unattractive and unsafe (Engler and Mugyenyi 2011). The privatisation and the cuts in public spending on transport in the Global South has increased competition among private provisioning of transport, exacerbating issues of access, safety, reliability and affordability. With public transport increasingly privatised, car-related travel has expanded. The auto industry creates sports markets, involving a diversity of motor sports, as well as advertising and sponsoring other sports markets. The resurgence of car companies to sports sponsorship is a significant component in the growth in the global sports revenues to US$145.3 billion by 128 S. J. Biyanwila

2015 (PWC 2011). The staging of motorsport mega-events in significant public spaces in cities has implications in terms of health outcomes and ecological issues, as well as rights to the city. The car culture and the romance with speed promoted by auto companies is also embedded in a culture of violence, disabilities and fatalities (Urry 2004; WHO 2009). The World Bank urban transport lending to the Global South is mostly focused on road improvements (WHO 2009). The deregulation and public–private partnerships in public provisioning of transport has expanded private transport providers, on low cost contracts, who skip maintenance and lower wages for drivers while intensifying the work of drivers. Much of the road carnage and destruction takes place in the semi-regulated space of the Global South. Besides injuries and impairments through accidents, the health impact of the car culture also relates to pollution; both noise and air pollution. The car culture also means people walk less, exercise less, and the stresses of long commutes further exacerbate health problems (WHO 2009). The car culture depends on the global production network (GPN) for oil, embedded in multiple territorialities and nation-states, with enduring power hierarchies. For example, The US accounts for 4 per cent of the world’s population, but consumes one-quarter of the global oil production (Engler and Mugyenyi 2011). The GPN for oil involves “a series of by products are separated off from the core production chain and exchanged into the environment” and “the ratio of energy used to energy expended in oil production—what ecological economists term ‘energy return on investment’—has been falling from 100:1 in the early twentieth century to 30:1 today” (Bridge 2008: 409). The GPN in oil and the car culture depends on a range of actors, including media, sports associations, universities, urban planners and architects, engaged in creating consent in civil society. Reinforcing the car culture are sporting events such as Formula racing, NASCAR, and the Dakar Rally as well as urban auto races. Some of these sporting events (such as NASCAR in 2008) have shifted to reducing their ecological footprint by switching to less polluting fuel sources. However, these events reproduce the hegemony of the car culture, while subordinating the urgency of eco-friendly public transport. Citizen-consumer interventions such as Car-Free Days, Reclaim the Streets and Critical Sports Revenues from Property Rights and Cities 129

Mass bike rides in the Global North highlight demands for sustainable transport and urban futures (Tight et al. 2016). In the Global South, the demand for public transport also relates to extending secure decent public sector employment for transport workers. In Sri Lanka, the culture of motor racing was reconstituted with the introduction of a car race at night in the city of Colombo. While the colonial legacy of car racing culture was limited to a speed race and a cross-country race in the hill country, the introduction of night racing in 2008 was contentious. Not only did the race target affluent middle-class car-owning consumers, it was also heavily subsidised by the state while undermining access to the city (Rajasingham-Senanayake 2011). Land Rover, a luxury automobile brand in Sri Lanka, sponsored the 2013 Night Races as the official course car, as well as providing support vehicles. Sri Lanka has numerous motorbike and car races, which often draws on the resources of the military. Despite the eco-friendly pastoral image of the sport of cricket (Bateman 2011), since the 1980s, oil revenues from the Middle East, particularly the Gulf petro-monarchy in the United Arab Emirates (UAE), flowed into cricket. In contesting the Global North hegemony in cricket, the Asian Cricket Council emerged in 1983, with its headquarters located in Sharjah, UAE. Cricket has expanded as one of the most popular sports in the UAE, largely due to migrants from the Indian subcontinent. The main cities of Dubai, Abu Dhabi and Sharjah all have international standard cricket facilities as well as local leagues. The ICC headquarters shifted from London to Dubai in 2005, after the UK government denied the ICC tax concessions. The integration of the Gulf petro-monarchy with cricket illustrates how the GPN for oil and the car culture shape notions of sports entertainment and pleasure. The car culture consists of maintaining access to oil resources, involving “resource wars”. The integration of sub-Saharan Africa in the global resource extraction networks has meant new forms of competition, cooperation, as well as conflict over resources. The consumer culture of sports in the Global North depends disconnecting and marginalising the realm of state violence and militant struggles as well as community activism over resources in the Global South. The attack on football players of the Togo national team during the 2010 Africa Cup illustrates the conflict 130 S. J. Biyanwila over oil, which involves transnational oil companies, and governance institutions (states, regional governing institutions, financial institutions) in multiple territorial scales. In January 2010, the Togo national football team bus came under a terrorist attack as the team travelled through the Angolan province of Cabinda on the way to the 2010 Africa Cup of Nations tournament. The bus driver, the Togo team’s assistant manager, and the media officer were killed, with several others injured. A little-known regional separatist group, offshoot of the Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda (FLEC), claimed responsibility for the attack. The militancy related to accessing oil revenues extracted from the region. Cabinda is a small enclave separated from the rest of Angola by a strip of land belonging to the Democratic Republic of Congo. The American energy giant, Chevron, engaged in Angola since the 1970s, controls the operations in the exclave. According to the company website, since 1988, the company has “invested more than $215 million in programs that support the health, education, economic, environmental and social needs of millions of Angolans” (Chevron 2017). In 2015, Chevron revenues were around $130 billion and net income was $4.6 billion. In May 2011, community leaders from Angola, Ecuador, Indonesia, Nigeria, Alaska, Texas, and across California, protested at the Chevron’s annual shareholder meeting in California, highlighting human rights abuses, environmental degradation and the devastation of local economies (Chevron Alternative 2017). Meanwhile, Chevron also sponsors a range of sporting events such as NASCAR, the Houston Marathon, and US golf. The global resource extraction networks depend on a range of authoritarian regimes, from the petro-monarchies or autocratic regimes in the Middle East to despotic regimes in Africa. Maintaining access to resources encompass sustaining markets for capital goods (machinery, military hardware) and services. The US military and the NATO allies, along with a range of militarised state forms, including paramilitary groups, are critical for maintaining global resource extraction networks. Meanwhile, the promotion of biofuels to replace fossil fuels also instigates “accumulation by dispossession”, where deforestation programmes are rationalised in order to supply the world biofuel market. Recognising the need to engage with fossil fuels as well as renewable energy to manage a transition to low carbon economy, has led some nation-states (Bolivia, Venezuela) to regain Sports Revenues from Property Rights and Cities 131 public control over the energy sector. The car culture highlights how the consumer sports markets shape processes of urbanisation that integrate the appropriation of natural resources with violence in the Global South.

4.5 Conclusion

The expansion of profits through sports markets relates to processes of urbanisation, based on securing property rights; in particular, intellectual property rights (IPR). The effort to claim uniqueness and authenticity, central to IPR and branding, simultaneously homogenises the production of cultural goods. The spread of sports markets illustrates a “new enclosure movement” (by capital) restraining the elaboration of sports commons. The reconstruction and deconstruction of sports cultures is central to expanding urban sports markets. The dominant actors in sports markets—sports labour, clubs and leagues—were reorganised to pursue profits, with the deregulation of media and telecommunication markets. The integration of emergent sports-media-tourism complex with financial markets, illustrate the financialisation of sports markets. While a few main clubs in the UK football market have benefited from financial risk taking or “financial doping”, most sports clubs continue to struggle with debt. The spread of financial speculation also overlaps with sports gambling, distorting notion of play through match-fixing. The inter-urban completion for investments is central to expanding sports markets and extracting monopoly rent. The urban sports markets based on car cultures reinforce global oil (fossil fuel) production networks. The petro-monarchies in the Middle East play a significant role in global sports markets, particularly cricket and football, maintaining eco- logically harmful fossil fuel sports cultures. The car culture, which shapes state provisioning of sports infrastructure, undermines access to public transport as well as restrains the potential for an alternative sustainable urban ecology. The global sports markets not only reinforce the appropriation of natural and cultural resources in the global South, but also undermine rights to the city. The next chapter will explore the key mechanisms behind this monoculture of sports consumption. 132 S. J. Biyanwila

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The Role of Media in Sports Consumption

The affluent sports consumer culture in the Global North is central to shaping the cultural consumption of sports in the Global South. Maintaining cultural hegemony involves emphasising cultural difference as well as a shared commonality and selective integration (Bairner 2009). The transnational corporations (TNCs) in media and communication guide the pleasures derived from cultural goods, including sports, which overlaps the realm of production and social reproduction (Kidd 2013; McChesney 2008). The drive to enhance “consumer experience” shaped by the “sales effort” is central to the functioning of sports markets and the monoculture of sports (McDonald 2009). The integration of sports cultures with other entertainment programmes relates to the emergence of sports television broadcasting, such as ESPN in the late 1970s and Fox Broadcasting in the mid-1980s (Smith and Hollihan 2009). The elaboration of the media-sport complex fostered by the deregulation of media and telecommunication sectors involved the narrowing of market-driven sports entertainment to mega-events (Roche 2000; Hall 2006; COHRE 2007; Horne 2007; Wenner and Billings 2017)

In terms of the “sales effort”, in 2009, the US companies spent $13.5 billion (£8.2 billion) on sports advertising, with $6.5 billion (£4 billion) coming from network TV (IEG 2015; Broughton 2010). Among the top sports advertisers were: Anheuser-Busch (beer) ($309 million); Verizon Communications ($228 million); Sprint Nextel ($205 million); AT&T Wireless ($181 million); Geico Direct ($171 million); Toyota Motor Sales USA ($167 million); DirecTV ($167 million); Chevrolet Motor Division ($160 million); and McDonald’s ($155 million) (Broughton 2010). Among the sports brands that were top advertisers were the NFL ($68 million) and Nike ($58 million). Among the companies that spend over 75% of their advertising budget on sports are Nike, FedEx, IBM, Coors Brewing, and Anheuser-Busch (Broughton 2010). The main sectors that dominate sports advertising were telecommunications, auto industry, financial institutions, food industry and pharmaceuticals. This chapter focuses on how the sports-media-tourism complex shapes the “consumer experience” of sports entertainment, reinforcing able- bodied masculine sports cultures while asserting the cultural hegemony of the Global North. The emergence of media monopolies since the early 1980s in the Global North, expands the consumer culture of sports in the Global South a decade later with local partnerships. The introduction of the Indian Professional League (IPL) in cricket in 2008, illustrates the emergence of new sports consumer markets in the Global South. Despite the “uniqueness” and “authenticity” of the consumer experience professed by media-sports, the promotion of sports markets involves a homogenisation of sports cultures or a Disneyfication. This also relates to the spread of sports markets into education, illustrated by the US sports consumer culture. In describing the US sports market as a dominant influence in global sports consumer culture, I will relate my own experience as a student- athlete in the US. This story explains how the university intercollegiate sports system couples with professional sports, and the ways in which African-American student-athletes in football and basketball subsidise non-revenue sports such as diving. The racial dynamic in US sports also relates to the Global South, in terms of the white male privilege asserted by the colonial project of “Muscular Christianity” (Hall 1994; Mathisen The Role of Media in Sports Consumption 139 and Ladd 1999). The combination of market-driven sports and ethnonationalist patriarchal projects manufacturing the able-bodied “sportive nation” reproduce white male privilege in different ways. This valorisation of masculine virility overlaps with authoritarian tendencies which, subordinate bodies of women, people with disabilities, cultural and sexual minorities, as well as aging bodies.

5.1 Sports Media and the “Sales Effort”

Since the mid-1980s, the emergence of media-sports has reshaped the consumer culture of sports and the manufacturing of sports mega-events. Media, along with communication networks involving information and communication technology (ICT), plays a central role in reproducing hegemonic sports cultures by defining and legitimising, as well as marginalising, different sport cultures (Wenner1998 ; Rowe 2004b; Horne 2006; Crawford 2004). The role of media and communication promoting consumer culture in sports requires assertions of collective identities of belonging, often combining patriarchal ethnonationalist projects with militarism. In order to encourage consumption, advertising or, broadly, the “sales effort” is central to the capitalist system. The realisation of monopoly rents from cultural goods depends on the sales effort: the selling of cities, sports leagues, teams and athletes in order to draw advertising revenues. Although uniqueness and authenticity are central to the sales effort, the need to enhance sales based on a profit calculus requires the homogenisation of the sports experience. Sponsorship of sports and sports advertising is a significant component of sales promotion (Ukman1995 ). Advertising represents a major ideological tool of the marketplace, which structure institutions of consumer culture and notions of pleasure (Jhally 1984, 1990). The “media sports cultural complex” (Rowe 2004a) illustrates how the media interests to expand profits transforms sports cultures. Among the strategies are staging of sports mega-events, introducing new sports, changing the mix of sports, scheduling of popular sports leagues, commercial breaks in sports telecasts, and changing of sports rules to suit 140 S. J. Biyanwila entertainment. The sponsoring of mega-events often integrates engagement with smaller local sports clubs, leagues and other community based sports programmes, reinforcing “evangelical sports” narratives. The large media companies not only report on media but also actually own teams and leagues. The consumer culture of sports also influences sports journalism with new genres of sporting celebrities (Andrews and Jackson 2001). Sporting events, unlike other entertainment programmes, are valued more because they provide a captive audience much more likely to watch on a real-time basis. This is significant for original content publishers who face digital video recording where audiences will record an event and skip through commercials. The dominance of mediated communication relates to a multiplatform advantage of print, radio, broadcast television, cable television, Internet, and mobile applications (Hutchins and Rowe 2012). For example, ESPN’s $5.6 billion contract with Major League Baseball in 2012 extended beyond the rights to televise the regular-season and playoff games through 2021, to include radio rights, international rights, unlimited highlights and the right to stream through its mobile applications. ESPN illustrates how sports media has shifted from simply covering or reporting on sports to controlling sports (Greenfeld 2012). This is elaborated later in the chapter. The world of advertising transformed with the changes in media platforms and capacity to use data mining to analyse consumer preferences. Targeting specific consumers is central to the integration of social media with interests of sponsorship with advertising (PWC 2011). For example, Wal-Mart Stores, Inc. (“Walmart”), America’s largest company with an extensive global supply chain, shifted from a mass advertising policy across 4118 US stores to shooting 1500 ads a year in 70 markets. The aim was to localise advertising to show how Walmart’s pricing beats the local grocery stores (Lefton 2013). In 2009, Walmart spent $57.5 million (8%) on sports advertising, out of $750 million total spending on advertising (Broughton 2010). The brand competition among firms combines digital and social media in the marketing mix, increasing flexibility it terms of time, space and content. The aim of advertising through sports is to target not so much the mass market but the “mass affluent” consumer (Kidd2013 ). According to The Role of Media in Sports Consumption 141

Bank of America’s senior vice president of global sponsorship, “Sports programming delivers broad overall reach while also over-indexing against the mass affluent audience” (Broughton 2011). In effect, the profit-driven media focuses not on the whole community but at a targeted audiences/consumers valued by advertisers, who provide most of media revenues.

5.1.1 Media Monopolies: For-Profit “Free” Press

The interests of TNCs, including large financial institutions, shape sports entertainment and sports journalism. The corporate managers/directors of media companies network with state and civil society actors, through multiple partnerships including charitable or philanthropic organisations, which are tied to preferential tax arrangements. The multitude of media formats that saturate the public sphere relates to an oligopoly of media conglomerates. The top five media conglomerates—Time Warner (CNN, AOL), Disney (ABC), Rupert Murdoch’s News Corporation (Fox), Bertelsmann of Germany and Viacom (formerly CBS)—control most of the television, radio, magazines, newspapers, books, movies, vid- eos, music, photo agencies and wire services. General Electric’s NBC is a close sixth. General Electric and the National Broadcasting Company (NBC) paid the IOC $3.5 billion for the broadcasting rights for all win- ter and summer Olympics between 2000 and 2008. Among these media conglomerates, the Disney Co., which owns ESPN, is the second-largest media conglomerate in the world. The dominant mainstream sports media remains grounded in a masculine individualist narrative (Fuller 2006). The foregrounding of competition, discipline and individual will, intertwines with the family and community with the notion of community that emphasise ethnonationalist beliefs of belonging. The use of sports commentators that politically charge sporting events is significant for shaping internal and external conversations. Sports commentary layered on top of team sporting events serves to shape the self-perception of audiences, where

late monopoly capitalist ideological tenets and norms, including the illusion that social mobility, wealth, status, and power are open to all who 142 S. J. Biyanwila

choose to compete and are victorious over their peers within a fair and level competitive playing field which represents the “free” marketplace. (Packwood 2010)

The global media monopolies promote deregulated media markets as advancing freedom of speech or “free press”. However, this “free press” is more about “free markets” rather than the freedom of speech or protecting the collective rights of journalists, citizens and the public media. The dominant market-driven media weakens institutions that provide a diversity of news sources, in-depth analysis, opinion and investigative reporting (Rowe 2007). At the same time, attacks against media workers and their unions have dramatically altered workplace relations in the media (Mirrlees 2013). The emergence of large global media conglomerates, promoting deregulated markets, is also intensifying media work through insecure jobs (freelance or short term contracts) (McChesney 2013).

5.2 MediaSports in the Global South

In most countries in the Global South, the process of decolonisation also meant state intervention in the role of media. The positioning of telecommunications and media as a public good was central to the articulation of self-determination through “national economy” projects that also aimed at strengthening citizenship (Banerjee and Seneviratne 2006). Establishing public media programmes recognising cultural and linguistic diversity and extending access to rural areas were combined with forums for deliberation of content. However, the privatisation and deregulation of telecommunications and media, beginning mainly in the 1980s in the Global South, was imperative for the expansion of urban consumer cultures. Varieties of authoritarian state forms promoted media and telecommunication markets as the basis for “development”. In Sri Lanka, television was introduced in 1978, email and Internet emerged in the late 1990s, and mobile phones expanded in the 2000s. Despite the significance of radio in the Global South as the most popular media, in 2014, a billion people still lack access to a radio (UNESCO 2014). The Role of Media in Sports Consumption 143

In Asia, the dominant sport television provider is ESPN Star Sports (or ESS), established in 1994, as a joint venture of Disney and News Corp (Star TV). With headquarters in Singapore, it operates 25 sports branded television networks and three broadband sports networks throughout Asia, transmitting in five languages (English, Cantonese, Hindi, Korean and Mandarin). ESPN Star Sports also operates a 24-hour Cricket channel, Star Cricket. The full portfolio of multimedia assets includes television networks (ESPN, Star Sports, Star Cricket, ESPNews, ESPN HD, Star Cricket HD), broadband network (ESPN Player), digital content services (espnstar.com, Mobile ESPN), and its Event Management Group. In 2012, News Corporation acquired Disney's stake in the company. The shift in media in the Global South from a community service in the public sphere to the market as a source of profit is significant for understanding the spread of sports consumer culture. Although the state still plays a key role the provisioning of media, the reproduction of authoritarian state forms has meant restraining democratic participation. The government-owned media is often shaped by the interests of the governing party or the coalition, where “national interests” is conflated with the promotion of markets while reinforcing patriarchal ethnonationalist notions of nationhood. The authoritarian state tendencies depend on a “national security” discourse in order to suppress civil rights such as freedom of expression and free press. The expansion of multiple media platforms overlaps with the narrowing media content. Particularly in the Global South, market-driven broadcasting shifted the focus from “the delivery of programming to audience constituted as citizens” to “the delivery of an audience constituted as consumers to advertisers” (Barnett 2003: 660). The majority of media organisations allied with state strategies engage in self-censorship reframing “development” journalism (Tettey 2001). In creating consent to promoting mega-projects, the dominant media organisations coordinate with the state in varying degrees. The deregulation of media overlaps with the deregulation of labour markets, restraining unions and de-collectivising workplaces. Nevertheless, unions continue to struggle, allied with counter-movements based on activist networks, locally and globally, such as the Free Media Movement 144 S. J. Biyanwila in Sri Lanka, (Journalism across Borders) contesting the form and content of dominant media cultures.

5.2.1 Sports Entertainment in South Asia: The IPL

The Indian Professional League (IPL) highlights the expansion of a specific sports market, driven by a regional sports-media-tourism complex in the Global South. The IPL emerged as a competition for the cricket consumer market between Zee Entertainment Enterprises and the Indian cricket federation or the BCCI (Board of Control for Cricket in India). The BCCI gained market power owing to key politicians who were also BCCI officials as well as ties with large business conglomerates (TNCs). The IPL introduced a shorter, Twenty20 (T20) cricket game, with ownership of teams tied to entertainment industry (mainly Bollywood—the Bombay- based Hindi movie industry). The IPL comprised 76 matches, played at 12 different venues, over 53 playing days. The league is a two-month long tournament between nine teams, with elite international cricket players. The mix of South Asian, Australian, English, West Indies and South African players enables a wider audience as well as sponsors. The transnational food corporation PepsiCo won the title sponsorship rights of the IPL from 2013 to 2017, with a bid of around US$64 million. This doubled the payment of the previous title sponsor in the first five seasons of the tournament (BCCI 2016). However, PepsiCo ended the contract in 2015, because of the 2013 match fixing scandal, enabling the mobile phone company, Vivo, with the title sponsorship. Vivo is an outcome of the privatisation of the Brazilian state owned telecommunications company in 1998. The brand value of the IPL has increased from US$3 billion in 2013 to $4.5 billion in 2016 (BCCI 2016). In 2016, BCCI earned around $158 million from media rights and franchisee charges. The total prize money for the IPL has increased from around $4 million in 2013 to about $7 million in 2016. Meanwhile, the BCCI total revenues increased from around Rs 1000 crores in 2008 ($160 million) to around 1365 crores ($202 million) in 2016 (BCCI 2016). In 2010, the Indian revenue department began an investigation into the source of funds for IPL teams and alleged tax evasion by the BCCI and the franchises (Frontline 2015). The Role of Media in Sports Consumption 145

The tournament includes a spectacular opening ceremony featuring performances by top entertainers from India as well as the Global North. The TV viewers have increased from 102 million in 2008 to 361 million in 2016. While in 2013, there were over two million spectators attending the stadiums, this decreased to around 1.5 million in 2016. In 2016, 85% of the IPL consumers were from 10 main cities, led by Delhi, Mumbai, Bangalore and Chennai (BCCI 2016). This illustrates how uneven processes of urbanisation expanding the consumer culture of sports, simultaneously reproduce the “placelessness” or the “deterritoriali- sation” sports entertainment (Vertinsky and Bale 2004). Although the teams in the league are symbolically located in major Indian Cities (such as Delhi, Mumbai, Bangalore, Chennai, Hyderabad, Kolkata, Pune), they are determined by franchise ownership. Franchise ownership has included a mix of business people, linking sports, entertainment and industry. Bollywood celebrity actor, Shah Rukh Khan, who grew up in Delhi, owns Kolkata Knight Riders (KKR). In effect, the culture of “instant celebrity” is central to the IPL model (Andrews and Jackson 2001; Rojek 2006). The main entities promoting the IPL spectacle are the broadcasters, organizers and franchise owners. The main revenue stream for the broadcaster is television advertising; while for the organizer (BCCI), it is sponsorship. The franchise owner profits from team sponsorship, merchandising, gate receipts and in stadia advertising (BFI 2013). The value of each franchise relates to on-field cricket performance, marketing strategies and corporate governance. The on-field cricket performance involves not only winning, but also entertainment or enhancing customer experience. The criteria for marketing strategies include sponsorships, alliances and strategic partners; fan engagement through events and social media engagement; brand leverage; gate receipts and ticketing; and the presence of celebrities. The IPL is primarily a television media-driven enterprise, launched by Zee TV, located in the media hub of Bollywood in Mumbai. Zee Entertainment Enterprises Ltd., established in 1991, is a subsidiary of the Essel Group, an Indian business house (a large business conglomerate), headed by Subhash Chandra, with interests in media, technology, entertainment, packaging, infrastructure, gold, education and charities. 146 S. J. Biyanwila

Subhash Chandra, an Indian media mogul, increased his net worth of US$3.2 billion in 2013 to $4.4 billion 2017, becoming the 18th richest person in India (Forbes 2017). The emergence of Zee entertainment in 1991 directly relates to the deregulation of the Indian media and the economy more broadly. Zee claims to reach 670 million viewers in 169 countries through 34 channels. Aside from the state-owned media conglomerate, Zee TV competes with Sony Entertainment Television (SET) (est. 1995) and STAR Plus (est. 1992 and acquired by News Corp in 1993). Television entered the Indian media culture in 1982, as a nationally networked system. The expansion of state-owned All India Radio into television was established under Doordarshan (DD) (an outcome of the post- indepedence cultural self-determination project). However, the deregulation of telecommunication in the early 1990s transformed the state-led bureaucratic development and educational programming and dramas based on Indian mythology, towards a new genre of American programming with a mix of “sex, drugs and violence” culture. This period led to the mushroom- ing of locally made satellite dishes, which enabled access to foreign cable services such as CNN (Mehta 2015). In 1991, CNN became prominent in India for its live coverage of the Gulf War. The changes in television transformed the South Asian media culture, reasserting the dominance of Indian media in the region. The decentralisation of programming in the late 1990s added a new dimension with language or region-specific channels displacing pan-Indian networks in localised markets (Sonwalkar 2001). This also expanded into the diaspora Indian communities across continents. The IPL player auction, the buying and selling of elite cricketers, illustrates how revenue streams (monopoly rent) expand through fragment- ing sports entertainment. The player auction is a stand-alone property of the BCCI, and tightly controlled in terms of media rights. In this private auction, the BCCI gives selective access for the public and news media. At the 2013 Pepsi Indian Premier League player auction, involving 108 players, the franchises bought 37 players for a total sum of around US$12 million. Australian all-rounder Glenn Maxwell was the most expensive player, valued at $1 million. Although the auction is celebrated by the dominant media culture as the triumph of the “free market” in India, critiques highlight how “cricketers being evaluated like prize bulls, The Role of Media in Sports Consumption 147 bought up by the super-rich” (Marqusee 2008). The auction also reveals the tensions over commercial value and “cricketing” communal (or social provisioning) values of solidarity and dignity. The IPL illustrates the disembedding of sports markets from local sports cultures and labour markets. Unlike the English football Premier League, which emerged out of localised fan cultures and histories, the IPL depicts how the media-sports complex deconstructs and reconstructs fan cultures. The IPL-style entertainment reflects “the ‘aspirational’ culture of a self-aggrandising wealthy minority” (Marqusee 2008). While buying sports stars (from an international labour market), the IPL is disconnected from developing local skills and employment in a range of sports functions, such as players, coaches, trainers and managers. Despite the popularity and profitability of the IPL, the urban younger genera- tions are less attracted to cricket, compared with football, table tennis and badminton, with more multi-use venues (BCCI 2016). The IPL is also primarily concerned with male cricket. Although there are junior and senior women’s cricket leagues in India, the pay gap is astounding. In 2016, a male A-grade cricket player would earn Rs. 1 crore (or 10 million = US$149,000), while a similar female A-grade player earned Rs. 1,500,000 (US$10,430) or 7% of the male wage (BCCI 2016). As a sports mega-event, the IPL also draws on public resources, such as the stadium, electricity and other amenities. While the regional state cricket associations based in the main cities provide stadia and players, their usual rights of members and affiliated associations are suspended for IPL games. A significant state resource allocated for the IPL includes security personnel. In 2009, the government refused to guarantee security for the second edition of IPL, due to that year’s general elections. As a result, the IPL relocated to South Africa in 2009, with more than 10,000 cricketers and other staff members flown from India to South Africa for the five-week tournament. The IPL reflects the extraction of monopoly rent by different networks of the governing elite. In June 2013, the IPL (sixth season) and Indian cricket was in crisis, implicating cricket administrators, players (sports management companies) and IPL team owners in a spot-fixing scandal. The BCCI governance, similar to most sports governing institutions, illustrates a cartel, a network of authoritarian men that operate through threats, 148 S. J. Biyanwila intimidation and back-room deals. The involvement of the son-in-law Gurunath Meiyappan of the BCCI chief, Srinivasan, also revealed the role of family and kinship relations intersecting sports, media and gambling. Srinivasan’s company (India Cement) along with betting agents (bookies and fixers) in Chennai and Dubai had provided money and sex workers to cricketers in lieu of underperforming on the field. Despite the enquiry into the scandal, Srinivasan was re-elected as the president, unanimously, by the BCCI board in 2013. However, the Supreme Court ordered his resignation in 2014 to facilitate the investigation (Venkatesan 2013). The spot-fixing scandal in the IPL also coincided with corruption scandals in mining rights allocations as well as telecom spectrum allocations, which exposed how public officials, elected representatives and mostly men in positions of power, expropriate public resources for personal gain (exercis- ing market ideologies of maximising self-interest). The expansion of markets into media and sports in India coincide with coercive state strategies restraining public access to information, freedom of press and free of speech (Sonwalkar 2001). While newspapers are regulated through the Press Council, private satellite television channels and FM radio are mostly unregulated with weak government monitoring or intervention. Freedom of speech remains restrained through ethnonationalist (Hindu nationalist) tendencies involving acts of localised violence and intimidation against journalists, writers, historians, cartoonists, artists and activists (Basu and Roy 2007). The central and regional states deploy “national security”, “law and order” and “public order” narratives for launching criminal defamation cases against journalists—the sedition law (Arundhati Roy), or blocking text or SMS services and threats to block social media (Narasimhan 2012). Assaulting journalists by mobilising local thugs, along with attacks on offices of media organisations, are also part of the broad media culture in the Global South, often erased in the celebration of “sportive nationalism”.

5.2.2 MediaSports Profits and Self-Censorship

The two dominant TNCs shaping the global sports consumer culture are Disney (ESPN) and News Corp (Fox sports). Established in 1979, ESPN The Role of Media in Sports Consumption 149

(Entertainment and Sports Programming Network) revenues increased from around $8.2 billion in 2012 to $10.8 billion in 2014, mostly from cable television customers (around 93 million subscribers in 2015) and the rest from advertising (Gaines 2015). ESPN’s media rights portfolio include partnerships with the NFL (through to 2021), MLB (2021), the NBA (2016), NASCAR (2013), and Wimbledon (2023), as well as deals with all major US college football conferences. The company broadcasts more than half of all the live sports seen in the US. Through dozens of ESPN-branded TV, Web, and mobile platforms, it also shapes the ways in which leagues, teams, and athletes are packaged, promoted, marketed and consumed by the public. Instead of merely broadcasting sports on television, ESPN generates more revenue out of any event, by accessing a range of new media platforms, and by selling the same content in multiple formats. After buying rights, ESPN goes on to build hours of TV content around the game and to stream the action digitally and over its mobile application. Despite the growth in profits, the ESPN subscribers have been declining since 2011, and the price of sports properties (rights to show sports) have increased owing to its main competitors—NBC Sports Network, Fox Sports and TNT (Time Warner). The News Corp was also established in 1979, and its sports division (Fox Sports) emerged in 1993, then expanded in the late 1990s acquiring entire sports leagues, teams and stadiums. The News Corp aimed at “creating a vertically integrated and globally encompassing sport-media delivery system” (Slack 2004: 12). The purchase of the British Rugby League in 1995 reframed the enduring working-class history of Northern England by divisional restructuring, pseudo-American team names and merchandising initiatives (Slack 2004: 12). In Australia, New Corp created a Rugby “super league” in 1997 to contest the existing league, the Australian Rugby League, owned by Kerry Packer, another media mogul. After considerable legal and community protests over two years, the two leagues merged in 1998, forming the National Rugby League (Phillips and Hutchins 1998). Each episode of media expansion into local sports illustrates moments of creative destruction, deconstructing and reconstructing localised ways of life, affective communities, heritage and collective memory. 150 S. J. Biyanwila

The production of sports consumer culture, celebrating the “evangelical sports” narrative, requires a culture of self-censorship or sanitisation, covering up sports injuries, corruption and social harm. In 2004, ESPN cancelled Playmakers, a popular show about professional football players, due to NFL pressure on Disney (Sandomir 2004). According to ESPN’s news director, who retired in 2015, “We can’t get away with a sense that we’re being unfair to people we are in business with.” (Greenfeld 2012). ESPN also delayed the coverage of a child sex-abuse scandal at a major university in the US (Penn State) as well as concussion-related brain injuries among former NFL players (Anderson and Kian 2012). After 4500 former athletes—with a range of impairments—taking legal action in 2013, the NFL reached a tentative $765 million settlement over concussion-related brain injuries among its 18,000 retired players (NFL 2013). This culture of self-censorship in media-sports relates to how notions of pleasure and entertainment are framed for affluent consumers.

5.2.3 Disneyfication and ‘Family Values’

The sports consumer culture depends on reproducing specific notions of pleasure and joy compatible with expanding market values. Disneyfication is a useful metaphor that captures the monoculture of sports consumer culture, which invents sports entertainment as clean, sanitized and “civilised”. The main aim is to create a “self-contained universe that pres- ents consistently recognisable values through recurring characters and familiar repetitive themes” (Wasko 1996: 349). With elements of nostal- gia and coherence, the overall process of Disneyfication characterises a puritan patriarchal culture reinforcing hetero-normative notion of “family values” (Bryman 1999). The patriarchal notions of family values are central to the construction of ethnonationalist projects and state formations in the Global South. Despite increasing absorption of women into waged work, the dominant discourse of family projects a male breadwinner model with a male earner, a dependent female caregiver and children. The emphasis on women’s roles as mothers, wives and daughters is central to their subordination The Role of Media in Sports Consumption 151 within households (in the realm of social reproduction) (Wieringa et al. 2007). This coincides with limited state social provisioning, restraining capacities of families and households to provide adequate care. Meanwhile, female-headed households in the Global South are a significant phenomenon, reflecting unreliability of male employment and migration as well as violence. While the militarisation of the state and the “national security” discourse projects men as “protectors”, patriarchal cultures fostering violence against women endure, positioning men as “predators” (Brady 2005). The hypermasculine culture of militarisation in the Global South overlaps with the sports-media-tourism complex, which reinforces sex work and sex trafficking (Enloe 2014). The ways in which Northern consumer culture, along with the neo- liberal self-responsible consumer, situates women’s bodies in a culture that worships the slender, fit body as a symbol of “virility” (Bordo2004 ). This image of the body also leads to anxieties and fantasies, undermining well-being (illustrated by anorexia nervosa and bulimia). Prevalence of eating disorders among female athletes, compared to non-athletes, illustrates the intersection of patriarchy and demands of hyper-competition in sports (Johnson 1999). Despite more women gaining access to sports, the male-dominated sports media in the US illustrates a retreat in coverage of women sports over the two decades from 1989–2009 (Messner and Cooky 2010). Meanwhile, the sexualisation and commodification of women’s and girls’ bodies through media-sports reproduces structures and cultures of male violence and violence against children (Daniels and LaVoi 2012; David 2005; Messner 2009). The “family values” promoted by the monoculture of sports, the Disneyfication is intertwined with the commercialisation of childhood. The marketing strategies of companies target children as consumers, in the present and the future. In sports markets, child-targeted marketing includes clothes, shoes, a range of fast foods, sports equipment, and spots nutrition supplements. Sports apparel and equipment manufacturers, Nike, Adidas and Puma, are engaged in marketing for children. Similarly, McDonald's, Coca-Cola and Cadbury were key sponsors of the 2012 London Olympics and often use images of children for advertising. Children are socialised into commercial values through sports “community engagement” programmes, which are also “public relations” 152 S. J. Biyanwila campaigns. However, this community engagement coexists with the displacement of children due the sports mega-events and the exploitation of child labour, as well as children in hunger (Brackenridge 2012; UNICEF 2010). The commercialisation of childhood illustrates the structural changes in realm of social reproduction through the spread of markets (Brackenridge et al. 2013). The privatisation of education from childhood to a young adult and the retraction of public provisioning of early childcare and community programmes contribute to the commercialisation of childhood. The spread of markets into childcare and educational institutions has meant discontinuities and inequalities in actual sports participation, access to facilities along with the lack of engagement of skilled, committed sports educators. The intensification of sports competition has increased the vulnerability of children to violence, pain and injuries (Brackenridge et al. 2013). The marketisation of university sports in the US illustrates how expanding sports consumer culture involves exploiting student athletes.

5.3 Sports Market and the US Universities

A central feature of the US sports market is the institutional coupling between professional and college (university) sports (Markovits and Rensmann 2010). The institutional relationship between college sports and professional sports, although uneven along each sport, highlights how the sports labour market depends on the state not only in terms of facilities but also in terms of public funded education. In other words, the educational system (secondary and tertiary) is significant for nurturing the minority of sports workers who enter the sports labour market as athletes. As a migrant athlete from the Global South, my own sports experience was shaped by the US sports cultures (1980–92), particularly the sports cultures in the universities. The US professional sports market remains tightly regulated and benefits from an international division of sports (cultural) labour that “supplement[s] an overly costly labour pool and over-supplied local market” (Miller et al. 2003). Understanding how the The Role of Media in Sports Consumption 153

US sports market function is significant, given its influence on the global sports markets (Gems 2006). Despite the distance, the US is also the largest export market for Sri Lanka, accounting for over 20% of total exports in 2015 (USDS 2015). The spread of markets into college sports—the marketisation of college sports—takes place in the post-1980 period under neo-liberal strategies of Reaganomics. By reframing public universities as the “enterprising” universities, market-oriented business strategies were encouraged. Thus, schools with strong sports programmes expanded with the intention to provide better tertiary education. A strong sports programme (with an athletics department) was a marketing device to increase student enrol- ments as well as to attract private donations. The revenue sources for athletic departments include ticket sales, playing in away games, donations, media rights and branding, while the main costs include recruiting, tuition, travel, administration, insurance, sports medicine and the coaches’ pay.

5.3.1 The Student-Athlete Experience

As a student-athlete in this collegiate sports complex in the early 1980s, then a diving coach at University of Utah (1987–92), I was also amidst the marketisation of collegiate sports cultures. Non-revenue sports, such as swimming and diving, were dependent on the revenues earned by student-athletes playing football and basketball. In fact, the overall sports programmes at universities were funded through the labour of football and basketball players (Gems 2006; Powell 2008). For most student-athletes, their journey begins in the high school system, where university coaches recruit their student-athletes. My journey as a student-athlete began with the diving programme at Indiana University (IU) and for three years in high school I was coached free of charge by the then diving coach, Hobie Billingsley. With his help and the high-performance environment, I became one of the best high school divers in the state of Indiana. However, I was not good enough for an athletic scholarship for the IU team, which attracted some of the best divers in the nation. After winning the Indiana State High School 154 S. J. Biyanwila

Championships in one-metre springboard diving in 1982 and 1983, I was recruited, as most state champions, by a range of universities. The first to send recruiting letters were the military academies (army, navy, and the air force) reflecting a focused recruitment strategy as well as enduring links between male sports and the military. Fortunately, I was ineligible given my non-citizen status. Since student-athletes were allocated five campus visits to different recruiting universities, I was able to travel and learn about other universities and their diving programmes. I had only arrived in the US in 1980, as a naive fifteen year old, and the novelty of this whole sports culture meant learning by doing, as a South Asian (ex-colonial) male in the mostly white Midwest states of the US. Although I had won the high school state championship I had not participated in the community or club-level diving competitions in the US, which prepare young athletes through a range of competitions, into state and national-level teams. Club-level competitions also meant expenses related to membership and coaches’ wages, as well as travel. This lack of community diving experience for me also meant that the universities with the best diving programmes were beyond my reach. I selected the only university that offered a full scholarship, the University of Oklahoma, in Norman, Oklahoma. The coach at Oklahoma, at the time, was also an ex-diver from Indiana University, and this familiarity attracted me to Oklahoma. Norman was mostly a university town, about 30 km south of Oklahoma City, the capital city of the state. Oklahoma was also a place of Anglo-American colonisation and displacement of indigenous tribes (South to the North), and as a student-athlete, I was far removed from the continuing struggles of the tribes for justice. There were around eight divers in the University of Oklahoma diving team during the 1983–87 period, with an equal number of men and women. The divers were mostly from Oklahoma and Texas. The facilities were meagre but they were optimised. The divers had to share the pool with swimmers, which often meant overlapping workouts where we were diving in between swimmers. Only a few university pools in the eighties would have a separate diving facility with all the platforms at different levels. Most scholarship athletes stayed in the athletic dorms with a well-resourced cafeteria and other facilities (exercise rooms and physiotherapists). The Role of Media in Sports Consumption 155

The football players and the basketball players were mini-celebrities on campus, with their teams ranked among the best in the country at the time, 1983–85. Even some non-revenue sports, such as wrestling, baseball and gymnastics, subsidised by football and basketball, were among the best in the nation. The football stadium capacity in the early 1980s was around 75,000, and by 2012 this was increased to around 85,000. With a student population of around 24,000 at the Norman campus, the University of Oklahoma remains among the top 20 in terms of revenue from sports, which recorded around $77 million in 2008. Meanwhile, among the top sports revenue earning universities in 2008 were Alabama ($124m), Texas ($104m) and Ohio State ($115m). In 2012, the budget for the Sri Lankan Sports Ministry was around $9 million. Despite the prosperous athletic department at Oklahoma, in 1987, several minor sports were eliminated including the swimming and diving programme, due to financial restructuring. This was devastating for the athletes, who were committed to their sport, and developed a sense of community with others within and across sports. While most of my teammates decided to stay in order to finish their university education, I migrated to the diving programme at the University of Maryland (College Park) from 1985–87. The shift from the semi-rural Norman, Oklahoma to the suburbs of Washington D.C. meant integration with different diving communities, within and outside the university. The sports programme at the University of Maryland (1985–87) was less lucrative, which meant less scholarship funds, and having to work more during the summer “holidays” as a diving coach in community clubs. The athletic department at the University of Maryland was less prominent than the University of Oklahoma one. In order to supplement the swimming and diving programme, the swimmers and divers worked selling university merchandise (t-shirts, caps, badges, wrist bands, scarves, etc.) at football games. At times, the spectators buying the merchandise would pay extra knowing that the money went into the swimming and diving programme. My summer holidays were spent working at one of the main country clubs (in Montgomery county) coaching young children from wealthy local families. As a worker at an affluent country club, I also gained insight into the elite sub-cultures in the DC area, the capital of the nation as well as the US empire. 156 S. J. Biyanwila

The life of a student-athlete on a full scholarship is a gruelling one, even in the non-revenue sports. The student athletes are to maintain their skills even during the off-season, which meant forgoing commitments to families and friends. For divers, the day began with a morning practice for over an hour and evening practice of two to three hours. In addition, we had separate strength training sessions, which were coordinated with preparation for competitions. For the “revenue sports”, basketball and football, the training schedules were much more intense, close to 40–50 hours, which meant the academic learning part was more of a supplement to sports. Towards the late 1980s, drug testing also entered the swimming and diving programmes, creating a new realm of surveillance. The competition season included a fair amount of travelling to surrounding universities, which are part of the sports league or the conference. The team would travel for competitions towards the end of the week, mostly in buses and vans, to other universities, which would often take more than six hours of travel. We would stay in hotels, have meals there or at fast-food restaurants along the way, practice, warm-up, compete and return after competition. This travel is highly programmed, and restricted to the place of competition, the pool, and the place of rest, the hotel. There is no leisure in this travel, particularly for the athletes. The travelling schedule, along with the overall sports programme (training and completion), impacts on the academic learning process in multiple ways. As students, we attended classes tired from workouts, and travelling meant disruptions in group learning activities and assignments. The main aim was to sustain a passing standard in order to maintain enrolment and academic eligibility to perform. This was a labour process involving a lot of stress, pain and discipline, as well as joy and solidarity. Part of the pain in diving also involves injuries. While I was experienced with stitches from two previous head injuries from diving in Sri Lanka, at Oklahoma I hit the diving board causing a mild concussion. After hitting the board with my shoulders, neck and head, I fell into the pool and sunk to the bottom, unable to move my body. A female teammate pulled me up to the side of the pool. I was put on a body board, and sent in an ambulance to the hospital. After a night of observation, I was discharged the next day. Of course, I was very The Role of Media in Sports Consumption 157 fortunate and my teammates also came for a solidarity visit. Although I was a bit shaken, I resumed training a few days later. While the university is mostly a middle-class milieu, negotiating class, gender, and ethnic hierarchies is a complicated task. The skilled high school athletes that gain access to the university sports system, particularly basketball and football, are mostly from African American backgrounds, and have spent a considerable amount of time and effort labouring over their sports skills at the expense of an education (Powell 2008). The African American student athletes, from poor and working class backgrounds, (the South in the Global North) generate massive profits for a miniscule payment (athletic scholarship). The revenues they generate support scholarships for most other sports (swimming, tennis, gold, rowing, gymnastics, lacrosse, etc.) that consist of middle-class or upper-middle-class white students. Most African American male student- athletes recruited to universities, to play and work as sports labourers, enrol with a lower educational standard and are then denied a proper education. Their lower educational standard illustrating the under- resourced provisioning of education in working-class communities, leads to reproducing the next generation of working classes, whose options for survival are often narrowed to sports, military or the prison system (Hawkins 2013). Coordinating this sports consumer culture within the university is an NGO, similar to the IOC, the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA).

5.3.2 The NCAA: Marketisation of College Sports

The NCAA emerged in 1951 as a form of state social provisioning of sports under the New Deal welfare state measures. The NCAA categorises collegiate sports into three divisions, mostly based on the university budgets and regionally in terms of “conferences”. Generally, the universities in division one have the strongest sports programmes and are more integrated with the professional sports market. However, this integration is limited to a few skilled sports labourers, mostly in football and basketball. For instance, around 100 or 150 athletes will access a pro team, out of around 50,000 that play college football. The total number of 158 S. J. Biyanwila student-athletes in 2012 was 420,000, which included around 1000 higher education institutions. The NCAA was mostly a male institution until the Association for Intercollegiate Athletics for Women (AIAW) was founded in 1971, and then merged with the NCAA in 1982. The AIAW, partly influenced by the civil rights movement and women’s movement was demanding recognition and increasing access to sports for women within public universities. The main piece of legislation, Title IX, was an outcome of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, which aimed at encouraging female student-athletes through the public provisioning of sports programmes and resources. This extended the participation of women in collegiate sports as well as encouraged high school girls into sports. Nevertheless, patriarchal tendencies along with anti-democratic libertarian perspectives within sports continue to resist this policy, which is reframed as an infringement on individual freedom. The expansion of media-sport particularly in the 1990s linked the NCAA with the consumer sports markets. The revenue from media rights has increased from $50 million (with CBS for 3 years) in 1982 to $10.8 billion (with CBS/Turner for 14 years) in 2010 (NCAA 2013). For the 2011–12 period, the NCAA revenue was $871.6 million and most (81%) came from the media rights agreement with Turner/CBS Sports. Most of the remaining revenue (18%) came from championships (ticket and merchandise sales). The main revenue-earning event (95%) isMarch Madness, or the collegiate basketball final play-offs held each spring, featuring the best 68 college basketball teams. The commercialisation of the NCAA illustrates the interests of big corporations, particularly media, incorporating key managers of the system: the athletic directors, the coaches and the conference commission- ers (Branch 2011). The earnings of this oligopoly (or cartel) of managers, which is much higher than university administrators, include many streams of income and privileges. According to the 2010 report by the Knight Commission on Intercollegiate Athletics, an organisation advo- cating for reforms in the NCAA, by the year 2020, “top collegiate athletic programs are expected to have overall budgets exceeding $250 million ... athletic budgets serving an average of only 600 students.” (KSIA 2009) The Role of Media in Sports Consumption 159

With basketball the main revenue earner, the income of elite college basketball coaches, surpass professional league coaches. Their incomes are derived from summer camps for young athletes, free memberships at country clubs, motivational speeches, book publishing, endorsement deals with sports apparel companies, payments for promoting the university and many more fringe benefits. Meanwhile, most sports labour (coaches, assistant coaches, trainers, etc.) is casualised (contract, temporary workers), similar to academic workers. The marketisation of college sports is aimed at developing self-sufficient athletic programmes across the sector. However, in 2012, just 23 of 228 athletics departments at NCAA Division I public universities generated enough money on their own to cover their expenses. The commercialisation has failed to deliver the promises of self-reliant independent university sports programmes, which were increasingly dependent on charity and philanthropy. While these are tax-deductible donations, there are binding clauses, similar to most international development aid, which require recipients to purchase services from the donor, such as fund managers. Even the purchase of football tickets by companies can be tax deductible. The contradictions of the NCAA, as with the IOC, FIFA and other dominant sports governance institutions, relates to how a billion-dollar non-profit organisation operates for expanding profits, without public accountability or contributing to public resources. It also illustrates how sports markets (disembedded from communities) are about the concentration of profits among the privileged few at the expense of many. The notion of “the amateur”, meaning non-commercial, is central to positioning the NCAA, as a community sector or “third sector” civil society organisation (CSO). However, the increasing commercialisation of the NCAA has diluted the notion of “public interest” or public social provisioning of sports to citizens, communities and households (Hawkins 2013). While the NCAA claims that 96% of revenues are redistributed to member conferences and institutions, the direct producers of this surplus, the student-athletes, remain marginalised (NCAA 2013). The myth “amateurism” also reinforces an informal economy of remu- nerations, which includes a spectrum of cash payments to players, free (and illegal) perks, and financial and academic fraud. Although the 160 S. J. Biyanwila

NCAA has imposed a range of penalties and sanctions to preserve amateurism, there are benefits of academic fraud in order to keep high-profile student sports labour eligible. The amateurism category for the NCAA, as well as most other commercialised sports governance bodies (IOC, FIFA, ICC) illustrates the contradictions of CSOs entrenched in commercial values (Branch 2011). Not only do these sports-governing institutions narrow the distribution of profits and avoid corporate taxes, but they also restrict other modes of organising sports (Zimbalist 2003). The marketisation of college sports is integrated with the militarisation of the US state. Just as the US defence Department engages in “patriotic tributes” with the main sports leagues, the NCAA also benefits from ties with the military. For the NCAA, the Division II universities are directly linked with the military in terms of enrolling war veterans, under the GI Bill (2009) (state educational subsidies for war veterans), and promoting “the virtues of leadership, loyalty, teamwork and honour” (NCAA 2016). Most Division II students are either actively serving or in the reserves, and the campuses are located within 50 miles of a military base. The NCAA’s marketing strategies for the military within universities include staging Veterans Appreciation Day or Military Appreciation Day; having helicopters and other military vehicles onsite (e.g. Humvees, robotics) for public viewing; having a military band play the national anthem; reserv- ing seats for invited military personnel, veterans and their families; and shooting off cannons when the team scores (NCAA2016 ). A range of civil society actors demanding reforms within the NCAA highlight how it violates public rights of athletes and engages in anti- competition (antitrust) behaviour. A group of UCLA football players launched the National College Players Association (NCPA) in 2001, mainly aimed at reforming the NCAA. The NCPA is backed by the United Steelworkers Union, the largest industrial union in the US with around 1.2 million members. The NCPA’s campaign targets aims:

Minimize college athletes’ brain trauma risks, increase value of scholarships; adequate security against sports-related medical expenses; increase graduation rates; protect educational opportunities for student-athletes in good standing; prevent serious injuries and avoidable deaths; enable legiti- mate employment and players ability to directly benefit from commercial The Role of Media in Sports Consumption 161

opportunities; prohibit the collective punishment of college athletes for violations committed by other parties (sponsors, donors); enable transfers between schools without penalties. (NCPA 2016)

The marketisation of sports coexists with marketisation of education, depleting the capacities of young people to make a living. In the US, the unmanageable student debt burdens illustrate a crisis in the provisioning of education, which impacts on individuals and households as well as their communities. In 2016, according to the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, 43 million Americans were burdened with student debt amounting to $1.3 trillion, and 70% of borrowers were on low incomes. The growing student debt undermines their capacities to access suitable employment and housing finances, which leads to more young adults between the ages 18 to 34 living with their parents (Stiglitz 2013). This crisis of social reproduction, where the spread of markets into the cultural commons (education and sports) particularly impact on African American young men from working-class backgrounds, illustrates enduring structures of class disadvantage as well as white privilege (Rhoden 2006; Gems 2006; Powell 2008).

5.4 “White Privilege” and Military Rituals

The emergent consumer culture of sports in the Global South relates to a shared history of colonialism. The spread of European sports in the colonies entails their integration within colonial labour regimes that reproduced white privilege, maintaining the moral and intellectual superiority of whiteness and Western modernity (Sandiford 1994; Bale and Cronin 2003; Dimeo 2003a, b; Amin 2010; Bromber 2013). The colonial educational system and the factory system were central to the articulation of sports cultures in the Global South. The military, along with the coercive apparatus of the colonial state (including the police and the prison system) introduced specific aggressive European masculine sports cultures, such as boxing, while restricting local martial arts. The public school system and the public sector were instrumental in introducing new bodily cultures that encouraged docile, disciplined and performing roles of the body (James 1963; Guha 1998). The 162 S. J. Biyanwila ideological and pedagogic strategies of the public school system were particularly significant for fostering specific bodily cultures and bodily knowledge reinforcing class, gender and ethnic hierarchies. The spread of European sports was grounded in creating consent to colonial rule, which was also on a mission to “civilise” rather than simply plunder and pillage (Dimeo 2003a, b). The reproduction of white privilege in sports is a complex process of hegemonic and counter-hegemonic struggles. The term white privilege highlights the structural advantage (of whiteness) related to systemic, and institutional roles and positions (Hylton 2009). The linking of “modern” Olympics with Greek Olympics is entrenched in reproducing a Eurocentric world view of the British Empire, positioning the Greek civilization, as the “cradle of Western Civilization” (Bernal 1987; Amin 2010). Although the Greeks acknowledged the influence of the African and Asian cultures on the Greek civilization, the myth creation of the British and German empires denied this (Bernal 1987). The sport-governing institutions and media-sports, along with professional leagues and clubs in the Global North reproduce enduring privileges of Eurocentric white men (Gems 2006; Gems and Pfister2009 ). Despite, non-white men entering positions of power within sports institutions (such as the ICC), they create consent to white privilege in different ways. However, there are tensions within whiteness across class, gender, disability, ethnicity and sexuality. The cultural hegemony of whiteness as well as masculinity in sports also relates to the historical context of the British colonial “civilizing mission”. The introduction of European sports cultures to the colonies overlaps with the civilizing mission, a project of white elitist men, asserting the cultural and moral hegemony (Guttmann 1994). The Victorian “manliness” of the British Empire promoted “qualities of physical courage, chi- valric ideals, virtuous fortitude with additional connotations of military and patriotic virtue” (Mangan and Walvin 1987). This elaborated in the late Victorian period with qualities of “virility, as exemplified by stoicism, hardiness and endurance”. Protestant leaders promoted competitive sports and physical education to create an ideal of Christian manliness, which also included the promotion of “masculine company in fraternal lodges” and “exercise to invigorate their bodies” (Putney 2001). The Role of Media in Sports Consumption 163

Victorian Muscular Christianity linked participation in sport with Christian morality, physical fitness, and “manly” character. Muscular Christianity is grounded in asserting patriarchal hierarchies, structures and cultures of authority and male privilege (MacAloon 2006; Mathisen and Ladd 1999). The sport of cricket, which dominates the Indian subcontinent, was central to the notions of Muscular Christianity (Sandiford 1994). Along with its integration with the public school education system, Muscular Christianity was coupled with Christian organisations such as the YMCA, founded in 1844, as well as the introduction of the Olympic Games in 1896 (Watson et al. 2005; Hall 1994).

5.4.1 Fitness Cultures and Military Rituals

The emergence of organised sports in Europe intertwines with an expanding military for colonial conquests as well as inter-imperial rivalries (Gorman 2010; Guttmann 1994). Colonial white British masculinity and the Muscular Christianity movement reinforced hypermasculine tendencies in local cultures valorising a bodily culture of aggression and violence (Hall 1994). Notions of male superiority and masculine virility are intertwined with the militarisation of the state as well as expanding sports cultures. The projections of ethnonationalism and nationhood by militarised states overlap with masculine sports cultures reinforcing tendencies of fascist bodily cultures (Mangan 2000; Hargreaves and Vertinsky 2007). The spread of sports, framed in terms of hygiene and physical improvement, overlaps the emergence of the eugenics movement in Europe, US, and Australia, articulating notions of racial purity and race improvement (Jenkins 2005). The movement began in the late 1800s, coinciding with the first modern Olympics and peaked in the 1920s and 30s, merging with fascist movements. Similar tendencies in Asia, particularly in Japan, combined blood, body and beauty in reframing cultural identity (Robertson 2001). With society seen in terms individuals rather than social relationships, social life was viewed as a “natural” competition of the “survival of the fittest” (Herbert Spencer). In this elitist view, which overlaps notions of 164 S. J. Biyanwila

“markets” as a natural order, social hierarchies were “natural” and our biology (genes) determined “genius” and “talent”. Human intervention to protect the weak and vulnerable (welfare, asylums) was seen as counter- productive to the “natural selection” process, which eliminates the weak (mostly poor, working class-men, women and people with disabilities). The representation of abstract markets as “freedom” as well as “discipline” overlaps this elitist eugenic ideology. Certain strands of eugenic ideologies did promote specific forms of state intervention, mainly to “improve” the race through social hygiene and physical activity programmes for “population control”. Processes of segregation, forced ster- ilisation, and genocide were justified and rationalised by these programmes. Eugenic tendencies endure with dominant competitive sports cultures, intertwined with sport science and evolutionary biology (gene doping), as well as the myth of meritocracy. The introduction of the Olympic Games in 1896 by Baron de Coubertin was integrated with the colonial “civilising mission” and would later accommodate fascist bodily cultures (Guttmann 1992; Mandell 1971; Dyreson 2001; Magan 1998). Coubertin, an aristocratic paternalist hoped “the lower classes” would embrace his vision for a revival of the games as a modern “muscle religion” (Alkemeyer and Richartz 1993). In promoting elitist notions of amateurism, he was clear that only the most exceptional among them would be likely to compete, since “inequality is more than a law, it is a fact; and patronage is more than a virtue, it is a duty” (Collins 2013). Coubertin’s aristocratic paternalist vision was based on promoting sports as a form of national renewal, in response to losses in imperial wars abroad as well as working-class urban resistance domestically. The Paris Commune of 1871 extended urban working-class struggles out from the factories into the surrounding neighbourhoods and communities (Harvey 2012; Collins 2013). In effect, the introduction of Olympics overlaps with the interests of the ruling classes to contain and demobilise protests and sports festivals from below, by creating a sports spectacle from above, in order to celebrate an invented “nation” (Guttmann 1994; Tomlinson and Whannel 1984; Tännsjö 2000). Women were marginal to Coubertin’s vision and were excluded from the first modern games held in Athens in 1896. Women gained access to The Role of Media in Sports Consumption 165 the 1928 Olympic Games following Coubertin’s retirement as the president of the IOC, and only five events were allowed (Hargreaves1994 ). The emergence of a women’s international athletic movement (Federation Sportive Feminine Internationale) and the creation of an alternative women’s Olympics in Paris in 1922, which continued as a festival of women’s athletics, was significant for women gaining access to the Olympics (Hargreaves 1994: 211). The participation of women in Olympics remained miniscule until the agitation by the second wave of the women’s movement in the late 1960s. Even then, at the 1980 Moscow Olympics only 18% of the athletes were women (Guttmann 1992). At the 2016 Rio Olympics, women totalled around 45% of all athletes. The integration of the Olympic Games with militaristic rituals, roman- ticising collective and self-discipline, was reinforced following the 1936 Olympics in Berlin under the fascist regime in Germany. The spectacle was centred on a “cult of health, competitiveness and beauty” (Alkemeyer and Richartz 1993). The changes in communication and media, radio and film in particular, enabled access to wider audiences. The staging of myth and ritual involved fabricating specific ceremonial activities that were integrated with militarist cultures. The Nazi Propaganda Ministry reinvented the sports stadium as a “place of purification”, a space for the fascist ideal of “manly men”, “a venue for hero and fuehrer worship” (Alkemeyer and Richartz 1993). The rituals invented in 1936 fascist games endure into the present (Mangan 2000). The torch relay in opening ceremonies and national teams clad in uniforms marching past the “reviewing stand” of the stadium was invented in 1936. The securing of the venue for “hero worship” also meant the displacement of the urban working classes and the poor, described as “immoral”, “degenerates” or the “disturbing riffraff”. The militarist patriotism that celebrated the youth encouraged the “sacrifice” of oneself in order to renew the nation (Alkemeyer and Richartz 1993). The “national sacrificial unity” asserted by Fascism was aimed, not at the ruling classes, but towards undermining progressive sections of the working classes and labour internationalism. The colonial sports cultures interacted with local bodily cultures in diverse ways, with elements of accommodation, adaptation and resistance. The notions of Muscular Christianity were adapted by anti-colonial 166 S. J. Biyanwila movements in varying forms (Guha 1998; Hall 1994). The pre-capitalist bodily cultures, Indian wresting, martial arts and yogic traditions, coexisted and interacted with colonising European sports cultures in different ways (Dimeo 2003a). The colonised also developed its own version of masculine sports cultures in response to the masculinity of colonisers. The swadeshi (self-sufficiency) movement in Bengal (1905–08) and Swami Vivekananda’s reframing of Hinduism in a muscular masculine form, reinvented sports and physical development as central to spirituality (Nandy 1983, 2000; Chatterjee and Naha 2014). In effect, Muscular Christianity was reappropriated by emerging nationalist movements, glorifying physicality and a culture of aggressive masculine violence. The fascist image of masculinity combines disparate dispositions. It combines “unrestrained violence of frontline soldiers”, rationality (bureaucratic institutionalisation of violence) and ironically, irrationality (thinking with “the blood”, the triumph of the “will”) (Connell 1995: 193). The hegemonic fascist project is a “naked assertion of male suprem- acy” (ibid.). This combination of the frontier (adventure and survival), rationality (science and technology) and irrationality (making suffering and pain a virtue) are also elements that are central to hegemonic sports culture and bodily cultures. Fascist masculine integration of dominance (through direct and indirect forms of violence) as well as technical expertise reflects deep able-bodied and heterosexist tendencies (Magan2000 ). Fascist notions of female physical culture involved a combination of medicine and eugenics, along with religious and traditional education (Gori 2004). The subordination of women within the realm of social reproduction is glorified by patriarchal fascist ideologies as “sacrificial mothers” as well as “strong mothers” (ibid.). The two main IOC presidents in the post-WWII era, Avery Brundage (1952–72) and Juan Antonio Samaranch (1980–2001), promoted white privilege in varying shades (Hoberman 1995; Magan 1992). Brundage supported the 1936 Olympics in Nazi Germany, as well as the South African apartheid state. He denounced the protests by the black runners at the Mexico games, as “the nasty demonstration against the American flag by negroes” (Guttmann1984 ), and put pressure on the US Olympic Committee to suspend them from the team. Samaranch was more directly involved the with fascist Franco regime in Spain (1936–75) The Role of Media in Sports Consumption 167 as Government Secretary for Sports, in 1967–71, and was instrumental in the commercialisation of the Olympics while subordinating the voice of sports labour (Jennings 1996; Guttmann 2004; Magan 1998). Enduring structures of white privilege within hegemonic sports consumer culture in the North reproduce a technological image of the body. The emergent physical fitness culture illustrates this techno-fascist tendency, emphasising “performance efficiency” ethos over a “human development” ethos (Maguire 2004). The body as an object to be manipulated for its economic exchange-value overlaps with the body as a weapon for the military industrial complex. The “techno-culture” combines a sense of permanent incompleteness of the self in terms of “fitness culture”, which interacts with a sense of self-empowerment experienced by socially and self-induced physical practices (Pronger 2002). More importantly, the emergent super-aggressive ideal of manhood (Burstyn 1999) also reinforces militarised masculinities valorising able and youthful bodies.

5.5 Able-Bodied Masculinity: Disability and Aging

The media-sports cultures reinforce notions of achievement and athleti- cism that valorise ability, as well as speed. The bodily performance that valorises ability also devalues the disabled body (Connell 1995). This valorisation of ability and able-bodiedness overlaps with the demand for productive, docile, and youthful bodies for factories as well as militaries. The able-bodied masculinity, constructed within the Western consumer culture, attempts to deny inevitable bodily decay and death (Bordo 2004). The fragility, illness and suffering inherent to our corporeality is seen as preventable and treatable. Healthy bodies are extracted and maintained against sickness, pathologies and deformities. The devalua- tion and medicalisation of old age in the late 1800s coincides with the emerging youth-focused able-bodied sports cultures (Kennedy and Minkler 1998). The proportion of the world’s population in the older ages continues to increase, in varying degrees. With larger proportions of older age populations in the Global North, migrant care workers from the Global 168 S. J. Biyanwila

South are a significant labour force. The majority of older people are women, as female life expectancy is higher than that for men. Particularly in the Global South, older women are faced with poverty, which relates to women entering their later years with fewer resources (education, property, social benefits) than men, as well as the stigmatisation of female remarriages (Chant and McIlwaine 2016). Sports and physical activity is increasingly promoted as a public health strategy, or a “solution” to the “problem” of becoming elderly. However, older people are also stratified along class, gender, ethnicity, disability and sexuality. Participation in sports enables those in privileged positions to construct a socially desirable identity that resists the stigma of an aging body. However, this also reinforces an individualistic “healthiest” discourse, compatible with self-responsible, competitive individualism (Pike 2012). Aging population is also linked with disability. While there are older people with disabilities, there are people with a disability who are older. The recognition of needs and interests of older populations overlaps with those with disabilities. The discrimination against disability intersects with agism, where older people are regarded as the embodiment of dete- rioration and decay. Just as disability, the dominant medical approach to aging locates it as a biological event, associated with physical and mental decline or the loss of faculties. Although the emergence of Paralympics expanded new possibilities for people with disabilities, it also reproduces able-bodied masculinity. Although aimed at affirming disability, the “supercrip” narratives where the impaired claim success in spite of their disability can also reinforce the “achievement syndrome” (Silva and Howe 2012). Mobility devices that enhance performance have elaborated the categories of “disabled”, “abled”, “super-abled” and “normal” (Booher 2011). The “supercrip” narrative affirms the autonomous individual (masculine) discourse, which erases human interdependence with others and collective identities as people with disabilities, workers and citizens. This “malestream” Paralympic narrative also contributes to limiting the agency of people with disabilities, in terms of adaptation to disability or compromises with constraints (Gilbert and Schantz 2008). The changing relationship between bodies and technologies/prosthetics, particularly in the Global North, including the North within the South (South African Pistorius) The Role of Media in Sports Consumption 169 reinforce inequalities along with divisions among different impairment groups in the Global North as well as the South (Howe 2011; Booher 2011). The articulation of a hegemonic sports culture depends on coercion while creating consent with a range of marginalised identities, along the lines of class, gender, ethnicity, age and ability (McDonald 2009). With competitive individualism represented as a social fact, the monoculture of sports nurtures authoritarian institutions along with fascist bodily cultures. The narrowing of sports as a bodily culture to the youth combines with a body fetishism grounded in able-bodied constructions of mortal beings, which ignores human vulnerability and interdependence. Revealing how the masculine media-sport complex legitimises and nor- malises violence (internalising and externalising pain) suggests the necessity of reimagining sports commons interdependent with media commons (Barnett 2003).

5.6 Conclusion

The cultural consumption of sports, mostly focused on sports mega- events, reproduces a monoculture of sports, entrenched in able-bodied masculine bodily cultures. The sports consumer cultures, driven by media-sports, depend on the “sales effort”, through media rights, sponsorships and advertising, targeted at affluent consumer segments. Among the main advertisers/sponsors are financial, industrial (automobiles, sports goods) and media (and telecommunications) corporations. The coupling of deregulated telecommunications and media sectors with urban development is integral for the production of mega-sports and the sports consumer markets. Despite the search for “authenticity” and “originality” of consumer experiences, the profit imperative fosters a monoculture of sports reinventing “evangelical sports” narratives. The IPL highlights how a regional sports-media-tourism complex reproduces authoritarian masculine sports cultures at expense of community and school sports. The patriarchal culture of “family values” which aspire for safe, sanitised and “civilised” entertainment also involves the commercialisation of children. The dominant sports media network, the ESPN, owned by the Disney Corporation, 170 S. J. Biyanwila illustrates how media-sports shape local sports cultures through self- censorship for enhancing “consumer experience”. The narrowing of sports journalism to sports entertainment requires avoiding or misrepre- senting harmful effects of sports consumer culture, such as injuries, exploitation and violence, as well as collective action by sports labour. The subordination of the Global South within the hegemonic sports consumer culture reproduces structures of white male privilege in different ways. The Eurocentric myths of “modern” Olympics reproduce this white privilege, erasing histories of non-European sports cultures. Meanwhile, ethnonationalist projects in the Global South, glorifying physicality and a culture of aggressive masculine violence, draw on elements of colonial Muscular Christianity, with fascist tendencies. The exploitation and expropriation of the sports labour of African American students within US universities parallels the experiences of the Global South. The next chapter explores how an emergent sports-media-tourism complex in Sri Lanka fosters able-bodied masculine sports cultures through “sports and development”.

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Development and Sports in Sri Lanka

In November 2014, FIFA President Sepp Blatter, along with the AFC President Sheikh Salman Bin Ibrahim Al Khalifa (member of the Royal Family of Bahrain), had a brief 36-hour visit to Sri Lanka and opened a new football stadium in Jaffna. The Sheikh, a key actor within FIFA oligarchy, was also part of the Bahrain ruling elite engaged in the brutal repression of dissent in Bahrain. He also unsuccessfully contested Blatter in 2015 for FIFA presidency. This visit by FIFA “dignitaries” follows the US department of Justice indictment of 14 top FIFA executives in May 2015. This visit to Jaffna by FIFA executives (including representatives from Japan, Korea, Thailand, Pakistan, Bangladesh, United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia) was seen as a “testament to national reconciliation”, an illustration of peace and development through sports (Anandappa 2014). This symbolic event of sports internationalism, takes place amidst electoral campaigns for the January 2015 presidential elections, which ousted the ruling Rajapakse regime. Particularly in Jaffna, and the Northern Province, the ruling regime was unpopular due to continued military repression and widespread poverty, unemployment and displacement (Cherubim 2014). While a new football stadium was needed, there were other priority concerns directly related to livelihoods (Santhirasegaram

2013). Moreover, the former president of the national football association was banned for life by FIFA in 2012 on bribery charges. What was common in these tense and conflicting relationships is their commitment to the spread of sports markets as “sport and development” and “national reconciliation”. As Blatter would emphasise the commercial value of this visit:

How does the game thrive … and from where does the money comes from? The money we have in the FIFA comes from the World Cup … So we have to pay attention to the World Cup. (Anandappa 2014)

This chapter examines the spread of sports markets in Sri Lanka with the launch of market-driven development since 1977. The spread of markets along with “sportive nationalism” was based on transforming public sector provisioning of sports established under the “national economy” project during the 1956–75 period. While the “national economy” strategy enabled the democratisation of elite colonial sports cultures, it also incorporated a Sinhala-Buddhist ethnonationalist notion of nationhood. The construction of “sportive nationalism”, reinventing Sinhala-Buddhist nationalism under market-driven “development”, remains complicated by hybrid identities, migrant workers and diverse class dynamics among sports cultures such as cricket and football. The process of urbanisation linked with expanding sports markets involves the construction of cricket venues in spaces of urban and rural poverty. Meanwhile, the popular national sports festivals along with school sports are surviving with minimal public resources and media coverage. This overlaps with authoritarian “security state” strategies criminalising dissent and enforcing multiple forms of censorship, while expanding the integration of the military with sports institutions. The incorporation of elite disabled athletes, particularly war veterans, within articulations of “sportive nationalism” is a significant component of legitimising able-bodied masculine sports cultures.

6.1 Sri Lanka in the Global Trading System

As with most former colonies in the global economic system, the processes of decolonisation and notions of self-determination and national development transformed local sports cultures and institutions. Given Development and Sports in Sri Lanka 181 the priorities of remedying poverty and hunger, the post-colonial state provisioning of sports emerges mostly under the regulated “mixed economy”, which lasted from 1956 to 1975. The “liberalisation” of the economy in 1977 promoting export-oriented industrialisation, coupled with policies of privatisation and deregulation also accompanied the consumer culture of sports and sports markets in Sri Lanka (Lakshman and Tisdell 2000). The spread of markets into sports involves two phases: from 1977–94 and 1994 to the present. The first phase illustrates the early transition to the marketisation of sports, integrating cricket with sports-media and entertainment culture. The second phase is an elaboration of media- sports through the integration of sports mega-events in the region, such as the introduction of South Asian Federation Games in 1992. The launch of the Indian Professional League (IPL) in cricket in 2007 followed by other professional sports leagues (badminton and Kabbadi) in India, added a new dimension to “sportive nationalism” and sports consumer culture in the South Asian region. Although the World Bank integrated Ceylon (as it was known under British colonialism) with market-oriented development in the early 1950s, this was restrained by the “mixed economy” project initiated in 1956, with the influence of working class parties and the labour movement (Biyanwila 2010). The expanding public sector (education) and nationalisation of key sectors, under a regulated state-driven economy was central to the articulation of a “national” sports culture. The launch of the Ministry of Sports in 1966 was significant for integrating a disparate range of sports associations and community sports clubs, within a shared national development project. This was a public-driven sports culture integrated with the nationalised public enterprises, the public school system and the welfare state. However, beginning in 1977, the market- driven state strategies emphasised competitive sports with assertions of “sportive nationalism” for attracting investors as well as tourists, while reinforcing Sinhala-Buddhist ethnonationalist tendencies. The consolidation of a sport-media-tourism complex in the 1990s deepened the market-driven “sports and development” strategies which reframed state or public provisioning of sports. 182 S. J. Biyanwila

After 17 years under the UNP (United National Party) governments (1977–94), the opposition SLFP (Sri Lanka Freedom Party) gained power during the 1994–2002 period, but was displaced by the UNP (2002–04). The SLFP emerged in 1951, as a split within the UNP, and allied with the working-class parties, promoting a “mixed economy” or a regulated economy. However, the SLFP delinked with the working-class parties beginning in 1975, and pursued market-driven politics. In 2004, an SLFP-led coalition, under president Rajapakse (2004–15) returned to power, and continued the market-driven economy, while ending the Tamil militancy in 2009 in a bloodbath (DeVotta 2009; Balasingham 2014; Spencer 2007). In the post-conflict context, the efforts towards “national reconciliation” remain restrained by enduring Sinhala Buddhist ethnonationalist state strategies (Balasingham 2014). A key feature of the 2004–15 period was the retraction of privatisation and the renationalisation of a few previously privatised enterprises, such as the Insurance Corporation. However, market-driven development pursued by the Rajapakse regime (2004–15) also expanded the private (family and clan) appropriation of public resources while expanding the urban consumer culture, particularly in the post-2009 period. While co-opting segments of the labour movement, the state also unleashed its coercive apparatus against labour protests and a range of other social movements. Meanwhile, the uneven spread of markets into sports, mostly based in the urban hub of Colombo, is driven by networks of businessmen and politicians overlapping the sports-media-tourism complex. The expansion of sports markets and the celebration of “sportive nationalism” take place in a context of enduring debt dependency. The Sri Lankan government’s debt amounted to 72% of gross domestic product in 2014, a reduction from 86% in 2007. In 2014, the trade deficit was around $2 billion, a decline from $3.6 billion in 2007. Following the introduction of market-driven development in 1977, the national debt increased from $290 million in 1979–81 to $703 million in 1990 (CBSL 2008). This ongoing debt dependence reflects the uneven North–South relationship as well as within the nation-state, where most of the wealth is concentrated in the city of Colombo and the Western Province (Balasingham 2014). Development and Sports in Sri Lanka 183

6.2 Colonialism and Elite Sports Cultures

Sri Lanka is a small tropical island on the southern tip of the Indian subcontinent, with a population of around 22 million people in 2016. Under colonialism, dating back to the arrival of the Portuguese in 1505, the local economy transformed into exporting primary agricultural commodities based on a plantation system of tea, rubber and coconut (Little 1999). While these sectors remain significant, the launch of Export Processing Zones or Free trade Zones (FTZ) since 1978, along with international migration of workers, has reintegrated the local economy with new global markets, including sports markets. The emergence of modern sports within the colonial context of Sri Lanka relates to the histories of specific sports cultures (cricket) as well as sports institutions of the British Empire. The first cricket club in Sri Lanka, the Sinhalese Sports Club was founded in 1899, (three years after the first Olympics), but it was not until 1952 that the club was integrated within an embryonic nationwide coordinating institution. Meanwhile, the assimilation of sports cultures in the colonies within the Empire surfaces with the Festival of Empire sports event in 1911. The Ceylon Olympic and Empire Games Association, renamed as the National Olympic Committee (NOC) in 1937, included three sports associations: athletic, swimming and boxing. The emergence of the NOC in 1937 directly relates to anti-colonial citizenship struggles, which also targeted elitist colonial sports cultures. Prior to 1931, citizenship was mostly restricted to the emerging elite merchant families and regional feudal landowning families (Jayawardena 1972). The 1931 Donoughmore Constitution replaced the Legislative Council established in 1833, with the State Council of Ceylon. The new constitution expanded representatives based on ethnicity with the largest regional representatives from the Western (mostly Sinhala) and Northern Province (mostly Tamil). In 1931 Sri Lanka became one of the first countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America to permit women to vote. With universal adult franchise granted in 1931, the number of eligible voters increased from 205,000 in 1924 to more than 1.5 million in 1931. The emergence of working-class parties in the 1930s strengthened the labour 184 S. J. Biyanwila movement leading up to independence in 1948. However, the Sinhala- Buddhist tendencies that asserted notions of nationhood meant the denial of citizenship to a large segment of the “hill country” Tamil plantation workers, leading to their deportation to southern India (Biyanwila 2010). The changes in the elite colonial sports cultures emerge with the launch of public corporations and enterprises, under the national “mixed economy” (1956–75). This established a range of worker welfare committees, which expanded sports clubs and leagues. A few skilled athletes who contributed to various popular sports were employed and subsidised by public enterprises. This combined with expanding community sports facilities, such as sports grounds, often maintained under public enterprises. The state social provisioning of sports, during the early 1970s in particular, laid the foundation for a sports commons, which facilitated the expanding sports consumer culture by the late 1970s. The integration of the local economy with the sports consumer culture in the Global North also takes place in the late 1970s, with factories manufacturing sports good and merchandise.

6.3 Workers in the Realm of Production

The factories in the FTZs mostly manufacture garments that are supplied to prominent sports brands, such as Nike, Adidas, Speedo, Puma and Reebok. Some of these companies promote local sports cultures as well as their own brand through a range of sports associations. The FTZs represent an enclave labour regime without collective bargain rights, where unions are discouraged and actively repressed. The manufacturing activities across the island economy consist of less than 18% of the labour force, around 1.6 million workers in 2015 (SLLFS 2012). The workers in FTZs account for less than 20% of the labour force in manufacturing. The workers, mostly migrant young women from rural and semi-rural areas, face dismal living conditions and multiple forms of sexual harassment in the urbanised setting of the FTZs. The living conditions and the toxins used in factories directly impact on their well-being, and they have to cope with multiple health issues, including anaemia (Biyanwila 2010). Development and Sports in Sri Lanka 185

Most workers are engaged in the services sector amounting to around 46% of the labour force or 3.8 million workers in 2015. Most services sector activities are family-based enterprises with limited protection from labour legislation. They include a range of activities such as retail trade, tourism, transport, repair and maintenance, construction, and personal and domestic services. The services sector overlaps the informal sector, which also maintains old and new forms of child labour (Goonesekere 1993; UNICEF 2010). The promotion of tourism is intertwined with urban development and expanding media-sport-tourism complex. Although tourism continued throughout the war, with the end of the war in 2009, it expanded. Revenue from tourism has increased from $367 million in 1995 to $754 million in 2009 to $1.8 billion in 2012. Tourist arrivals increased from around 322,000 in 1980, to 403,000 in 1995, to 550,000 in 2005, to 1.3 million in 2013 (SLTDA 2012). The main markets for tourist arrivals in 2011 and 2012 were India (17%), UK (11%), Germany (7%), France (6%) and Australia (5%) (SLTDA 2012) The statistics on tourist arrivals are complicated by the travels of diaspora Sri Lankans, visiting extended families and friends. Direct employment from tourism increased from 35,000 in 1995, to 52,000 in 2005, to around 68,000 in 2013. Most of the jobs are created in the accommodation and catering sector (70%), along with travel agents, tour operators and recreational facilities. The emergence of labour markets for migrant workers, since the early 1980s, has elaborated as a major source of government revenue in terms of remittances (nearly 50% in 2010). While the money sent home from migrant workers are used for daily living purposes, their consumption also adds to government revenue through sales taxes, value-added taxes, and import duties. Sri Lankan men, women, and some children (16- to 17-year olds) migrate to Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, Jordan, Bahrain, Lebanon, Iraq, Malaysia, and Singapore to work as construction workers, domestic workers, or garment factory workers. With limited regulation of labour markets, these migrant workers endure a range of oppressive conditions, including forced labour, restrictions on movement, withholding of passports, physical and sexual abuse, and threats of detention and deportation. 186 S. J. Biyanwila

The agricultural sector in Sri Lanka accounts for around 28% of the labour force or 2.4 million workers, mostly engaged in subsistence peasant agriculture. The largest segment of wage-earning agricultural workers is in the plantations (tea, rubber and coconut), with close to 1.5 million workers (2004). The women workers, largely from the hill-country Tamil community, form the main labour force in the tea plantations, which endures as the main agricultural export commodity. Although nationalisation of tea plantations in early 1970s improved working and living conditions, underlying Sinhala-Buddhist nationalist tendencies also involved violence against Tamil workers and evictions. Within seven years, the nationalisation process was replaced with the preparations for privatisation (under the Asian Development Bank). The privatisation of plantations was completed in 1994, amidst allegations of corruption as well as trade union protests (Ameresekere 2011; Biyanwila 2010). In 2015, after more than two decades of private management of plantations, conditions of extreme poverty persist in the plantations with dismal state social provisioning (education, health, transport services). Tamil communities in the tea plantations face multiple forms of discrimination, which also instigate protests as well as the migration of young workers. The crisis in agriculture is a key mechanism for internal and international migration of workers, mostly women, into the services sector as domestic workers. The spread of deregulated markets in agriculture have increased the power of input suppliers, credit suppliers and buyers, while exacerbating indebtedness among rural households. The resettlement of landless, poor Sinhala farm families from the more densely populated South to areas in the North and East was a programme that dates back to the mid-1970s. However, these resettlements with inadequate support services and access to basic utilities, such as water and electricity, have also led to tensions within the Sinhala community and the Tamil communities. Although official statistics on poverty illustrate a reduction from around 26% in 1991 to 6.7% in 2012–13, there are considerable inconsistencies. The persistence of rural poverty, particularly in the tea plantation sector despite high levels of employment, illustrates the phenomenon of the “working poor”. Low household incomes and problems of indebtedness are interdependent with increased fragmentation of land, ecological degradation, along with state bureaucratic mismanagement. Development and Sports in Sri Lanka 187

Conditions of poverty, food insecurity and dispossession directly concern issues of disability in terms of low incomes, malnutrition, poor housing and sanitation. The prolonged civil conflict and natural disasters (including the 2004 tsunami) also contribute to disabilities in Sri Lanka. The majority of the people with disability—estimated 1.6 million or 8.7% of the total population in 2014—reside in rural regions (UN-ESCAP 2015). Women and older people (over 65 years) account for the majority of people with disabilities. Following the end of the military conflict in 2009, there were over 100,000 people with physical disabilities because of land mine explosions, aerial bombardment and massacre of villagers (ADB 2012). Impairments endure due to minefields or contaminated land in the North as well as psychological trauma and impairments caused by the Southern Sinhala youth (JVP) insurrection (1988–90). The ways in which poverty and violence are associated with intergenera- tional trauma highlight the complexity of care labour within families and communities, which overlaps ethnonationalist politics.

6.4 National Identity and Hybridity

A shared feature of the Global South is the post-colonial articulation of nation-state projects, in a multi-ethnic and class divided societies. Sri Lanka is a multi-ethnic and multi-religious society with a Sinhala Buddhist hegemonic notion of nationhood (Gunasinghe 1996; Gamage 2009; Hyndman and DeAlwis 2004). The island has a rich vibrant history of diverse cultural interactions with records going back 2200 years. This history is also a terrain of struggle over nationhood, collective memories, and national and communal identities (Gunawardena 1996; Seneviratne 1999). The main ethnic groups include Sinhala (74%), Tamil (13%), Hill-Country Tamil (6%), Muslim (7%), Burghers and Eurasians (0.3%) and Malays (0.3%) (SLDC&S 2004). While Buddhism (69%) is the dominant religion, it has historically coexisted with Hinduism (16%), Islam (8%) and Christianity (8%) (SLDC&S 2004). Sri Lanka also consists of a small number of indigenous people known as “Veddhas” who continue to preserve and elaborate their cultural identity. The diverse communities that construct this multi-ethnic nation are embedded in a hybridity of hierarchical ethnic, religious, caste and 188 S. J. Biyanwila regional identities (Jeganathan and Ismail 1994). Importantly, the dominant statistical approach to ethnic categories is invariably limited not only by definition of ethnic categories, but also the processes of collecting population census data. With the outbreak of the ethnic war in 1983, the North and East provinces have been excluded from census figures, and the 2001 census covered only 18 out of 25 districts. The ethnic categories are internally differentiated along regional, religious, caste and linguistic identities (Manor 1984; Spencer 1990; Uyangoda 2000). The Sinhala identity is internally differentiated by region (low-country and up-country Sinhalese), religion (Buddhist, Christians, and spirit religions) and caste. The Buddhist identity also includes caste specific institutional hierarchies (Tambiah 1992; Silva et al. 2009). An integral aspect of colonialism (Portuguese, Dutch and British) is the introduction of Christianity. The Sinhala and Tamil Christian communities remain subordinated within dominant religious cultures. Similarly, the Burgher (or the Eurasian) community is often erased from the historical narrative of ‘nation’ (Jayawardena 2007). The rise of Sinhala Buddhist nationalism particularly in the post-1977 period was contested by demands for cultural recognition by the Tamils in the North and East, as well as the Hill country (plantations), and the Muslim communities, particularly in the East and North-West (Reddy 2009). The Sinhala Buddhist violence, mostly instigated by small networks of hyper-masculine Buddhist monks and their allies, protected by the state and local politicians, not only target Tamils and Muslims, but also the Christian communities. The construction of ethnic identities also reinforces patriarchal cultures shaped by class and localities. The consumer culture of cricket and “sportive nationalism” necessarily involves negotiating and co-opting marginalised cultures and hybrid identities. Hybridity here foregrounds entanglements rather than identity, as well as together- ness in difference than separateness (Felski1997 ; Yuval-Davis 1997).

6.4.1 Sinhala Buddhist Nationalism and Cultural Mixing

The new globalised phase of capitalism emerging in 1977 was grounded in a Sinhala Buddhist ethnonationalist project, referred to as the “righteous Development and Sports in Sri Lanka 189 society” (Dharmishta samajaya) (Dhanapala 2016; Seneviratne 1999). The emerging middle-class consumer culture integrated with popular religiosity, which is dominated by ethnonationalist identity projects. Sports, as well as religion, were absorbed as cultural goods within an expanding services sector, driven by tourism and leisure industry. Similar to the elaboration of popular Hinduism in India, popular Buddhism integrated with a state-temple-corporate complex, transforming secular public institutions and cultures (Gunasinghe 1996; Seneviratne 1999; Nanda 2011). The spread of markets into sports accompanies the integration of Buddhist religious institutions with markets. The transformation of Buddhism in response to colonialism in the late nineteenth century is described as “Protestant Buddhism”, which contested the hegemony of the monks and the institutional hierarchies (Gombrich and Obeysekere 1988). The demand for special Buddhist privileges emerged with the anti-colonial struggles and consolidated with the 1972 constitution, giving Buddhism the “foremost place”. In the post-1977 period, the monas- tic autonomy reinforced “entrepreneurial monks” engaged in a range of income-generating (rent-seeking) activity (Hyndman and DeAlwis 2004; Tambiah 1992). The Buddhist religious services integrated with expanding consumer markets linking tourism, entertainment, hospitality and leisure. The sale of sacred offerings, private tuition classes in temples, commercial use of temple lands, or payment for the performance of religious rituals and pilgrimages, were some of the entrepreneurial activities of marketised temples (Dhanapala 2016). The emergence of a market-driven popular religiosity in the South Asian region, as an expression of ethnonationalism relates to expanding urban middle-classes. In India, Hindu nationalist movements articulated this popular religiosity with dreams of becoming superpowers (Nanda 2011). The “superpower” fantasies of Hindu nationalism with fascist tendencies also include physical cultures that combine exercises, games, sports, yoga and prayers to inculcate its members (McDonald 1999a, b). While the dominant Sinhala Buddhist nationalism is devoid of a specific physical culture, the emergence of authoritarian militant monks illustrates elements of “Muscular Buddhism”. The integration of media with the state-temple-corporate complex is central to transforming secular sports cultures in Sri Lanka. The coupling 190 S. J. Biyanwila of media-sports with tourism depends on the commodification of national cultures, including sports through advertising (Kemper 2001). The incorporation of national cricket players with popular religiosity expanded in the early 1990s, with media coverage of mostly Buddhist monks blessing for the national team. The team is blessed before their departures, even at the airport, and on their return. However, the contradiction of Sinhala Buddhist nationalism, asserting “authenticity”, in a multi-ethnic multi-religious context relates to the cultural mixing and the hybridity of ethnic identity. In Sri Lanka and across South Asia, the Eurasian (Anglo-Indian) communities continue to contribute to the cultural self-realisation of the nation-state, particularly in art, music and dance as well as sports (Mills 2005b). One of the most celebrated sports icons, in the “sportive nationalism” narrative of Sri Lanka, is Duncan White, of Eurasian origins, who won a silver medal in the 400m hurdles at the 1948 Olympics, at the age of 30. Duncan White was born in Ceylon, in 1918, to British parents, and educated at Trinity College in Kandy. He moved to Kenya in 1963, and back to England where he died in 2002. While his legacy is revived especially during Olympic years, it is also co-opted by Sinhala Buddhist notions of nationhood. The celebration of sportive nationalism with the 1996 cricket World Cup victory highlights multiple interconnected affili- ation as well as difference (hybridity) in the construction of Sinhala Buddhist ethnonationalism.

6.4.2 1996 Cricket World Cup: Hybrid Nationalism and Markets

The winning of the 1996 cricket World Cup is central to the construction of an ethnonationalist narrative of the “sportive nation”. While Sri Lanka co-hosted the 1996 Cricket World Cup with India and Pakistan expressing regional partnerships, the event also galvanised the multi-ethnic nation under the Sinhala Buddhist nationalist project. The Sinhala Buddhist ethnonationalist forces appropriated the victory against the Australian team in multiple levels. The sporting victory was also a triumph against allegations of human rights violations by the Global North. Development and Sports in Sri Lanka 191

It was a historic moment in which the military offensive against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) faced a series of setbacks. The battlefield retreats combined with the assassinations of key Sinhala political leaders, including the president in 1993. Meanwhile, the new government elected in 1996, supported by the labour movement, was proposing a political solution with the LTTE. The celebration of the “sportive nation” was made possible by a foreign (Australian) coach with Sri Lankan origins. The coach of the national team at the time was Dave (Davenell Frederick) Whatmore, a Eurasian born in Sri Lanka (in 1954), who migrated to Australia in 1962. This was following the 1956 “Sinhala only” language law that contested the English-dominated elite within state institutions, affirming a narrow linguistic ethnonationalist project, which also subordinated Tamil-speaking communities. This marginalisation of the English-speaking Eurasian community as well as the Tamil community, from state institutions, forced their migration to other parts of the former British Empire, such as Australia, New Zealand, Canada and UK. Dave was appointed the “national” coach of Sri Lanka in 1996, with the assistance of the Australian Cricket Board, which was interested expanding the cricket entertainment market. Dave, along with an Australian born sports physiotherapist, was influential in the 1996 victory. Sri Lanka Cricket employed both until 2003. Dave would move on to coach the Bangladeshi then the Pakistani national team (2012). In 2007, when asked about his understanding of the Asian context, Dave responded:

Well, in strange way, I have an advantage in the sense that I was born in the subcontinent. I was born in Sri Lanka and my parents and grandparents were born there too. So I have that built-in understanding of the cultural background, the cross references of India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh. It changes little bit from country to country but that’s in-built in me. Having had an education in Australia as a cricketer and as a coach, learning my trade there, I have had a happy little blend of the Western culture and the subcontinent culture. So that’s helped me. (Arora 2007)

This sense of cultural embodiment reflects cultural mixing or hybrid ethnic identity in the subcontinent. The contradictions of ethnonationalist projects, asserting cultural authenticity, relate to how migrant workers 192 S. J. Biyanwila transform static representations of local identity politics. Yet, the cultural integration and elaboration through sports is grounded in reconciling disparate inequalities (class and gender). The experience of a migrant professional cricket coach is quite distinct from that of a migrant female domestic worker. The migrant female domestic workers integrated within low-wage care work are subordinated within patriarchal cultures, including the state. Meanwhile, the professional cricket coach from Australia is paid a premium attached to male wages by the national sports governing institution. The dominance of the cricket culture also reflects the uneven development of other popular sports, particularly football.

6.4.3 Football Markets and Oligarchies

Despite its popularity, football remains poorly resourced and at a lower standard. In 2016, nearly 560 schools participated in the Samaposha Under-15 Inter-School Football Championship, which was launched in 2008. The tournament was organised by the Sri Lanka Schools Football Association in collaboration with the Sri Lanka Football Federation. The main sponsor was Ceylon Biscuits Ltd., a company with local roots. Although this was less than 10% of eligible schools, there were nearly 400 boys’ teams and over 100 girls’ teams. The girls’ event was won by Tellippalai Mahajana College, from Jaffna, and the boys’ event was won by Zahira College, Colombo (Premalal 2016). The Jaffna school is a Tamil school and the Colombo school is a Muslim school. This ethnic dynamic in school sports is significant for concrete efforts towards reconciliation and engaging communities and households. In particular, with regard to the girls’ school in Jaffna, encouraging the sports participation for girls is crucial for transforming patriarchal cultures and “sportive nationalism” grounded in Sinhala Buddhist ethnonationalist politics. At a community level, the spread of markets has meant increasing dis- parity between a few well-funded clubs, who can afford to contract a few international players (mostly from Africa) and most clubs struggling to survive. In terms of international ranking, the national team’s highest ranking was 126th in 1993 and in 1996, since then they declined in ranking to reach 189th out of 209 nations in 2016. In 2013, there were Development and Sports in Sri Lanka 193 twenty teams in the top professional football “premier” league, with four teams from the military and police (Army, Navy, Air Force and Police). More than half of the teams were from suburbs within or adjacent to the main city of Colombo. In 2012, Ratnam SC (Colombo 10) claimed its fifth championship title since 1998, with a win over SL Air Force. Meanwhile, the 12-time champion Saunders (Colombo 12) was eliminated in the penultimate round. Holcim, a subsidiary of a cement TNC based in Switzerland, sponsored the league competition prizes. The winners received the Holcim FA Cup and a cash prize of Rs 700,000 (US$6300) while the runner-up received Rs 500,000 ($5000). The chairperson of Holcim in Sri Lanka was also an executive committee member of the football association. The football governance body is dominated by a male oligarchy reflecting the interests of local mercantilist classes. The relationship between the Sports Ministry and Football Federation illustrates a mutual nurturing of male oligarchies with overlapping interests in maintaining positions of power for personal and clan gains. This authoritarian culture within football is reflective of class dynamics within sports. Whereas cricket is coupled with the urban elite and the middle-classes, the sport of football is mostly an urban working-class sport. The marginalisation of women’s football is illustrative of patriarchal cultures of local as well as global football governing institutions. The national women’s team mostly consists of sports labour enlisted in the military. The 20-player national team in 2016 consisted of eight players from the navy, and four each from the army and the air force. With their standard compatible with regional national teams, the women’s national team has reached the semi-finals at SAFF (South Asian Football Federation) Women’s Championships, which consists of teams from India, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Maldives, and Nepal. Aside from the three military teams and the police team, there are around eight women’s clubs, often linked with dominant male football clubs. From 1976 to 2005, the head of the Football Federation was Vernon Manilal Fernando, the son of a prominent lawyer from Kalutara, about 40 km south of Colombo. After finishing his law degree, he became the president of the district football association. Climbing the bureaucratic ladder, as the president of the national football association, he integrated 194 S. J. Biyanwila with the official networks of FIFA as well as the Asian Football Confederation (AFC). In the 1990s, he shifted from the legal field into the realm of business, and in 1996 was appointed the chairperson of Holcim Lanka (cement company). Since then, he has expanded into a range of companies, as the CEO as well as on boards of directors. In 2011, Fernando was elected onto the AFC (Asian Football Confederation) executive committee and was a close associate of Mohamed bin Hammam, from Qatar, the former President of the AFC (2002–11). In 2012, Fernando, along with Mohamed, was banned for life, after a FIFA bribery scandal. Both Fernando and Mohamed, seen as rivals of Blatter, went on to unsuccessfully appeal the decision through the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS). In March 2013, the Sports Minister disbanded the Football Federation of Sri Lanka (FFSL) management committee, following allegations that the head of the association, Vernon Manilal Fernando, had misused funds totalling $7 million (£5 million) in direct FIFA grants and $3.5 million (£2.3 million) in tsunami relief given to the country. Across the South Asian sub-continent as well as Africa, the FIFA official networks have maintained bureaucratic oligarchies entrenched in commercial and self-serving interests (Darby 2002). Despite Fernando’s ouster from the FIFA, he remains well networked with the state, powerful corporations, media as well as sports officials. Unlike football, the expanding cricket markets, driven by the Colombo mercantilist elite, are combined more with urbanisation processes.

6.5 Urbanisation and Consumer Sports Markets

Despite the protracted ethnic conflict for over 30 years (1978–2009), Sri Lanka is considered a “lower middle-income country” with a per capita income of US$3,912 in 2015, an increase from US$981 in 2003 (World Bank 2016). However, most of the nation’s productive economic activities are concentrated in the Western Province, in the City of Colombo, with a population of around 2.4 million in 2015. The development of the Development and Sports in Sri Lanka 195

Colombo urban areas along with the concentration of industries continue to exacerbate housing concerns, real estate prices, water and sanitation issues, traffic, and environmental pollution. Although urban areas in Sri Lanka have expanded, nearly 80% of the population lives in rural areas, mostly engaged in subsistence agriculture. However, the change in the official definition of “urban” often hides the urban sprawl with enclaves of poverty and dispossession. In 1987, the redefinition of town councils as rural areas (pradeshiya sabha) reduced the urban population from 21.5% in the 1981 to 14.6% in 2001 (World Bank 2015). While the urban population in Sri Lanka has expanded less rapidly than the rest of South Asia, mainly due to state social provisioning (1956–75) in rural areas, the agrarian crisis and climate change illustrate new challenges (SLME 2016). For Sri Lanka, enduring ecological risks include increases in the frequency and intensity of disasters such as droughts, floods and landslides; variability and unpredictability of rain- fall patterns; increase in temperature; and rise in sea level. These risks directly influence food security, urban development, human settlement and energy, particularly in terms of dependence on hydroelectric power, which accounts for 40% all electricity generation (SLME 2016). A range of communities and eco-activist groups contest the loss of biodiversity due to forest clearing, ground water pollution, destruction of mangroves and agricultural monocrops. The sports-media-tourism complex shaping the sports consumer culture is mainly located in Colombo, and the Western Province. The sports facilities located in and around Colombo include track and field stadiums, football grounds, cricket grounds, swimming pools and indoor sports venues. The main multi-event sports stadium is the Sugathadasa Stadium located in the industrial and slum areas of Colombo. Sugathadasa was the first sports minister, and the mayor of Colombo (1956–57, 1963–65). He was a member of the UNP, which has dominated the Colombo Municipal Council (CMC), the largest local authority in Sri Lanka. Emerging within the mercantilist classes, he was instrumental in creating consent among the urban working classes by the provisioning of housing and basic services, including spaces for communal leisure and recreation. While accommodating the demands of the working classes, 196 S. J. Biyanwila his interventions also limited the influence of working class parties (CP and the LSSP) among the urban workers. The Sugathadasa Stadium or the Sugathadasa National Sports Complex, was renovated under the Premadasa regime (1988–93) in order to host international sports events. The first sports mega-event was the South Asian Games (SAF) in 1991. The inaugural South Asian Games were held in Kathmandu, Nepal in 1984, and is held bi-annually. The next SAF Games held in Colombo were in 2006, with nearly 2500 participants from eight South Asian nations: Bangladesh, India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Maldives, Sri Lanka, and the new member, Afghanistan. The Sugathadasa Stadium, with a capacity of nearly 35,000 spectators, is used mainly for athletics and football. The indoor stadium, used for a range of sports as well as public gatherings, is also next to the only international standard swimming pool in Sri Lanka. This is also the only diving pool in Sri Lanka with an international standard 10-metre diving board, which not too many divers are capable of using. Most urban areas in Sri Lanka are densely populated with increasing demand for land, housing, water, sanitation and energy. The escalation in land prices and the urban sprawl coincides with dramatic changes the urban ecologies. In 2017, the collapse of the solid waste dump in Colombo on surrounding communities killed 32 people and destroyed multiple homes. Despite the new Right to Information laws, which require state authorities to release information, multiple interconnected state agencies were non-compliant (Wickrematunge 2017). The expansion of the Colombo metropolitan area, in particular, is based on encroachment into wetlands and agricultural land and excessive dependence on fossil fuels. The emphasis on the road infrastructure at the expense of railways has meant overcrowded buses and trains as well as congested bus terminals and train stations. Meanwhile, the construction of highways—mostly funded by Japanese, Chinese and Asian Development Bank (ADB) loans—in the post-2009 period has focused on the airport and ports, significant for international trade including tourism, even the promotion of ecotourism. Along with the displacement of communities, the removal of green areas to make way for roads, particularly highways, have depleted canopy cover, which adversely influences air quality, shade and water runoffs. Development and Sports in Sri Lanka 197

Incidents of urban floods have also increased due to the loss of flood retention areas because of the filling of wetlands for urban “development”. Following heavy rains in May 2017, floods and landslides in Sri Lanka’s southern and western region killed over 122 people, destroyed more than 1700 homes and displaced around 400,000 people. The outbreak of dengue fever following the rains further exacerbated the impact of this climate event. Particularly for the urban poor, the stresses on water, drainage and sewer systems linked with inadequate solid waste disposal, generate a range of public health issues. The rise in incidences of dengue fever in Colombo and other urban areas is a recurrent significant public health concern, which adds to the crisis of social reproduction. The shift towards market-driven politics since 1977, has promoted Colombo as a global city, in competition with other regional cities. Making the city safe for markets to operate and to attract international investors, particularly during the war, has meant a militarised city with checkpoints at strategic locations and increased policing. While the checkpoints dissolved with the cessation of war in 2009, the policing (surveillance) of urban settings endures, mainly linked with the gentrification of the city or “urban development”. In 2012, the World Bank loaned US$213 million for the Metro Colombo Urban Development Project (MCUDP) in order to develop an “environmentally sustainable, modern capital of a middle-income country” and to “position the city as a competitive hub by 2016.” (World Bank 2016). The gentrification of the city also relates to specific strategies of urban planning that emerged since the early 1980s, which mostly related to securing urban land markets through expanding boundaries of the city. State-led policies of “social cleansing” (or urban beautification, regeneration, redevelopment and segregation) in Colombo have increasingly demolished shanty settlements, which were often multiethnic in character and engaged in providing a range of services (as domestic workers, small traders, trishaw taxi transport, food vendors) to the urban middle- class economy (CPA 2014). A significant feature of this urban redevelopment is its integration with the military. In the post-conflict setting, the state was reconfigured with the Defence Department taking over the tasks of urban development. The Urban Regeneration Project launched by the Defence Department 198 S. J. Biyanwila

(2012) directly related to the sports consumer culture, overlapping tourism, recreation and leisure. The then Secretary to the Ministry of Defence and Urban Development, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, was also the brother of President Mahinda Rajapaksa (2005–15). With the integration of the military with urban development in 2011, the Ministry of Sports outsourced three international cricket stadiums, mainly in the rural areas, to the Sri Lankan Armed Forces for maintenance. However, the military also contracts out development projects to a range of private firms, creating rent-seeking opportunities (commissions) for specific actors while undermining the building of internal resources and capacities. The re- skilling of former combat soldiers with a range of construction, transport and manufacturing work is often overlooked in order to build business networks, political alliances and short-term profits.

6.5.1 Cricket Venues in the Slums and Paddy Fields

The development of cricket venues begins in the post-1977 period influenced by internal and external factors. The repositioning of sports within an expanding sports consumer culture (sport-media-tourism complex) concentrated on cricket at the expense of a diversity of other popular sports. This also coincides with the introduction of a new cricket format in 1977, the one-day game (One Day International—ODI) promoted by the Australian cricket market. The new cricket market was branded as the World Series Cricket, with players from a handful of cricket-playing nations. The cricket stadiums that were mostly catering to smaller, more intimate crowds were expanded with complementary infrastructure, including floodlights for night games. Most international standard cricket stadiums, at the time, were located in Colombo and the only rural ones in Kandy and Galle. The main venues for the international ODI matches in the 1970s and 1980s were the SSC (Sinhalese Sports Club) or CCC (Colombo Cricket Club) grounds located in the elite urban neighbourhood of Cinnamon Gardens in Colombo. The Sinhalese Sports Club Ground, with a capacity of around 10,000 is one of the oldest. The grounds were accessed by elite schools as well as clubs, and were upgraded to host international Development and Sports in Sri Lanka 199 competitions in the 1980s, with the first ODI (Sri Lanka versus England) in 1982 and the first longer traditional version of cricket “test match” (Sri Lanka versus New Zealand) in 1984. The centrality of the SSC for major cricket competition changed in the 1990s with the renovation of other stadiums, with larger seating capacities, in the periphery of Colombo. The two main stadiums in Colombo renovated up to international standards include the Khettarama Stadium and the Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu (P Sara) Stadium. The Khettarama Stadium, opened in 1986, is located in the low-income (mostly slum) communities of Colombo (Maligawatta). The stadium was re-named as the R. Premadasa Stadium, following the assassination of president Premadasa by a suicide bomber in 1993. It is the largest stadium in Sri Lanka with a capacity of 35,000. A new training centre, the Sony Max Cricket Academy, was developed behind the stadium in 2003, with 16 practice pitches and dor- mitories. The other main cricket venue in Colombo, the P Sara Stadium, with a capacity of 15,000, is the home for the Tamil Union Cricket and Athletic club. The P. Sara Stadium was built on a reclaimed wetland, and is also located in the low-income housing areas of Colombo. The development of cricket stadiums in rural areas began in early 2000s, with the construction of the Rangiri Dambulla International Stadium in Dambulla, in 2001. The stadium, with a capacity of 30,000, was the first purpose-built international cricket stadium and floodlights were installed in 2003 (De Silva 2001). This is a dry zone area, in Central Province, mostly consisting of irrigated rice fields, and includes four UNESCO World Heritage sites. However, the stadium was abandoned from 2010–13 unable to maintain the lighting system. The next two cricket stadiums to be built in rural areas were the Pallekele Stadium near Kandy in 2009 and the Sooriyawewa Stadium in Hambantota in 2011. The Sooriyawewa Stadium built in 2011, was renamed Mahinda Rajapaksa International Stadium, since this was the home province of the president at the time. Both stadiums were built to host the 2011 Cricket World Cup and both are in rural agrarian village economies, mostly engaged in rice cultivation and entrenched in poverty. The cricket stadiums are enclaves without many links with the local economy. During the 2011 World Cup matches held at these stadiums, the cricketers were flown to the venues by the air force, for security reasons as well as the 200 S. J. Biyanwila challenging traffic conditions on the roads to these stadiums. In terms of security, more than 3000 police officers were deployed in each venue for security purposes (Wickremasekara 2011). The Galle International Stadium in the south of Sri Lanka is adjacent to a Dutch-built fort, which is a UNESCO world heritage site. This pic- turesque stadium, bordered by the sea on either side, reopened in 2007 following its destruction by the 2004 tsunami. Immediately following the 2004 tsunami, the stadium became a temporary shelter for hundreds of displaced people with a helipad constructed on the grounds in order to assist the survivors. The main cricket stadiums, particularly in rural hinterlands, remain mostly underutilised. Meanwhile, cricket playing mostly takes place in urban public school grounds or local municipal run grounds, which are more accessible for the local community, players and audiences. There is also street cricket in multiple urban neighbourhoods, increasingly curtailed by the car culture. The emphasis of mega-events, which allocates scarce public resources for cricket stadiums, illustrates how the dominant “sports and development” discourse reappropriates popular community and school sports.

6.6 The National Sports Festival and Youth Games

The National Sports Festival and the National Youth Festival are two popular events that are integrated with local community-level sports. The National Sports Festival, launched in 1974, is the main sports event organised by the Sports Development Department under the Sports Ministry. The three-day event is generally held in regional sports stadiums, encouraging local participation. In 2013, the 39th National Sports festival was held at the Jayatilleke Stadium, Nawalapitiya, with the participation of 776 athletes (Jayasuriya 2013). In 2016, the festival shifted to Jaffna, for the first time, also as an act of reconciliation. However, only 10 out of the 33 sports were staged in Jaffna due to the lack of appropriate sports venues and accommodation. With around 1700 athletes and Development and Sports in Sri Lanka 201

800 officials participating, local businesses as well as international sports goods manufacturers such as Adidas sponsored the event. The National Youth Sports Festival, launched in 1990, is the second main national sports event, which is jointly organised by the National Youth Services Council (NYSC) and the Sri Lanka Federation of Youth Clubs (SLFYC). Athletes participate in two categories of under-20 and over-20 age category (up to 29 years of age). The three-day final event is often held at a regional sports stadium. In 2013, the National Youth Sports Festival was held in Polonnaruwa in the North Central Province, and the 2016 event was held in Badulla, in the Uva province (central east region). Both are primarily agricultural areas encompassing rural poverty. There were nearly 3000 competitors at each event. The two most “out- standing sports stars” (The Best Sportsman and the Best Sportswoman) were presented with motorcycles sponsored by Stafford Motors (Pvt) Ltd., which is the main distributor for Honda Motor Co. Ltd. Meanwhile, the best 38 athletes were rewarded a cash voucher each worth Rs. 10,000 (US$80) by Adidas (Jayasuriya 2013). These cash rewards often mask the dismal conditions most athletes endure in developing their sporting skills and their dependence on the care labour of families and communities. The expansion of sports markets in Sri Lanka, particularly in the 1990s, relates to the introduction of new international sports mega- events, focused on regions such as South Asia and the Asia Pacific. The inaugural Asian Youth Games, coordinated by the Olympic Council of Asia (OCA), was held in Singapore in 2009 with 118 events in 16 sports. At the 2013 Games held in Nanjing, Sri Lanka was represented by 37 athletes in eight sports—athletics, rugby sevens, shooting, squash, swimming, table tennis, tennis and weightlifting. The Sri Lankan team managed to win one silver medal (boys 110 m hurdles) and five bronzes (squash, swimming and athletics), while placing 21st out of the 44 participating countries. China won the overall medal count, followed by South Korea, Japan, Thailand, and Chinese-Taipei, with India ending 10th. In 2014, Sri Lanka won the bid for hosting the 2017 Asian Youth Games in Hambantota, amongst other bids from Indonesia, Qatar, Thailand, the United Arab Emirates and Uzbekistan (Naushad2014 ). However, the Olympic Council of Asia in 2015 decided against Sri Lanka, given the lack of progress with the required infrastructure. The 202 S. J. Biyanwila event was postponed until 2021, after Indonesia also declined to host it. While a range of actors within the sports-media-tourism complex promotes sports mega-events, there are also counter-tendencies, where actors realise the risks and the negative impact on local community sports as well as school sports.

6.6.1 Athletics and the Public Schools

Most organised sport activity in Sri Lanka takes place through the public school system. The popular mass participation sport activities are mainly athletics, football, volleyball, netball and cricket. The multi-event aspect of athletics enables more participation while developing physical skills useful for most other sports. The expanding regional and international sports events also influence the national competition calendar. Within the nation, there are road races, cross country championships, school sports, army events, and national championships. Internationally, there are numerous events in the Asian region, in India, China, Thailand, and Taiwan as well as Europe, in which Sri Lankan athletes participate. Within the school system, the junior and senior athletic championships are the two main national athletics events. In 2013, around 5200 schoolchildren under 15 years of age participated in the John Tarbet Junior Athletic Championships. The two-day event was held at the Mahinda Rajapaksa stadium, in Diyagama, an outer suburb of Colombo. In 2016, it was held at the Embilipitya stadium in the South, with around 5500 student athletes. The 2013 senior championship, for those between 15 and 20 years of age, was held at the Sugathadasa Stadium in Colombo, over a period of four days, with the participation of around 4000 athletes. The 2016 championship was staged at the stadium in Diyagama (about 25 km south of Colombo), with around 3200 athletes from 350 schools. The events were organised by the Sri Lanka Schools Athletic Association (SLSAA) together with the Ministry of Education. The main sponsor for the senior and junior championships, since 2012, was Ritzbery chocolate, a branch of Ceylon Biscuits Ltd. This local family-owned food company with around 5000 employees emerged under the “mixed economy” project. The company was contracted in the Development and Sports in Sri Lanka 203

1960s by the Ministry of Education along with the US non-governmental organisation, CARE, to provide high-protein biscuits as a part of the schools midday meals program. While the company has expanded into export markets, it is locally embedded in food manufacturing as well as the agricultural sector. The school midday meal programme was launched following independence in order to remedy child malnutrition and rural poverty. The programme terminated in 1986, and was restarted in 1989 as a cash transfer (Lakshman and Tisdell 2000). The sponsorship by Ritzbery highlights the stratification of sports markets within school sports, mostly involving children from working-class families, which attract specific local sponsors. The National Athletic Championships is the main event for track and field athletes. In 2013, the competition was held at the Sugathadasa Stadium in Colombo, over three days. Around 1200 athletes participated, along with four Maldivians and six Nigerians. The main sponsor of the event was the state bank, Bank of Ceylon. The 2016 championships held at the Diyagama Stadium, included around 600 men and 200 women. From this event, around 80–100 athletes selected into the national training pool receive a nominal monthly allowance. The failure of the electronic timing system at the 2016 championships was distress- ing, particularly for those able to qualify for the Rio Olympics. Similar mishaps highlight enduring bureaucratic problems within the Sports Ministry and the Athletics Association. All major athletics events have introduced drug testing, despite ambiguities with the process, access to information and athletes’ rights.

6.6.2 Public Education System and Sport

The public education system in Sri Lanka is central to the sports cultures in Sri Lanka. The education system emerges under the British colonial government, which sought to foster a local elite allied with the Empire. However, by the mid-1800s, reformist local elites organised cultural renewal movements, emphasising religious freedom, which overlapped with demands for education as well as social welfare programmes (Jayawardena 1972). In turn, vernacular and religious schools, Sinhala, 204 S. J. Biyanwila

Hindu and Muslim schools expanded enabling cultural elaboration. The main development of public schools takes place following the 1956 “national economy” project, which coupled with assertions of Sinhala Buddhist nationalism (Little 1999). In the post-1977 period, the deregulation of education led to the expansion of private “international” schools as well as after-school private tuition businesses. The first effort to gain national autonomy for higher education began in 1967, with the establishment of a separate University of Colombo. It was only after 1972 that four independent autonomous universities were launched, including two Buddhist universities. The deregulation of higher education since the 1977 saw the emergence of fee-paying public universities. The establishment of regional universities beginning in the 1980s added six new provincial universities, with limited facilities and resources. The university sports culture remains marginalised and narrowed to small inter and intra university competitions. Given the low resources allocated to universities, only a minority of students access universities, despite achieving qualifying standards. In 2014, there were 14 universities in Sri Lanka. However, only around 16% (around 23,000 students) of those qualified access the universities (UNDP2012 ). The limitations of public provisioning of the higher education system, also relates to expanding global markets in education, with universities in the Global North catering to affluent students (consumers) in the Global South. The public school system illustrates the uneven distribution of resources, with most resources concentrated in the western, southern and central provinces. Meanwhile, Tamil and Muslim communities in the northern and eastern provinces, which were former conflict areas, along with the plantation Tamil communities, in the central province face multiple resource constraints (Little 1999). Only around 8% of the schools (753 out of 9905) offered Grades 12–13 with science stream in 2012. Girl students were around half of the total student population of 4 million students. In terms of teachers, nearly 40% (93,706) had a bachelor’s degree and 72% were women. Physical education teachers are often faced with lack resources, including playgrounds, in most schools. The schools in the plantation sector (around 826 in 2012), are some of the most marginalised with only 58% completing primary Development and Sports in Sri Lanka 205 school, and only 7% finishing year 10 (Little1999 ; CPA 2009). The mechanistic school learning environments are driven by high stakes exams, while the school curriculum is also influenced by patriarchal Sinhala-Buddhist tendencies. The inadequate public spending on education influences multiple layers and activities of the education system, including access to sports and recreation activities. There are ongoing struggles by public sector teachers’ unions demanding better working conditions as well as wages. During the 2011–12 period the university lectures launched a broad-based community campaign, which linked their collective bargaining with demands for increased funding for the education sector as a whole. The students also joined the protest, despite their different political orientation. Meanwhile, the state mobilised a range of tactics, including death threats against the lecturers’ union leader, to dismiss the protestors and to undermine the progressive union alliances. The marketisation and privatisation of education remains an enduring state strategy supported by the World Bank and the IMF. Promoted as interventions to “enhance access to, and quality of, primary and secondary education”, the main strategy is to retract state funding while requiring schools to compete and engage the “community” for school funding.

The schools will be able to raise resources from their stakeholder communities, such as parents, past pupils associations, and local philanthropists, to supplement the funds received from the government to develop the schools, particularly to improve student learning and for initiatives to strengthen the “soft skills” of students, such as team work, an industrious and disciplined work ethic, good communication skills, leadership and enterprise, that are in demand by employers. (World Bank 2012: 7)

Engaging the “community” for funding schools takes place in a context where most households are struggling to make living. The marketisation of education exacerbates the inequality within the school system, where schools in wealthy neighbourhoods benefit from the deprivation in peripheral schools in low-income areas. Despite complaints by parents, teachers and teachers’ unions, the merging of commercial practices with the delivery of public education fosters corrupt principles often networked with powerful politicians. In 2016, the principle at the “prestigious” Royal 206 S. J. Biyanwila

College in Colombo was found guilty of corrupt practices but avoided any serious disciplinary action illustrating a culture of impunity. The marketisation of education along with school sports, emphasising commercial values over social provisioning values illustrates the reproduction of authoritarian able-bodied masculine sports cultures.

6.7 Disability and Sports

Sports for people with disabilities mostly emerged in the early-1980s in Sri Lanka. For the 1996 Atlanta Paralympics, Sri Lanka sent one athlete with a disability. By 2000, nearly 10 athletes were within the international competitive standard. This expanding pool of athletes went on to win a bronze in the 400 m at the 2012 Paralympics, and a bronze in javelin throw at the 2016 Paralympics. Both medal winners were disabled soldiers from the army. The valorisation of male disabled soldiers simultaneously masks the contradictions and the destructiveness of the hypermasculine sports culture as well as the military culture. The Sri Lankan state implemented a legal framework to advance disability rights and inclusion in 1996, establishing the National Council for Persons with Disabilities with a mandate to promote and protect the rights of people with disabilities. However, people with disabilities remain marginalised within the “sport and development” agenda as well as “sportive nationalism”. The Sports Ministry’s 2011 National Sports Policy illustrate the how people with disabilities are framed.

Encouraging persons with special needs to take part in sports for the development of their mental and physical health, recreation and personality development…. Persons needing special attention due to natural causes or social calamities should be treated as an important section of the society and hence it is necessary to encourage them and provide facilities for them to engage in sports as a means of enjoyment, recreation, personality development and excellence at sporting competitions. Thus, they will form an integral part of the community. Sports bodies must establish mechanisms to integrate disabled persons in their mainstream activities. (SLMoS 2012; Indrajith 2012) Development and Sports in Sri Lanka 207

Meanwhile, the majority of people with disabilities living in poverty are excluded from state social provisioning and their social rights. The state (including the sports ministry) narrative on disability weaves notions of individualism and self-improvement, with that of charity. The practices of charity linked with religious sentiments, such as almsgiving in Buddhism, also combine with notions of karma (the presence of the past), suffering and kindness. The use of soldiers with disabilities for public relations campaigns is a key feature in the post-conflict state formation. These soldiers represented as “war heroes” are positioned as those “deserving” state largesse as well as charitable contributions by the corporate sector and civil society. The military has maintained an enduring relationship with the elite and middle-class women’s organisation (Seva Vanitha), which engages in charitable events with disabled war veterans. However, these symbolic acts of patriotism, grounded in sentimentality, reinforce the neglect of women and ethnic minorities with disabilities, particularly among the Tamil communities in the North and East. While a few disabled veterans are provided access to sports, most are surviving on a meagre pension, with minimum access to employment, training or a sustainable livelihood. Some disabled veterans have also organised protests demanding the delivery of promised state social provisioning, particularly an adequate living allowance. The “sports and development” agenda promoting sports markets reinforce able-bodied masculine sports cultures as well as ethnonationalist Sinhala Buddhist tendencies, which emphasise charity rather than rights as citizens. The expansion of sports markets, mainly in the city of Colombo remains separate from the manufacturing workers producing sports goods in factories adjacent to Colombo. Amidst the underutilised cricket venues built for sports mega-events, the mass participation sports festivals and public (or state run) school sports continue to flourish, although with dismal public social provisioning and media attention.

6.8 Media-Sport in Sri Lanka

The deregulation of telecommunication and media sectors in the post- 1977 period, expanding entertainment and the consumer culture, was integral to an emerging sports consumer culture. Media, driven by interests 208 S. J. Biyanwila of advertising, and sports cultures, including sports journalism, shifted into sports entertainment and the production of sports celebrities. The introduction of the television in 1979 was instrumental to the emerging sports- media-tourism complex and the consumer culture in general. The early shopping malls and supermarkets in the mid-1980s replaced the enduring colonial “department store”, expanding into growing towns outside of Colombo in the late 1990s. The emergence of an urban sports consumer culture integrated with the rise of cricket markets in the Global North (UK and Australia) in the 1980s coincides with the deregulation of media and telecommunications. The deregulation and privatisation of media began in 1977, with the restructuring of the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation (SLBC). The SLBC emerged with the launch of the public provisioning of news and media in 1966, integral to the “national economy” project. Under British colonialism, small private companies dominated the publication of newspapers. The newspapers emerging in the early 1900s expanded with the introduction of radio in the mid-1920s. Following independence in 1948, the British-run radio station was renamed as Radio Ceylon, in order to promote socio-economic development as well as entertainment as a public service. This station was popular across the country as well as the South Asian region, mainly because of the Hindi programmes playing Hindi film music. In 1972, the public corporation (Ceylon Broadcasting Corporation) was renamed as the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation, and was influential in shaping the media cultural landscape. The deregulation of media in Sri Lanka coincided with the introduction of colour television in 1979. A new station was launched by two businesses, related to the then president, but was soon nationalised and relaunched as a public corporation, Rupavahini, in 1982. With those who can afford a television restricted, the radio remained important for the consumer culture. The introduction of FM stereo broadcasting and private FM stations in 1993 was significant in changing the media culture. The diversity of channels and programmes expanded the radio audiences. Meanwhile, the deregulation of TV broadcasts in 1993 led to the launch of the first private TV station by a key family-owned business conglomerate, the Maharaja Organisation (MBC). The MBC network Development and Sports in Sri Lanka 209 includes four national radio stations (in English, Sinhala and Tamil) and the MTV Channel, a popular TV network, which also broadcasts sports, mainly cricket. The expanding advertising industry plays a central role in the localisa- tion of the global consumer culture, producing new forms of “Sri Lankan” culture (Kemper 2001). The integration of the local consumer culture with the Indian film and celebrity cultures, expanded particularly in the 1990s, foregrounding the middle-class muscular male body culture coupled with the feminine “beauty queen” culture (Ciecko 2001). The techno-fitness culture, with a whole range of sports nutrition products also expanded, catering to middle-class male consumers, including sports labour. The changes in sport media relate to the deregulation of the telecommunication sector, along with the introduction of the Internet in the early 2000s. The number of mobile phone subscribers increased from around 2600 in 1992 to 24 million in 2015 (CBSL 2016). Internet subscribers increased from around 1% of the population in 2007 to around 20% of the population in 2015 (CBSL 2016). The national telecommunications provider Sri Lanka Telecom also launched an IPTV (Internet Protocol television) service in 2008, enabling higher quality pictures and sounds, video on demand and interactive services (messaging). The telecom market is dominated by a range of regional telecom companies, such as Dialog (Axiata), Mobitel (Sri Lanka state-owned), Etisalat (Abu Dhabi, state-owned), Airtel Bharti (India), and Hutch (Hutchison Whampoa, Hong Kong). Dialog, a key sponsor of the Sri Lankan cricket team, is a subsidiary of Axiata, which is one of the largest telecommunication companies in Asia, mostly owned by the government of Malaysia. With over 215 million mobile customers, Axiata has controlling interests in mobile operators in Malaysia, Indonesia, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Cambodia, with significant strategic stakes in India, Singapore and Iran. With a target audience of 18–45 year olds, Dialog criteria for sponsoring sports events include sole telecom company sponsoring the event, pure branding, domestic and not a one-off event. In 2013, Dialog won a three- year contract as the main sponsor of the Sri Lankan cricket team, replacing the state owned Mobitel, established in 1993. 210 S. J. Biyanwila

In Sri Lanka, Dialog claims a customer base of 7.5 million, while Mobitel accounted for 5 million in 2016. The Dialog revenue streams include mobile, international, digital pay television, tele-infrastructure and fixed line businesses. In 2012, Dialog Television had over 300,000 subscribers. Dialog continues to sponsor school cricket, rugby, volleyball, football and rowing and national contingents to international events including the Olympics, Paralympics, Commonwealth Games, Asian Games, Asian Athletic Championships and SAF Games (Dialogue 2013). Dialogue owns six sports channels and sponsors a weekly sports programme on the National channel, Rupavahini with over 1.5 million viewers. With the deregulation of the state monopoly on TV broadcasting of cricket in 2011, the newly formed Carlton Sports Network (CSN) won the broadcasting rights to the Australian tour of Sri Lanka, while the public broadcaster Rupavahini, abstained from bidding. The then President Rajapaksa’s sons Yoshitha and Namal Rajapaksa, along with the SLC (cricket association) secretary owned the CSN. CSN expanded rapidly accumulating media rights to domestic and international cricket events. In May 2012, CSN was awarded the broadcasting rights for cricket for three years (2012–15) for Rs. 125 million ($1 million), when the actual market value was estimated around Rs. 3 billion. The relationship between the state, cricket association and the media reflect overlapping interests of expanding profits, intertwined with kinship and masculine friendship networks. The SLC secretary Nishantha Ranatunga, the brother of cricket celebrity captain of the 1996 team, Arjuna Ranathunga, is also the CEO of CSN. Arjuna is also a politician with a major political party (SLFP). While these relationships reflect dubious corporate governance strategies, they highlight the tangled web of relations depicting oligopolies or cartels, which extract monopoly rents from sports markets. MTV Sports, which dominated the sports media, threatened legal action alleging a number of irregularities and a conflict of interest with the SLC secretary who is also the CEO of the CSN. Nevertheless, after the defeat of the Rajapakse regime in January 2015, the CSN executives, including the media secretary to the former president, was arrested on charges of corruption and money laundering (Ramakrishnan 2016). Development and Sports in Sri Lanka 211

Soon after, they were released on bail. The corruption charges also overlap the sport of rugby, dominated by the Rajapakse sons from 2005–15, which also included the murder of former national captain Wasim Thajudeen, in May 2012. The expanding consumer culture driven by media and telecommunications markets coincides with attacks against unions and restriction on journalists and self-censorship. After the end of the military conflict, in 2009, new laws were introduced under the 1973 Press Council Act, pro- hibiting the disclosure of specific fiscal, defence, and security information. In January 2009, a prominent investigative journalist and editor of the Sunday Leader newspaper, Lasantha Wickramatunga, was murdered in broad daylight with the killers yet to be apprehended. In 2010, Pradeep Ekenaligoda, another journalist, investigating possible war crimes, went missing. He was abducted in August 2009 by a (paramilitary) group in a white van, but was released the following day. Particularly since 2006, two years after the Rajapakse regime came into power, the white vans were used in many abductions and enforced disappearances in Sri Lanka (Amnesty 2013). In August 2016, the government passed the Office of Missing Persons Bill to investigate into an estimated the 24,000 disappearances during the war years (Daily News 2016). The Official Secrets Act, the Press Council Act and even the Prevention of Terrorism Act enable the state to restrict constitutional rights such as freedom of speech and expression as well as access to information. The same laws allow for the operation of paramilitary groups, under the direction of powerful politicians. The lack of access to information, particularly about public institutions, the decision-making process and the flow of funds, illustrates a weakening of citizenship. This lack of information, which impedes making informed choices, directly influences the electoral process, saturated with disinformation and misinformation campaigns. The limits of sports media also relates to the lack of information regarding the flow of funds within the sports-media-tourism complex. In June 2016, after a long campaign by journalists and civil society organisations, the Right to Information (RTI) bill established the RTI Commission, enabling relative press freedom. Sports journalism has also changed since the mid-1990s with the pro- liferation of private sector media. Sports journalism, linked with the 212 S. J. Biyanwila colonial legacy, mainly focused on elite sports, results and winners. While this tendency endures, forms of investigative journalism have also emerged exposing official corruption and exploitation of athletes. Nevertheless, the reporting on local sports events such as the National Sports Festival and the National Youth Sports Festival remains limited to reporting sponsorships and final results. With sports journalism dependent on the “sales effort”, dissenting views are avoided under self- censorship. The main tendency is to depoliticise the realm of sports markets, focusing on piecemeal reforms and sports charity (donations of equipment and ad hoc fund raising events). In effect, the hegemonic sports media reproduces a monoculture of market-driven sports, focused on individual personalities (as entrepreneurial selves and celebrities), promotion of tourism (disneyfication) and “sportive nationalism” (Sinhala Buddhist ethnonationalism).

6.9 Conclusion

The spread of sports markets in Sri Lanka since 1977, takes place in a context of enduring colonial sports cultures, which were transformed under the post-independence national-economy project (1956–75). The reintegration of the local economy with global sports markets since 1977 mainly highlights cricket players in the services sector, while subordinating manufacturing workers in Free trade Zones (FTZ) producing sports goods and apparels, as well as international migrant workers building sports venues in the Middle East. The expanding sports consumer culture, asserting “sportive nationalism” as “sport and development” is based on allocating scarce public resources for sports mega-events at the expense of school and community sport. The articulation of “sportive nationalism” reproduces Sinhala Buddhist ethnonationalist tendencies which misrepresent and co-opt marginalised cultures and hybrid identities, while subordinating women. The incorporation of Buddhist rituals with sports events overlaps with “entrepreneurial monks”, as well as authoritarian (Sinhala chauvinist) militant monks depicting Muscular Buddhism. The glorification of male disabled athletes, particularly former soldiers, framed as “sportive Development and Sports in Sri Lanka 213 nationalism”, is grounded in able-bodied masculine sports cultures that subordinate women and people with disabilities, particularly among the marginalised communities. The spread of markets into sports in Sri Lanka combines with urban “development” projects in the city of Colombo, as well as building of cricket venues amidst urban and rural poverty. The public education system, which remains central for encouraging mass participation in sports, not only lacks resources, but also faces the marketisation of education, reinforcing inequalities and regional disparities. Meanwhile, popular mass participation sporting events, mostly sponsored by local businesses, are under-resourced with limited media coverage. The deregulation of media and telecommunication sectors coincide with the emergence of media-sport complex focused on entertainment and celebrity cultures. The expansion of media-sports takes place in a context of authoritarian “security” state strategies engaged in physical attacks against journalists as well as enforcing multiple forms of censorship. The next chapter will explore how this market-driven “sports and development” agenda is maintained by sports governance institutions reinforcing authoritarian sports cultures.

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Authoritarian Sports Cultures and Sports Workers

The market-driven “sports and development” strategies in Sri Lanka take place in the post-1977 period under an authoritarian militarised state promoting deregulation and privatisation. The two dominant sports governance institutions, the Sports Ministry and the National Olympic Committee, illustrate tensions as well as cooperation in extending sports markets. The expansion of an affluent urban sports consumer culture coincides with the integration of the military with sports institutions. Meanwhile, media-sport networks sustained by local business elites reproduce a flourishing cricket consumer market. The narratives of “evangelical sports” and “sportive nationalism” not only legitimise authoritarian masculine sports cultures but also hide multiple forms of violence as well as resistance within sports. This chapter focuses on how sports labour reproduces or transforms authoritarian sports cultures. The integration of the military with dominant sports institutions is a significant mechanism sustaining a monoculture of sports entrenched in authoritarian masculine cultures. While describing my own experience with the sports bureaucracy, this chapter also examines the life stories of two women and two men who were elite sports workers. Their life stories highlight the contradictions of the

“sportive nationalism” narrative by revealing how sports labour negotiates authoritarian sports cultures, maintaining hierarchies of class, gender, ethnicity and disability. Their stories overlap with the resistance and protests by athletes, coaches, officials, parents, local businesses and environmental activists, demanding a different, better, alternative sports culture.

7.1 Consumer Culture of Sports and the Authoritarian State

The promotion of market-driven development coincided with the 1978 constitution introducing a presidential system of government, which added a militarised dimension with the enactment of the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) in 1979. The presidential system of government enabled the president to centralise power by rewarding allies with positions of power. Cabinet members and key senior bureaucrats emerged as key actors (Stokke 1997). The appointment of business elites into ministries and public authorities overlaps with the “marketisation of the state” encouraging commercial values within the public sector through “public- private partnerships”. However, these “partnerships” overlap with systems of political patronage characteristic of ex-colonial state forms. The media as well as party politics play a significant role in shaping the realm of sports, in terms of access to resources, governance of multi-tiered sports institutions, and the selection for national sports teams. With the promotion of market-driven development, the consumer culture integrated with party politics, where film stars and even sports “celebrities” entered party politics reinforcing “personality cults”. The focus on personalities subordinated and reconfigured public deliberation over issues of redistribution, recognition and representation. Particularly since the mid-1990s, mostly cricketers and one female athlete (Susanthika) have entered into party politics. Along with inter-party competition and cooperation, systems of political patronage reinforcing kinship, ethnic and local networks, endure within representative party politics. Unlike the professional classes (mostly lawyers) in the pre-1977 era, the candi- dates of mainstream political parties are increasingly drawn from the Authoritarian Sports Cultures and Sports Workers 221 business classes, who elaborate authoritarian masculine political cultures strengthening the coercive state. The coercive apparatus of the state from policing to prisons coincided with kidnapping, extrajudicial killings and disappearances. The introduction of the PTA institutionalised torture and disappearances, while reinforcing a culture of secrecy in government, restricting rights to information and dissent (Spencer 2007; Amnesty 2013). The PTA launched new coercive forces, such as paramilitary forces (overlapping local criminal networks), unaccountable to the public. The PTA was used to suppress Tamil militancy (1983–2009) as well as Sinhala youth (Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) Peoples’ Liberation Front,) militancy (1988–90). The enduring enforcement of the PTA, despite the ending the war in 2009, highlights the dynamics of appropriation and violence in the Global South, particularly gendered violence (Miller and Carbone-Lopez 2013). While criminalising dissent, the culture of impunity nurtured by the state also influences the functioning of sports institutions (DeVotta2009 ).

7.1.1 The Military and Sports Consumer Culture

The military is integrated with the sports consumer culture in different spheres. These include employing some skilled sports labour; participating in sports governance institutions and leagues; staging sports events and sports ceremonies, and providing security for sports events. Since the early 1980s, the military recruited elite athletes from working-class backgrounds, mostly in track and field. The military sports teams form the core teams in popular sports leagues, such as volleyball, netball and football. Particularly during the period of civil war (1978–2009), the Ministry of Sports, appointed police and military officials into civilian sports federations. The expansion of military budgets in comparison with state social provisioning reveals the contradictions of market-driven development. Military spending in Sri Lanka, nearly 6% of GDP in 1995, decreased to around 3.6% GDP in 2009 at the end of the war, then declined to 2.2% of GDP in 2015 (World Bank 2016). Nevertheless, in terms of public spending, defence spending increased from Rs. 26 billion in 2002 to 222 S. J. Biyanwila

Rs. 125 billion (US$984m) in 2012. Meanwhile, public spending on health only increased from Rs. 69 billion in 2002 to Rs. 99 billion (US$780m) in 2012; and spending on education was around Rs. 136 billion (US$1.1 billion) in 2012 (CBSL 2016). In a context of limited resources, the Sports Ministry depends on the military for resources (funding and personnel), especially for hosting sports competitions. For example, the swimming federation, the “National Amateur Aquatic Sports Union of Sri Lanka” (NAASU) formed in March 1975, has had an enduring relationship with the police and the military. The appointment of high-ranking police or military officers as secretaries (leaders) of the association is strategic in order have access to “volunteers” recruited from the forces. However, the lack of continued training or occupational stability has meant high turnover of personnel and loss of institutional knowledge and competencies. While undermining community participation, this partnership with the military and the police restricted the development of sector knowledge, sustainable organisational skills and networks. The integration of the military with the consumer culture of sports reinforces a hypermasculine culture implicated in violence against women as well as other men (Hyndman and DeAlwis 2004). Young men have been the actual perpetrators as well as victims of the state war against Tamil separatism (1983–2009), as well as the Sinhala youth (JVP) insurrection (1989–91). Most young men in the military are from poverty- stricken rural communities, often educated to around the 10th grade, who are underemployed and unemployed. Once in the military or the police force, they also gain some minimal access to sports and recreation, as well as the opportunity to compete at elite levels. In a post-conflict context, the military increasingly integrated with commercial activities in the former conflict zones to create new tensions, while deserted soldiers, amounting to around 30,000 in 2014, are often pushed into criminal networks in the absence of psychosocial support for trauma as well as meaningful jobs (Colombage 2014). The integration of the military with the sports consumer culture illustrates an emergent authoritarian state that elaborates hypermasculine sports cultures as “sports and development” as well as “sportive nationalism”, distorting the public provisioning of sports. Authoritarian Sports Cultures and Sports Workers 223

7.2 Sports and the State

The public provisioning of sports emerges with the establishment of the Sports Ministry in 1966. This period also coincided with the establishment of the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation (SLBC), the Ministry of Tourism or the Ceylon Tourist Board and the Ceylon Hotels Corporation in 1966. All these institutions were part of the broad “national economy” project establishing the post-colonial state social provisioning system, including the welfare state. The new Sports Ministry launched sports programmes and institutions (clubs and leagues) in coordination with state enterprises under the Ministry of Nationalised Services. The working-class parties and the labour movement mobilised to encourage these state strategies, expanding public goods and services. This initial phase of the Sports Ministry takes place under an unstable coalition lead by the United National Party (UNP) (1965–70). State social provisioning, although significant for addressing issues of poverty and hunger, was uneven and limited in scope and scale. The deprivation of rural areas, fermenting unrest among the educated unemployed rural youth during this period, escalated into an insurrection by the JVP in 1971. Along with this domestic rebellion, the crisis in the global economy effecting agricultural exports limited state capacities for social provisioning and strengthened the voice of capitalist classes promoting markets. By the mid-1970s, with the working-class parties fragmented and weakened, the “national economy” project was terminated. The establishment of a central sports hub was also initiated in 1966 with the relocation of the new Sports Ministry from the commercial centre of Colombo, also known as the Fort, to the more affluent leafy suburb of Colombo Seven, amidst historic cricket clubs and grounds. Meanwhile, physical activity programmes in the school system were marginally expanded with sports equipment and infrastructure facilities. This programme also employed around 150 health education instructors, through the Department of Education and were attached to schools at regional levels. By the late 1970s, the Ministry, which was mostly an administrative building and a hostel, expanded by adding a gymnasium and an indoor badminton stadium. In January 2014, the ministry moved to a larger, 224 S. J. Biyanwila newer building in the same locale, a refurbished horseracing stadium. As an urban development project under the Ministry of Defence, the “race course”, a legacy of colonialism, was turned into a shopping complex as well as a track and field stadium. This new location of the Sports Ministry is also next to the Royal College, where I spent my first 10 years of school (1970–80). The establishment of a “Sports School” in 1979 was significant for extending formal state structures for sports instruction and training. Renamed in 1998 as the National Institute of Sports Science, the institute provides training to a diverse sports labour force, from athletes, coaches, educators and managers to officials. The institute is integrated with other state institutions such as the Ministry of Sports, Provincial Ministries of Sports, Ministry of Education, National Youth Services Council, Armed Forces and the Department of Police. The major academic activities of the institute include: Diploma in Sports Science (One Year), Advanced Diploma in Coaching for sports coaches (Six months), Certificate course in Sport Management, and short-term courses in sport coaching. In 2013, the Ministry of Sports partnered with the University of Kelaniya to launch a sport and recreation management programme. With the emergence of concerns about doping, the interest in sports medicine has also expanded. The Sports Act of 1973 remains the main legal framework for governing diverse sports institutions. The network of bureaucracies under the Ministry includes the Department of Sports Development, the National Sports Council, the National Institute of Sports Science, the Sugathadasa National Sports Complex Authority, the School of Sports, and the newly formed Sri Lanka Anti-doping Agency (2013). There were around 800 people employed in the Ministry and its agencies in 2017. The annual budget allocation for the Sports Ministry increased from around Rs. 500 million (US$4.5 million) in 2012 to nearly Rs. 1.3 billion (US$12 million) in 2017 (SLMF 2017). The Ministry of Sport also receives assistance from donor countries for specific competitions, such as the South Asian Federation Games and other international events conducted in Sri Lanka. This assistance often occurs in the form of materials and sporting goods (UN 2014). The Ministry of Sports reintegrated with tourism around 2004, focused on leisure and adventure sports in Sri Lanka. Authoritarian Sports Cultures and Sports Workers 225

The two other Ministries engaged in the social provision of sports include the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Youth Services. In governing sports, the Sports Ministry coordinates with national sports federations (around 54 in total) as well as the National Olympic Committee (NOC). However, broadening access to sports remains an ongoing challenge. As the ministry acknowledges in 2012:

Facilities for sportsmen and sportswomen are currently inadequate. International trainers, equipment, and high tech training methods are limited to urban areas. Existing sport facilities for the general populace, particularly in rural areas, are insufficient to achieve mass participation. (SLMoS 2012)

The Ministry of Sports is also dependent on the Ministry of Finance and Planning, which allocates financial resources. The Ministry of Finance Ten-Year Framework (2006–16) for development of sports included a range of interventions:

Improved infrastructure development activities (comprehensive sports grounds for each district, high-altitude training centres, and a Sports Academy); inclusion of meditation in sport education to improve physical and mental fitness; increased awareness of sports ethics, laws, and regulations; improved efficiency and effectiveness of sports administration; construction of facilities such as sports complexes, playgrounds, and training facilities, particularly in rural areas which are currently underserved; implementation of a physical education program for every child; payment of monthly allowances to support sportsmen and sportswomen; improved efficiency and effectiveness of coaches and trainers through capacity building; and promotion of sports tourism activities. (UN 2014: 147–50)

7.2.1 The Sports Ministry and the NOC

The relationship between the Sports Ministry and the National Olympic Committee (NOC) shifted in the mid-1990s, with the NOC gaining more influence within the sports-media-tourism complex. This related to the incorporation of the IOC with the UN sports and development policies. With the NOC only accountable to the IOC, the Sports Ministry 226 S. J. Biyanwila has remained marginal in terms of access to resources and markets. Along with the lack of transparency which reproduces an oligarchy of officials, the NOC remains ineffective in terms of sports and development goals of coordinating with local sports federations as well as the Sports Ministry. The tensions over the implementation of the IOC anti-doping laws illustrate the lack of coordination between the NOC, the sports federations as well as the Sports Ministry. Although the NOC in Sri Lanka was formed in 1937, it was only after independence that athletes were sent to participate. Since then, athletes from boxing, sailing, shooting, weightlifting, badminton, swimming and diving have participated. The sports associations in the post-independence period were small and mostly localised. The participation in the first Olympic Games in 1952 and 1956 consisted of boxers, one diver and one high jumper. With the introduction of the “Sinhala Only” language bill in 1956, a range of ethnic minorities (Eurasian and Tamil) particularly from middle-class professional backgrounds, which also included sports labour, migrated to the Global North. In terms of governance, the Ministry of Sports and local sports federations are integrated unevenly with global institutions. The 2013 sports laws strengthened the role of the Sports Ministry aimed at addressing “institutionalised politics” and issues of corruption in sports. The official goal was to strengthen territorial state laws, while adhering to laws of international sports governing institutions, mainly the IOC, ICC, FIFA and the IAAF. The two main areas of the 2013 National Sports Policy related to enforcing anti-doping laws and the governance of sports federations. In co-producing authoritarian modes of sports governance, the new laws criminalised the use of performance-enhancing drugs, with penalties of lifetime bans and imprisonment. Since the mid-1990s, local athletes in sports such as athletics, rugby, boxing, and weightlifting have been found guilty of doping and were suspended from the sport for limited periods. The anti-doping laws focused on individual athletes ignore the web of relations engaged in the realm of “sports nutrition” and sports medicine. In Sri Lanka, a wide range of herbal, hormonal and synthetic supplements have entered the sports nutrition market. In 2006, the athletes representing Sri Lanka at the South Asian Federation games were using an assortment of dietary supplements, which included multivitamins, Authoritarian Sports Cultures and Sports Workers 227 vitamin E, calcium, energy foods and drinks, along with creatine (an amino acid to gain muscle mass). Most used multiple supplements directly distributed by the Sports Medicine Institute of the Ministry of Sports. Sports doctors and team coaches were the main advisors (de Silva et al. 2010). The punitive approach to anti-doping relates to the IOC’s elitist hierarchical modes of governance. Rather than encouraging deterrence by educating sports labour or enforcing laws to protect consumers, the main aim is to maintain deregulated trade and consumer markets while narrowing responsibility to individuals as consumers, negating public rights as citizens. The 2013 changes to national sports laws, illustrating notions of “clean sports”, focused on governance in terms of organisational “autonomy”— jurisdiction and responsibilities—of sports associations. The new sports laws extended the term of office bearers in sports associations, from one year to two; nominations were to be approved the Sports ministry, and restricted those who can be elected to sports associations. The new laws restricted owners of media organisations, parents of players in national squads, those with criminal convictions, and those who have defected, from holding office in sports associations (Daily Mirror 2013). Under the new laws, all schoolchildren were to engage in at least one sport, with scholarships and special consideration given to university entrance for sports achievement. The 2013 sports policy was also about expanding markets in sports through tax cuts for businesses that were involved in the sports sector in terms of sports goods (equipment, medicines, and nutrition) and services (Indrajith 2012). The sports federations, such as cricket, football and athletics, integrated with sports markets, through the IOC, ICC (cricket), FIFA (football), IAAF (athletics), protested the new laws. According to the head of the NOC,

the regulations introduced in January and August 2013 are so harmful that they had made it compulsory for most national associations to kneel in front of the sports minister for their existence. (ColomboPage 2013)

This demand for “autonomy” by dominant sports federations relates to how the local affiliates of the IOC, ICC, FIFA, and the IAAF have 228 S. J. Biyanwila

accumulated resources for sports development with the marketisation of sports. However, most of these resources allocated to elite sports labour and senior officials have failed to materialise at a community level enabling sustainable local sports programmes. The sports governance institutions are entrenched in authoritarian organisational cultures, reproducing an oligarchy without public accountability. For example, since 1983 the NOC has had only two presidents, the first one lasted for 14 years (1983–96) and the present one, since 1996, retains his position as an office bearer of three marginal sports associations, archery, handball and equestrian (Pathiravithana 2013). In 2013, the sports minister described the oligarchies in the sports bodies of the NOC, football and cricket as a “sports mafia” (Kumarasinghe 2013). The struggles between the Sports Ministry, the NOC and dominant sports federations reflect overlapping networks of power, involving the business elite, senior state officials and politicians as well as federation officials.

7.3 The Sports Bureaucracy and Sports Labour

Sports mega-events such as Commonwealth Games or Olympics Games is the only moment in which elite athletes from different sports get to interact with each other as well as senior officials (technocrats) of sports associations, the NOC and the Sports Ministry. At the 1996 Olympics, the national team consisted of six track and field athletes, two rifle shooters and one diver, myself. Although all of us were qualified to participate at the Olympics, the Sports Ministry and the NOC had the final decision as to the inclusion in the national team. I was the second diver to participate at the Olympics after Alan Smith who competed in the Melbourne 1956 Olympics. However, the swimming association was in the periphery of the Sports Ministry, whereas track and field and shooting had direct links with the military. The newly elected secretary of the Swimming and Diving association strongly supported my participation at the Olympics. Since there were no experienced diving coaches at my skill level, I was engaged in Authoritarian Sports Cultures and Sports Workers 229 mentoring the local diving coach, coaching young divers as well as training. There were around 10 young divers (6–18-year-olds) and a support- ive group of parents, who were interested in developing the sport. It was a small community of divers with a deep sense of mutual support. I knew the coach, an ex-diver and rugby player, and we were both born in the mid-1960s, and from the same neighbourhood in Colombo. His commitment to the sport, in terms of coordinating an effective diving programme, coaching, and maintaining facilities, as well as organising competitions, was instrumental for the development of the sport of diving during the mid-1990s until his migration to Australia in 2002. Since then, the sport illustrates a disorientation directly related to problems in the multilayered sports bureaucracy (sports ministry, NOC, aquatic sports association, and school sports). In order to regain the competitive experience and to reach the qualifying standard for the Olympics, I had to participate in international competitions. As a result, I competed at the 1994 Commonwealth Games in Victoria, Canada, and the 1994 FINA World Aquatics Championships in Rome. The 1994 Commonwealth Games diving was a mostly a small intimate event with around 12 divers, while the World championships consisted of over 30 divers. I finished somewhere in the middle in both of these competitions. At the Commonwealth Games of 1994, two women shooters, Pushpamali Ramanayake and Mali Wickremasinghe, each won gold medals. The other bronze medal was also from a shooting event. Both women were in the army, and received state recognition for their achievements. However, the emergence of the shooters into the international arena in the late 1980s and early 1990s soon dissipated, with the governance failure of the sports bureaucracy, the association and the ministry. They failed to remedy the athletes’ demands for better facilities, training and access to international competitions (Molligoda 2013). At the 2000 Olympics Mali Wickramasinghe, commenting on her non-medal winning performance, revealed some of the frustrations with the bureaucracy.

I’m disheartened that I could not do any better. This happened to me because I was always thinking of what the authorities back home did to me since January this year. Therefore I tried to prove a point to them and now 230 S. J. Biyanwila

I realise the mistake … At the beginning they said I was out of the team and made me a wreck. I worked so hard during the last four years, and at a certain point. I got sick of everything. Their decision threw me out of foreign competition too, where all Olympic aspirants participated … Who can win medals at Olympics with four months’ training. (Goonetilleke 2000)

Mali’s coach, veteran rifle shooter and administrator Lieutenant Colonel Daya Rajasingha who developed the sport over the years also expressed his frustrations with the sports bureaucracy.

The game is seriously going down. For this I blame none but the president of the national rifle association who removed my name and included his to make the trip to Sydney, and the National Selection Committee who knew nothing about rifle shooting. (Goonetilleke 2000)

The nation-state aspirations of medals are driven by an oligarchy of male bureaucrats as well as media-sports, reinforcing patronage systems. This self-reproducing oligarchy illustrates a cartel, a “protection racket” involving networks of actors within media, sports and the state. The emerging managerialism within the sports bureaucracy has also meant an instrumental approach to competitions, with a narrow focus on medals in terms of finance. Media-sports plays a key role in the coupling of medals with “sportive nationalism” (Wenner 1998). The cost-benefit analysis and forecasting of medals involving finance and budgets are part of the Olympics discourse of “sports and development”. Although I was qualified to attend the Olympics, the NOC and the Sports Ministry were reluctant to include me in the national team. This reluctance attributed the low possibility of a medal also related to my social context. My age (at 31 years considered too old), urban English-speaking middle-class status, and the lack of political patronage and ambivalence with regard to deference to authority, all contributed to my marginalisation within the Sports Ministry as well as the NOC. Nevertheless, the state sports bureaucracy asserted its power to gain my subservience through multiple demands. When a local newspaper published an interview revealing my frustrations that I might have to attend the Olympics without a coach, the Sports Minister summoned me demanding the withdrawal of Authoritarian Sports Cultures and Sports Workers 231 the statement. This involved a process of humiliation and intimidation in which non-compliance meant removal from the national team. I attended the Olympics without a coach. Most elite sports labour in the Global South, are not within a standard needed to achieve a medal at a mega-event. Meanwhile, the emphasis on medals situates this sports labour vulnerable to the authorities governing sports institutions. In a context in which this sports labour is unorganised in terms of articulating a collective voice, the oligarchies governing the media-sports-complex reinforce despotic labour regimes illustrating forms of bonded labour. The hierarchical authoritarian sports cultures, involving patronage systems, encountered by the elite sports labour in the Global South is mystified by “sportive nationalism” and “evangelical sports” narratives. The Sri Lankan contingent at the 1996 Olympics included more officials than actual athletes. This is an ongoing practice in the Global South, where sports mega-events are moments for sports tourism for local officials and their families. Some of these officials are also politicians who are heads of sports federations. Providing access to travel to international competitions is a bonus and a part of a gift exchange amongst state bureaucrats and politicians within and outside the sports networks. This amalgamation of sports officials with party politics further excludes and subordinates coaches and sports labour, reinforcing despotic labour regimes. This expropriation of elite sports labour by authoritarian modes of sport governance concerns the spread of commercial values influencing sports cultures in varying degrees. The media-sports-tourism complex in global, regional and local scales plays a significant role in shaping the public provisioning of sports (Fig. 7.1).

7.4 Cricket Governance and Commercial Values

The emergent cricket markets in South Asia, since the mid-1980s, are central to the sports-media-tourism complex, which overlaps with the state-temple-corporate complex. The governance of cricket under the 232 S. J. Biyanwila

nation-state sports Ministry Global Sports Federations ethno-nationalism, able- bodied patriarchy: NOC

Private Business Sports consumer culture media-sports-tourism

Sri Lanka Cricket sports associations National, regional, local

Military Public enterprises Public Education

Community sports/ local clubs

Fig. 7.1 Sri Lanka: Sports consumer culture and community sports colonial state, as the Ceylon Cricket Association (1914–48) was transformed following independence. The emergent Board of Control for Cricket in Ceylon (1948–72) was renamed in 1972 to the Board of Control for Cricket in Sri Lanka (1972–2000), consistent with the renaming of the nation-state as the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka. With increasing marketisation of cricket, the cricket association was rebranded as Sri Lanka Cricket (SLC) in 2000. Until around the mid-1990s, English-speaking educated urban elites engaged in the governance of cricket. These included very different political leaders, such as the former president (1977–87) J.R. Jayawardena (1952–55)— who promoted markets with Sinhala Buddhist nationalism and N.M Perera (1978–80), a leader within a working class party (LSSP), who was committed to the public sector and labour internationalism. Both played cricket in secondary schools and were involved with local elite cricket clubs in Colombo. For over 70 years (1914 to 94), the cricket governing body was mostly concentrated around the Colombo English educated urban elite. With expanding cricket markets, the class composition of cricket players changed from the Colombo-based urban elite to semi-urban rural areas. Authoritarian Sports Cultures and Sports Workers 233

Meanwhile, the officials who governed cricket also changed from the professional elite (lawyers, doctors) to the elite drawn from mercantilist (trading) classes. Cricket was “detraditionalised”, or reconstructed, by new actors prioritising commercial values over public provisioning values of the previous era. The emergent mercantilist elite also fostered authoritarian governance structures, legitimising patriarchal Sinhala Buddhist ethnonationalist politics. The cricket competitions between public schools rather than club competitions attract the larger crowds. The relatively festive character of public school matches is distinct from the “manufactured festival” of market-driven cricket consumer culture. While more cricket players from rural areas have entered the national team since the mid-1990s, most schools in rural areas lack basic playing grounds. The cricket culture in public schools as well as the broader consumer culture remains entrenched in a masculine culture, with a fan base of mostly boys and men. Although women’s cricket has been integrated with the global cricket networks since the mid-1990s, it remains marginalised by the masculine cricket governing institutions and the public education system as well as the Sports Ministry. The incorporation of local cricket with expanding global cricket markets was promoted by a key UNP minister, Gamini Dissanayake. He was from the central province, born in Kandy, to an upper-class and upper- caste family, and attended Trinity College, followed by Law College and Cambridge University. As a young educated minister within the newly elected UNP in 1977, he was responsible for the Mahaweli Project, a large-scale rural development and resettlement project, funded by the World Bank. The resettlement of landless poor agrarian families from Sinhala areas involved the displacement of mainly Tamil, Muslim and indigenous communities from their ancestral lands; this caused increased ethnic tensions between Sinhalese and Tamils in the North and East (Balasingham 2014). The promotion of mega development projects (by the World Bank, IMF and the ADB) overlaps with cricket mega-events. It also illustrates how local elites co-produce dominant interests of global capital. As the President of the Board of Control for Cricket (1980–81), Gamini accessed Test status for Sri Lanka with the ICC in 1981. However, 234 S. J. Biyanwila with only seven teams in the Test cricket matches, the ICC was also des- perate for new teams. Sri Lanka gaining Test status meant increasing investment in cricket infrastructure, such as the renovation of Asgiriya and Galle cricket grounds. In 1989, Gamini stepped down as president of the BCCSL, which coincided with the rise of inter-party rivalry with Premadasa (1988–93) as well as the JVP youth insurrection (1988–91). Following the assassination of President Premadasa by an LTTE suicide bomber in May 1993, Gamini was also assassinated in October 1994, at an election rally just prior to the parliamentary elections, by a female LTTE suicide bomber. Gamini was an integral actor within the ruling bloc reinforcing the militarised the state under the PTA, which involved multiple forms of state terror including disappearances, torture and assassinations. The main change in the cricket governing culture emerges in the mid- 1990s, with the election of Upali Dharmadasa (1996–97, 2010) and Thilanga Sumathipala (1997–98; 2000–01; 2003–04). The new mercantilist segments displaced the English educated Colombo elite. The new governing elite represented the second generation of sons from family businesses that benefitted under the “mixed economy” project. These class segments, embedded within both major parties, continue to elaborate markets while reinforcing patriarchal Sinhala Buddhist ethnonationalist tendencies reinventing notions of “tradition” and “heritage”. Thilanga Sumathipala, born in Colombo (1964), attended a prominent Buddhist public school, Nalanda, where he captained the school cricket team. Thilanga’s father was a prominent Sinhala business man, earning profits from construction projects following independence, then venturing into a range of retail businesses including gambling—turf accountants that bet on horse races. He also invested in Sinhala film industry during the 1970s (Sumathi 2017). Thilanga joined the family business, which is now one of the largest diversified companies in Sri Lanka, engaged in information technology, healthcare, sports goods, films, newspapers, restaurants, security services, financial services and entertainment amongst other business interests. In 2009, the company employed around 3000 workers. Thilanga resigned from his company directorships in 2009, after winning provincial elections under the ruling SLFP party. He represented the Colombo district (gaining around Authoritarian Sports Cultures and Sports Workers 235

160,000 votes), within the Western Province. Despite the ICC Code of Ethics restricting those with interests in the betting industry from the board of directors, Thilanga was re-elected in 2011. Upali Dharmadasa, is one of six children of a prominent Sinhala busi- nessman, H. K. Dharamadasa, who was mostly known as Nawaloka Mudalali (1920–2011). The business expanded by accessing government contracts for development projects under the “mixed economy”, such as the multipurpose Mahaweli Development Project. The Nawaloka Company includes ventures in construction, trading, industry, and hospitals, and employs around 4000 workers (Nawaloka 2017). In 2013, Upali was appointed Chairman of Sri Lanka Insurance Corporation Ltd. and in 2014, he was the Honorary Consul General for the Kingdom of Morocco, the Chairman of the Sri Lanka Timber Merchants’ Association and a director in the Industrial Development Board (Financial Times 2013). Both Upali and Thilanga illustrate how actors within the capitalist class networked with the state and political parties expand sports markets, which also includes profiting from risk-taking and market failures.

7.4.1 Markets Failures in Cricket

The launch of the Sri Lanka Premier League (SLPL) in 2012 aimed at replicating the successful Indian Premier League. The SLPL emerged out of an existing league, the Super Fours Provincial T20 Tournament. From 2008–11, the Inter-Provincial T20 became the mainstream domestic T20 competition in Sri Lanka. The inaugural 2012 Sri Lanka Premier League replaced the format of the planned 2011 season. Allegations of corruption and incompetence by Sri Lanka Cricket, governed by an interim committee at the time, postponed the 2011 tournament. The Indian cricket governing body (BCCI) refused to allow its players to participate, concerned that player contracts outsourced to an event organiser were insecure. The new format involved a franchise system, with privately owned teams and a draft system to select their players. The first edition of the Sri Lanka Premier League, played in August 2012, included seven teams with Sinhala names from seven provinces purely for branding purposes. The regulation of franchises included six 236 S. J. Biyanwila foreign players out of a maximum of 18 players in each team, a maximum of four foreign players per game, and one Sri Lankan under-21 international player. There were 24 games played in Kandy (Pallekele) and Colombo (Premadasa) stadiums. The league featured almost 35 international cricketing stars, mostly from India and Pakistan. The salaries were lower than the IPL, with the highest earning around US$35,000. All seven franchises for the SLPL were owned by Indian companies, which were often subsidiaries of large conglomerates. The minimum price for the SLPL franchises was set at US$3 million. The 2012 SLPL made a profit of about $2.2 million (Dawn2013 ). The media rights to the SLPL was awarded to the newly established, Carlton Sports Network (CSN) (Van Hoff2011 ). However, with the franchises not paying their annual dues, the 2013 SLPL was cancelled and the Super Fours Provincial T20 tournament was reinstated (Dawn 2013).

7.4.2 Cricket Labour and Wages

The integration of the Sri Lankan cricket with the global cricket entertainment market has meant increased revenues for the governing institutions as well as wages for elite players. In 2014, SLC total income was Rs. 3.2 billion (US$24 million), and income from international tournaments accounted for 78% of the total income. The expenditures for the same year were around Rs. 3 billion, with international tournaments costing Rs. 1.1 billion (US$ 8.2 million) and a similar cost for “operations and development” (SLC 2015). The Sri Lankan team has won the World Cup in 1996 and 2003, and they reached the semi-finals in 2007 and 2011. With an increase in the number of competitions, the labour process has also intensified. Cricket players are engaged in a heavier workload, performing in a variety of formats and playing conditions, with less time for recovery. During the 2013 season, the Sri Lankan national team played seven tours, or series of competitions with other national teams. With each tour, the mix changes in terms of tests, ODI and T20. During the 2012 period, the schedule involved 15 tests, 27 ODI, and 10 T20 matches, and the opposing teams were Australia, Bangladesh, West Indies, South Africa, Zimbabwe, New Zealand and Pakistan. The intensification of the labour process through an extended number of Authoritarian Sports Cultures and Sports Workers 237 competitions has also led to injuries as well as disruptions to family and community commitments. The wages of cricketers, particularly those in the national team who also play in other global cricket markets, have also increased. In 2014, there were 17 contracted players, placed within four wage categories. A range of bonuses linked with team and individual performance supplements the wages. In 2016, there were 65 contracted players in five categories, with an increasing number of junior players (aged 19–23). In 2014, the monthly salary of a player in the senior cricket team was Rs. 400,000 (around US$3053) and for a player in the junior team was Rs. 200,000. In 2016, the monthly salary for a player in the senior national team increased to around Rs. 650,000 (around $5000). The players received 25% of SLC’s income from global events until March 2013, when SLC retracted that payment after a (24-hour) lockout of players (Fernando 2014a). The SLC board (the Ranatunga brothers) and the sports minister were aligned in asserting managerial prerogative to restrain players’ demands. The SLC agreement to share a percentage of the ICC event revenues came about in 2003. However, the SLC accrued debts of almost $70 million due the costs of hosting the 2011 World Cup. The costs mostly related to the construction of new stadiums and also included commissions. In 2011, the SLC denied the payment of players’ salaries for eight months. After several months of negotiations, new contracts were signed in July 2012. At the 2014 World T20 in Bangladesh, the team was offered a guaran- teed sum of $500,000 for its participation with a further $250,000 to be earned if they reached the final, and another $250,000 if they won the tournament. The team went on to win the tournament for the first time. The ICC was to pay SLC approximately $8.9 million for the World T20, and players demanded 20% of this sum (about $1.07 million) primarily as compensation for the use of their images in promotional material for global tournaments. After two months of negotiations, the players agreed to a 10% payment for both ICC and ACC (Asian Cricket Council) tournaments for five years. The negotiations over the redistribution of sports profits endure, along with patronage systems that undermine solidarity among the players. While most professional cricket players, as casualised workers, barely make a living through cricket, women cricket players remain further subordinated within cricket labour markets. 238 S. J. Biyanwila

7.5 Women’s Sports

Despite the dominant patriarchal sports culture, women in Sri Lanka engage in sports at multiple levels, as officials, coaches and athletes. Women in track and field, shooting, badminton, cricket, volleyball and netball teams have gained varying forms of international recognition. Only a minority of elite female sports labourers earn a living from sport, mostly employed by the military or a few private sector companies. The patriarchal cultures that devalue women’s sports simultaneously depend on their care labour to produce the national “sports heroes”. Women in Sri Lanka gained some degree of autonomy and social recognition during the 1956–77 period of national mixed economy. The extension of state social provisioning of health, education and social services, along with state enterprises, were significant for addressing issues of unemployment and marginalisation. While Sri Lanka is recognised for electing the first female prime minister, Sirimavo Bandaranaike, in 1960, the main struggles for women’s rights were of women within the labour movement and the working-class parties (CP and the LSSP) as well as women’s groups. Despite the assassination of her husband, the prime minister and SLFP party leader by a Buddhist monk in 1959, Sirimavo was committed to a patriarchal Sinhala Buddhist ethnonationalist project. During Sirimavo’s term as prime minister during the 1970–77 period, Buddhism gained special constitutional privileges, while weakening alliances with the working-class parties and ending the “national economy” project by 1975. Sirimavo’s daughter, Chandrika Kumaratunga, was elected president in 1996 and again in 1999–2002, becoming the second female head of state. However, these achievements had less impact on patriarchal structures of representative politics, where women remain marginalised within multi- tiered representative institutions of the state. The proportion of women elected to the parliament has remained less than 5% over past three decades, with even lower representation at provincial and local levels of government. Women form Tamil and Muslim communities are further marginalised within political parties and representative institutions. Authoritarian Sports Cultures and Sports Workers 239

The entry of women into the military, although negligible, was also significant for women athletes. Women began entering the military beginning in 1980, as an unarmed, non-combatant support unit. The inclusion of women athletes, while benefiting those individual athletes mostly from impoverished backgrounds, also legitimised the hypermasculine culture of the military. The success of women shooters in sports mega-events, particularly in the 1990s, also coincides with the deployment of sharpshooters, or snipers, by the military against the LTTE. The most popular organised women’s sports are athletics and netball. Netball is one of the most popular women’s team sports in Sri Lanka integrated with the school sports programmes. Netball in Sri Lanka began in the early 1920s in elite girls’ schools, in Colombo and Kandy. In the 1950s, there were international games with India and following the standardisation of the rules across the Commonwealth countries in 1960, the sport further expanded. With the establishment of the Netball Federation in 1972, the sport was popularised throughout the school system. While a club system remains underdeveloped at present, most of the players in the national team are subsidised through the army, navy, police forces, or one of the big banks in Sri Lanka. The national netball team has had some successful international competitions, winning four Asian Netball Championship titles, including the 2016 title. Held every four years, the Asian Netball Championship is comprised of eight teams (Hong Kong, India, Pakistan, Malaysia, Maldives, Singapore, Thailand and Sri Lanka). In 2016, the Sri Lankan netball team ranked 27th out of 35 teams in the International Netball Federation.

7.5.1 Women’s Cricket

The subordination of women’s cricket within the consumer culture of cricket highlights the contradictions of the “evangelical sports” narrative. Prompted by the demands of women’s sports activism, the ICC recognised women’s cricket in 1973. The first women’s world cup was held in England in 1973, two years prior to the men’s world cup. Playing their first Test match in 1976, the Indian women’s cricket team entered the international arena before Sri Lanka. They also hosted the 1978 Women’s 240 S. J. Biyanwila

Cricket World Cup, which included four teams, Australia, England, New Zealand and India. In Sri Lanka, women’s cricket began reorganising around the early 1990s. Following the 1996 World Cup victory in men’s cricket, women’s cricket became a member of the International Women’s Cricket Council (IWCC). In 2005, the IWCC merged with the International Cricket Council (ICC), which also integrated women’s cricket with male cricket organisations. Sri Lanka entered the international women’s cricket market in 1997, with a three one-day match (ODI) series against the Netherlands. A few months later, Sri Lanka participated in its first World Cup in India and reached the quarter-finals, losing to England. In 1998, Sri Lanka hosted a tour by Pakistan, winning the three ODIs as well as the first test match for both countries. That was also the end of test matches for women’s cricket, and since then ODIs remain the dominant format. At the 2012 Asia Cup, there were eight teams—India, Hong Kong, Pakistan, Thailand, Bangladesh, China, Nepal and Sri Lanka. The Sri Lankan team placed third, behind Pakistan and India, who won the tournament. At the 2013 World Cup in India, Sri Lanka celebrated a memorable achievement, by beating the defending champions England off the final ball. However, Sri Lanka placed fourth, with Australia winning the tournament for the sixth time. In 2013, Sri Lankan women players were paid US$100 for an ODI and $50 for a T20. This gender wage gap is reflective of masculine sport- media cultures marginalising the domestic league for women’s cricket, which cascades down to local club levels. Although there is women’s cricket at schools and provincial tournaments, the domestic league remains embryonic. Teams representing the military forces, army, navy and air force dominate the country’s domestic league. Most of the players in the (2013) national team are members of the sports clubs of the Sri Lanka Navy and Air Force. In 2013, the players received five-year contracts for a monthly wage around Rs. 35,000 (US$277 or £175) (Mitchell 2013). This amounts to around 9% of the monthly salary of a male player in the senior cricket team in 2014. At the 2014 World T20, the SLC refused to guarantee payment for participation, but proposed a performance-related pay scheme. The team would receive $50,000 if they reached the semi-finals, $25,000 for a Authoritarian Sports Cultures and Sports Workers 241 place in the final, and a further $25,000 for winning the tournament (Fernando 2014b). After beating India in their first match the women lost to England, denying themselves a place in the semi-finals. This performance-based pay, which fails to acknowledge the daily labour and the need for a living wage, is still considerably less than the pay for men. Meanwhile, a few male celebrity players have flourished with expanding sports markets.

7.6 Cricket Masculinity: Sangakkara and Muralidaran

Kumar Sangakkara (Sanga) and Muttaia Muralidaran (Murali) have dominated the cricket culture since the late 1990s. Sangakkara, who captained the national team from 2009 to 2011, is known as one of the best batsman and Murali as one of the best bowlers. They are both from the central Hill Country of Sri Lanka, where British colonialism launched the plantation economy, as well as establishing elite public schools for the emerging local middle-classes. The entry of cricketers from the Hill Country into the national team in the early 1990s highlights the changing geography of local cricket cultures. In 2011, at a speech delivered at the MCC (Marylebone Cricket Club—Lords), the headquarters of the ICC until 2005, Sanga would note:

… prior to 1981 more than 80% of the national players [in Sri Lanka] came from elite English schools, but by 1996 the same schools did not contribute a single player to the 1996 World Cup squad. (Sangakkara 2011)

Sanga was born in 1977 to a middle-class family in Matale, where his father was a lawyer. He was educated at Trinity College in Kandy, established by Anglican missionaries in 1872. Trinity has an enduring cricket culture as well as an international cricket stadium, the Asgiriya Stadium (1915) in Kandy. Muralidaran was born in 1972, also to a middle-class family, where his father ran a biscuit manufacturing business. He went to St. Anthony’s College, Kandy, established by the Catholic Church in 242 S. J. Biyanwila

1854, then returned to the state in 1977, with segments of the school run by Benedictine monks. Both excelled in cricket in high school gaining national recognition. After leaving school, Murali joined Tamil Union Cricket and Athletic Club, one of the handful of elite cricket clubs in Colombo, and entered the national team in 1991. Sanga attended law school at the University of Colombo, but his commitments to cricket interrupted his studies. Sanga played for the Nondescripts (multi-ethnic) Cricket Club (NCC) in Colombo and entered the national team in 1998–99. He also played in professional leagues in the UK, the Caribbean Premier League, and the Indian Premier League (2008–12). He was selected the captain of a team in the Sri Lankan Professional League but an injury prevented him from playing. Sanga and Murali are engaged in a range of charity organisations and events. Murali is active with the NGO called the Foundation of Goodness, established by Murali’s agent. The NGO launched in 1999, about 100 km south of Colombo, began with English and computer classes, then expanded into sports training for village children; upgrades to villagers’ dwellings (including water, sanitation and electricity supply) and a simple medical clinic was revived after the 2004 tsunami, which devastated the area (Browne 2012). This new phase built a wide international network of donors and partners, which included cricket clubs in the UK and Australia. In the aftermath of the tsunami, the NGO expanded from providing basic utilities with scholarships for the local children, workshops for employment generation and building sporting facilities. In 2011, the Murali Harmony Cup was launched, focusing on school cricket in rural areas, particularly in the post-conflict zones of the North and the East. The T20 tournament invites under-19s boys teams and under-23s women’s teams from all the provinces to play in the post-conflict areas. In partnership with the NGO, Sanga also launched the “Bikes for life” campaign, distrib- uting bikes for impoverished students in the North and South. Sanga is a member of the Think Wise initiative, launched in 2003 by the International Cricket Council, in partnership with the United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS and the UNICEF. The programme raises awareness around HIV prevention and discrimination against people living with HIV and AIDS. With more than a quarter of those in the Authoritarian Sports Cultures and Sports Workers 243 world who are HIV-positive located in cricketing countries, this is a significant “sports and development” programme focused on education and outreach (Think Wise 2009). The public positioning of Murali and Sanga highlights the ethnic hierarchies maintained by Sinhala Buddhist nationalism. Unlike Murali, of a marginalised Tamil identity, Sanga has had more public visibility with advertising opportunities. Sanga’s 2011 speech at Lords was considered controversial for revealing the contradictions (partisan cronies, financial corruption, and the lack of transparency) of the national cricket governing body. His critique complemented the ICC’s efforts towards “cleaning up” the sport, which target government “interference”, including party politics. At the 2011 speech at Lord’s, he concluded his speech the following way.

Fans of different races, castes, ethnicities and religions who together celebrate their diversity by uniting for a common national cause. They are my foundation, they are my family. I will play my cricket for them. Their spirit is the true spirit of cricket. With me are all my people. I am Tamil, Sinhalese, Muslim and Burgher. I am a Buddhist, a Hindu, a follower of Islam and Christianity. I am today, and always, proudly Sri Lankan. (Sangakkara 2011)

In his speech, he also refers to how his family home became a refuge for their Tamil friends during the anti-Tamil pogrom in 1983. As a member of the dominant ethnic identity, Sanga is located in a specific privileged position, in terms of class status and cultural recognition. This also relates to his integration with the sports-media, which reproduces Sinhala Buddhist ethnonationalist notions of “sportive nation”. While Sanga and Murali avoid the hypermasculinity of the dominant cricket culture, they also evade promoting women’s cricket, particularly at the national level. Both players excelled within the cricket consumer market, in a context of war and insecurity. Murali, in particular, is projected as a “model minority” in terms of subordinating his Tamil identity within the Sinhala Buddhist hegemony. Both survived the terrorist attack by Muslim extremists targeting the team bus in Pakistan in 2009. Nevertheless, both Murali and Sanga illustrate the how diverse masculinities are incorporated within the hegemonic cricket culture, reproducing ethnonationalist patriarchal structures. 244 S. J. Biyanwila

7.7 Susanthika’s Story

The emergence of women athletes in track and field competing in sports mega-events particularly in the mid-1990s was a significant achievement. The struggles of the women athletes in the 1980s gaining access to international competitions paved the way for a younger generation of athletes that emerged in the mid-1990s. Among them was the popular Olympian, Susanthika Jayasinghe. Brought up in a poor family in a small village 60 km northwest of Colombo, Susanthika was born in 1975, during a period of economic crisis. Her father, previously a bus driver for the Ceylon Transport Board (CTB), was unemployed during her teenage years. The Ceylon Transport Board, established in 1958, expanded bus services and employment, with the influence of the working-class parties (LSSP) within the ruling SLFP coalition government. However, the working-class parties were dismissed from the coalition in 1975 and under the 1977 UNP government and the CTB was “restructured” by firing mostly unionised workers. The local village economy was integrated with the rubber plantations, and Susanthika’s mother worked as a “rubber tapper”, a worker who col- lects rubber sap, walking from tree to tree. The rubber plantation workers illustrate the working poor, even into the present. In 2000, Susanthika described her childhood social context in the following way.

The games we had in the village school were Elle (a bat and ball game) and volleyball for boys, whilst girls participated in running events at inter- schools sports meets. We didn’t have many games to choose from and there was no proper equipment or facilities. For example, an average pair of spikes, used for running events, cost more than the month’s wage of an ordinary worker, so we had to run without spikes or even shoes. There were no sports instructors….

My brothers, sisters and I all had to work during our childhood. Rolling beedi [cheap cigarettes] was a cottage industry in our village, so some members of the family rolled beedi from the beedi leaves supplied by a merchant and others labelled them. I remember that when you labelled 1,000 beedies you received Rs. 1.50. I earned Rs. 22.50, or about half a dollar, in four Authoritarian Sports Cultures and Sports Workers 245

days labelling 15,000 beedies. I could label more speedily than others in the village. I am telling you all these things so you can get an idea of the economic situation we faced then. During that time (early 1980s), I didn’t receive the sort of nutritious balanced meals needed for an athlete. I think the situation is still the same for most families in Sri Lanka. (Wijesiriwardhena 2000)

Susanthika developed her skills through the school system, where an army officer who saw her running at the school sports day recruited her into the army. Her official category was a clerk, but she was mostly labouring over her running skills. The emergence of a group of young women athletes—Damayanthi Darsha and Sriyani Kulawansa—in the early 1990s, also nurtured Susanthika’s progress. She resigned from the army in 1994, following her participation at the Asian Games where she won a silver medal in the 200 m event. Since then, she participated in a range of international competitions, mostly within the region. In 1996, she participated at the Atlanta Olympics, where she achieved her personal best in the first round and dropped out of second round due to an injury. This caused considerable disappointment to the sports officialdom, which harassed, subordinated and exploited her, but also expected her to bring “glory” to the nation. Following her silver medal performance in the 200 m event at the IAAF World Championships in 1997, she ranked among the best in the world leading up to the 2000 Sydney Olympics. At the Sydney Olympics, she was third, but later awarded the silver medal, after the gold medal winner, Marion Jones, admitted to taking performance-enhancing drugs. This was the only athletic medal for the sub-continent at the Sydney Olympics. During this period, she also gained some sponsorship with Nike, and also a leading soft drink and a detergent brand, illustrating her brief entry into the global athletic market. In 2007, she won a bronze at the IAAF World Championships, where she ranked 18th in the world for the 100 m sprint and 20th for the 200 m sprint. At the age of 32, she won gold medals in the 100 m and 200 m events at the 2007 Asian Athletics Championships in Jordan. 246 S. J. Biyanwila

Susanthika was suspended from competition in April 1998 for failing a drug test, but was reinstated the next year by the IAAF. Although the International body (IAAF) approved her participation, the local athletics association, delayed the recognition of the IAAF decision, and Susanthika was omitted from participating in the 1999 South Asian Federation (SAF) Games in Kathmandu. The drug test was conducted in a dubious context, denigrating Susanthika with a callous display of authority by sports officials. The officials had come to her house and proceeded with the test without her full consent. She refused to sign the letter of release because the officials prevented her from witnessing the sealing of the urine specimen. These everyday practices of violating the privacy of athletes through drug testing reinforce enduring authoritarian patriarchal cultures undermining their freedom and dignity, illustrating the despotic labour regimes. The events in 1998 illustrate a form of official retribution for Susanthika’s allegations of sexual harassment against a key official in 1995. When Susanthika openly protested, the patriarchal state, political parties and the media converged to dismiss, belittle and shame her. A senior minister of the ruling party, Minister for Posts, Telecommunications and Media, Mangala Samaraweera, speaking in the parliament, claimed that the allegations were fabricated.

Nobody can say that the officials whom she alleged to have wanted to sexually exploit her would ever have wanted to have sex with her because she looks like a black South African man. (Subramanian 1997)

At a press conference, the minister claimed that the accusations as “the hallucinations of a deranged mind”. Meanwhile, the Minister for Sports at the time, S. B. Dissanayake, went on to say, “as history reveals, young women athletes whose minds act too fast have lost their careers as bright athletes” (Subramanian 1997). He was also the person responsible for investigating the allegations. The sport governing institutions (the athletic association, sports ministry, and the NOC) reproduce this despotic patriarchal labour regime behind a veil of “sportive nationalism”. Meanwhile, women athletes continue to struggle for needed resources, such as participation in international Authoritarian Sports Cultures and Sports Workers 247 competitions, appropriate sports equipment, nutrition, knowledge and facilities. In 2000, Susanthika described the extent of neglect by the sports bureaucracy.

I am a sprinter but didn’t receive correct technical guidance, even from the instructors at the national level. I was not even told by instructors in Sri Lanka of the importance of touching the front of the foot, not the heel, on the ground first. I learned that from Tony Campbell, the United States coach, which I arranged for myself through my own personal resources obtained from international competitions. The Sports Ministry didn’t help me. (Wijesiriwardhena 2000)

Susanthika’s struggles during the 1990s also takes place following the election of a new government, a coalition led by the SLFP after 17 years of being in opposition. The Sports Minister S.B. Dissanayake was a cabinet member and the general secretary of the ruling SLFP party. Despite the support of the labour movement and a range of democratic forces within civil society, the SLFP illustrated enduring patriarchal cultures. The then president, Chandrika Bandaranayeke, although committed to women’s rights, avoided intervening in the case of Susanthika, illustrating compromises with the patriarchal party systems and the state. Following her retirement in 2009, Susanthika joined the governing regime, the Rajapakse regime (SLFP), to assist with the development of athletics. Although she gained a supervisory role, the patriarchal cultures within sports-media, the NOC, along with the athletic association, continued to marginalise her. Her lack of alliances with the women’s movement as well as other sports labour illustrated the contradictions personal glorification linked with celebrity culture. More importantly, her integration with the ruling party depicted how authoritarian hypermasculine state strategies co-opt celebrity women athletes for creating consent.

7.8 Kamala’s Story

Narayana Gedara Kamalawathi was born in 1960 in Nuwara Eliya (Central Province), the second eldest in a family of six. Her father worked as a crane driver for a public construction enterprise, and they were 248 S. J. Biyanwila mostly living in rural poverty. At the age of five, she contracted polio, leaving her disabled with a permanent paralysis of her left leg. With the help of her family she attended the local school, received an education up to 12th grade or A-level standard in 1976. Since access to employment was limited, she pursued further skills through vocational training courses in gem cutting and polishing, arts and crafts and dressmaking. She accessed these services through the Seeduwa Vocational Training Centre, about 20 km north of Colombo. She began working as a gem cutter at the State Gem Corporation in 1984, while residing at a hostel. These built environments were inaccessible for people with disabilities. The workplace, as well as the hostel, was on the upper floors without lifts, which meant a carer would often carry her. The journey from the hostel to the workplace (9 km) waschallenging, since buses were also not disability friendly. After three years at the Gem Corporation, she got a job at an NGO, the Islamic Centre for the Physically Handicapped (Thihariya—Islameeya Abditha Ayathana), where she worked as an instructor from 1987 to 1998. This interethnic NGO was one of ten NGOs in the nation in 2003 providing education and training for people with disabilities (Mendis 2003). Kamala had been attracted to sports since school days, and was keen to participate rather than be a spectator. In the early 1980s, with the encouragement of a school friend, she managed to enter the national disability championships. After training for couple of weeks along with the help of the Sarvodaya Organisation, another NGO working with people with disabilities, Kamala won the 400 m wheelchair race at Passaic Sports Festival (Hong Kong) in 1982. The training was at the Torrington Square (Colombo), the sports precinct at the time, with the Sports Ministry and sports facilities in a 2 km radius. She was the national champion in that event for a decade (1981–91), but also participated in shorter sprint events of 100 m and 200 m. Throughout the 1980s, she participated in multiple regional events, particularly in the FESPIC (Far East and South Pacific Games for the Disabled) Games. The FESPIC, launched in 1975, was renamed in 2010 as the Asian Para Games and integrated with the Asian Games. The second Asian Para Games held in 2014 in Incheon, South Korea, comprised of 4500 athletes and 23 sports. At the 2016 Paralympics in Rio, there were 4333 participants in 22 sports. Authoritarian Sports Cultures and Sports Workers 249

Kamala’s entry into disabled sports was made possible by local changes that were influenced by global interventions. With the declaration of the International Year of the Disabled in 1981, people with disabilities gained opportunities to participate in sports. One of the disabled athletes that emerged from this programme was Premadasa Dissanayake, who won the 2000 m wheelchair race at the 1981 Asia Pacific Games for people with disabilities. Premadasa, along with a few other disabled athletes, organised and advocated around issues of disability. This culminated with the launch of the Sri Lanka Foundation for the Rehabilitation of the Disabled (SLFRD), or Rehab Lanka, in 1987 (Kuruwita 2009). Rehab Lanka advocates for disability rights; manufactures assistive devices, such as wheelchairs; and provides employment opportunities and sports through the National Council of the Sports for the Disabled. Dissanayake would go on to initiate the National Federation of Sports for the Disabled, also known as the National Paralympic Committee (NPC). This self-organisation among people with disabilities in sports broadened participation, including Kamala’s sports development. Kamala’s participation in sports as a woman with a disability has meant multiple challenges related to travel for training and competition, finances, and access to proper competition equipment. She participated with substandard equipment compared to most other participants. In 1982, at a competition in Hong Kong, she appealed to other teams to lend her a competitive wheelchair just for the event. Despite all the more affluent sports teams that were present (such as Japan and Australia), it was the Papua New Guinea team, from a country poorer than Sri Lanka, which would lend her their equipment. In 1989, Kamala launched a small civil society organisation (AKASA) with six other disabled women. She also became the vice president of the Organisation of Persons with Disabilities Sports Federation (1989–95). The main turning point for her activism was the 1995 International Women’s Conference in Beijing. She was encouraged to initiate AKASA in the North Central Province, in Anuradhapura, with the donation of a small government building in 1998. The area is a tourist destination for religious sites and historic ruins as well as one of the most marginalised areas bordering the former conflict zone. The main city was a hub for launching military operations in the North and the East. 250 S. J. Biyanwila

AKASA or “sky” in Sinhala is the acronym for Abadha Sahitha Kanthawange Sangamaya or the Association of Women with Disabilities. AKASA is a network of self-help groups, as well as an advocacy group helping to provide opportunities for women with disabilities, in order to promote issues of justice and security. This involves a range of interventions, such as providing vocational training, mental health services and counselling, along with changing the attitudes of women with disabilities, their families and the broader community including Tamil and Muslim communities. While the governing Executive Committee comprises solely of women with disabilities or female carers of persons with disabilities, AKASA membership and programmes include both men and women with disabilities and their families. Most members are rural women aged between 18 and 40 years, from impoverished rural families, and most have ended schooling at grade five or six due to poverty and disability. Kamala has participated in a number of national and international networks and forums such as the National Committee on Persons with Disabilities (2004–09); the Disability Organisation Joint Front (DOJF) (2003–09); World Women’s Congress, Beijing 1995; and the 1996 Paralympic Congress in Atlanta. She has also won numerous awards from the state and international organisations (UN, UK) for her work with women with disabilities. The struggles of the disability movement led to the establishment of a “National Policy on Disability for Sri Lanka” in May 2003. Following Sri Lanka signing the UN International Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (UNCRPD) in 2007, Kamala participated in a UN forum on the Convention. Based in Talawa, a small town outside the main city, Anuradhapura, AKASA operates on a shoestring budget with irregular project funds from the state, but mostly from international NGOs. Although AKASA belongs to regional NGO networks within South Asia, there are limited resources to share. While Kamala’s cultural recognition as a disabled athlete has enabled her to access resources and political representation, the struggles of people with disabilities, particularly women, remain in the fringes of the media-sports. The stories of two women and two men in sport reflect distinct class backgrounds and class mobility. While born and raised in regional towns, Authoritarian Sports Cultures and Sports Workers 251 they all migrate to Colombo, the sports-media-tourism hub. Both women emerge from poor working-class families from semi-rural Sinhala communities. Meanwhile, the men emerge from middle-class families, one from a Sinhala ethnic background and the other from Hill Country Tamil background. Both men, as cricket players, illustrate class mobility, access to economic and cultural resources, and engagement in civil society promoting charity. While one woman (Susanthika) is positioned to work within the public sector sports institutions and party politics, the other (Kamala) is a civil society actor engaged in organising women with disabilities. Both women depict class mobility, into an unstable middle- class status. With the exception of Kamala, now disengaged from the sports realm, all others illustrate varying degrees of compromise with the sports consumer culture, which combine able-bodied masculine narratives of competitive individualism, and entrepreneurship with charity. Nevertheless, the hegemonic authoritarian sports cultures based on systems of patronage, is also resisted by a range of actors.

7.9 Resistance and Sports in Sri Lanka

Resistance within and outside sports in Sri Lanka are numerous. The main actors of protest include the athletes (direct sports labour), coaches, trainers, officials, and federation administrators. In terms of the athletes, the parents also engage in multiple forms of protests on behalf of their children. Resistance from outside the sport has primarily emerged from protests against Sinhala Buddhist nationalism and injustices against Tamil communities. Most of these protests outside sports also takes place at international venues of sports mega-events (cricket matches) by migrant (and diaspora) Sinhala and Tamil communities. The role of political parties is also significant for understanding sports protests, particularly in the ex-colonies. In the main sports market, the cricket sports labour organised the first players association in the late 1990s, Sri Lanka Cricketers’ Association (SLCA), following the victory of the 1996 World Cup. The SLCA, comprised of former and present cricketers, emerges mostly at times of contract negotiation. While most protests take place within the urban 252 S. J. Biyanwila context, the protests also include different repertoires of action. In 2010, the cyclists from Central Province came in sarongs and T-shirts for the men’s event at the National Sports Festival, to highlight the lack of basic equipment and facilities. According to Suranjith Kumara, a cyclist from the Central Province:

We were not given any facility enjoyed by cyclists of other provinces. All others are wearing kits given to them by the respective provinces. We even had problems with regard to transport. Some of us had to ride all the way here. (Fernando 2010)

Beyond the athletes, sports officials also engage in collective action. In 2013, a few days prior to the 39th National Sports Festival, 400 sports officials attached to the Ministry of Sports and District Secretariats launched a protest demanding a monthly salary increment of Rs. 1500 (US$12). Although the Sports minister tactically postponed addressing their demands, close to the commencement of the Sports Festival the officials gained their salary increases (Pathirage2013 ). In terms of protest against the state, international sporting events provide a strategic opportunity given the interests of sports-media-tourism complex. International cricket events are an important site of protests by the diaspora Tamil communities as well as human rights networks. Lord’s cricket ground in London has been a site of protests for a range of actors. In June 2009, at the time when the Sri Lankan state was engaged in the final phase of a military offensive against the LTTE, protestors in London called for the UK government and the ICC to ban Sri Lanka from the World Twenty20 cricket event. They accused the British state of hypocrisy when England refused to play in Zimbabwe in 2008 citing human rights violations, but were willing to accommodate the Sri Lankan team while the Sri Lankan military was bombarding civilian areas (Bull 2009). In the post-conflict context, in 2013, there were a number of protests at the ICC Champions Trophy in England. The Sri Lankan matches were disrupted by “pitch invasions” by Tamil protestors carrying LTTE flags. Meanwhile, a group of Buddhist monks protested in Colombo over the accidental greeting of the Sri Lankan team at the opening ceremony with Authoritarian Sports Cultures and Sports Workers 253 a Hindi song while all other countries were greeted with their national anthem. In 2014, the then Sri Lankan president, Rajapakse, cancelled a planned visit to the Commonwealth Games in Scotland because of protests and the reluctance of the British government to allocate additional security. Protests by sports participants have also extended to environmental issues. In 2014, the White Water Rafting Association of Sri Lanka (WWRASL) allied with the local community, at the Kitulgala town, to protest against a proposed dam, which would undermine access to the river for sport and recreation. The project launched in 2013, financed by the Chinese government, was under the authority of the Economic Development Minister, Basil Rajapaksa, brother of the then president. Despite discussions with the Ministry of Power and Energy, the state dismissed the demands of the WWRASL. The association activities, directly relates to the sports-media-tourism complex, increasingly significant for local businesses as well as employment (Edirisinghe 2014). The protest by a range of actors within the consumer culture of sports in Sri Lanka, takes place in a post-war context, where coercive state strategies endure. The integration of the military with sport is significant for undermining resistance and voicing discontent. The sports-media- tourism complex maintains these hegemonic labour regimes by creating consent through notions of “national sacrificial unity”, while fostering authoritarian paternalistic relations. Personal relations of patronage between sports labour and sports bureaucracy is an enduring feature of sports labour relations. While fostering competitive individualism and divisions among sports labour, the patronage systems undermine the collective agency of sports labour as well as alliances with other organised workers. Along with the temporary nature of employment for sports performance, which limits capacity for self-organisation, the dominant culture of masculine individualism combine with entrepreneurial aspirations in order to depoliticise and demobilise sports labour. Nevertheless, the protests within and outside sports consumer culture in Sri Lanka, highlight the contradictions of “sportive nationalism” and “evangelical sports” narratives, legitimising authoritarian hypermasculine ethnonationalist institutions and cultures. 254 S. J. Biyanwila

7.10 Conclusion

The expansion of the sports consumer culture takes place in the post- 1977 period, which coincides with an authoritarian militarised state promoting market-driven development. The integration of the military and police forces with sports consumer culture not only illustrates the reproduction of authoritarian hypermasculine sports cultures, but also dimin- ished capacities of the public provisioning of sports. The establishment of the Ministry of Sports in 1966 overlaps with an expanding public sector engaged in social provisioning of sports. However, the deregulation and privatisation strategies under market-driven development reframed sports cultures towards media-sports and sports entertainment markets, which also incorporates the military. The emergent sports governance institutions illustrate competing sports oligarchies, within the state, the NOC and sports federations, sustaining authoritarian sports cultures based on relations of patronage, fostering forms of bonded labour. The authoritarian sports cultures intertwined with kinship and masculine friendship networks, overlap with the state, party politics, sports associations and the media, reinforcing patriarchal Sinhala Buddhist ethnonationalist notions of “sportive nationalism”. The cricket governing institutions, driven by the mercantilist elite, depict how protecting the “Sri Lanka Cricket” brand for maximising profits delinks sports markets from communities, legitimising the coercive state strategies. Although wages for the elite cricket labour have sky- rocketed, women cricket players remain subordinated and marginalised illustrating enduring patriarchal cultures, sustained by the media-sports- tourism complex combined with state-temple-corporate complex. The life stories of two female and two male athletes illustrate how sports labour interact with authoritarian sports cultures embedded in power hierarchies of gender, class, ethnicity and disability. They reveal the limitations as well as the possibilities of sports labour to transform hegemonic able-bodied ethnonationalist masculine sports cultures. These life stories combine with a range of local protests within and outside the sports consumer culture in Sri Lanka, which also relates to varying forms of global resistance explored in the next chapter. Authoritarian Sports Cultures and Sports Workers 255

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Changing Sports Through Resistance

Harry Edwards is a key sports activist who organised the Olympic Project for Human Rights in 1967. Nearly 40 years later, in 2008, with the rise of the Occupy Wall Street movement, Harry reflects on the potential for the sports culture to change:

This is the time for action. The culture of sports mirrors the larger societal culture in this country, and the movements that create change in each are intertwined. The civil-rights movement led to greater participation by African-Americans in sports at the college and professional levels, the black-power movement led to increasing numbers of black coaches, and the promotion of Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972 by the women’s-liberation movement led to greater equity for women’s sports programs. If the Occupy movement continues to gain resonance on campuses across the country, as earlier movements did, its effect on collegiate sports will not be far behind. That’s what the line of history tells us. (Edwards 2011)

The struggle for leisure and play as a fundamental human right is an ongoing struggle, with sports labour and labour in general as key agents

© The Author(s) 2018 259 S. J. Biyanwila, Sports and The Global South, Global Culture and Sport Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-68502-1_8 260 S. J. Biyanwila of resistance. Sports labour is intertwined with a range of other workers in the global production networks of sports particularly in manufacturing, media and tourism. Public, private and NGO sector workers in health and education as well as the military (security services) illustrate an expanded division of labour engaged in the production of the sports consumer culture. Besides having to sell their labour, what all these workers have common is the need to be cared for, which overlaps with the desire for leisure and play. The democratisation and socialisation of sports markets relates to multiple forms of resistance within and outside of sports (Field and Kidd 2011; Field 2015). This chapter focuses on how individual and collective resistance transforms sports cultures. For the Global South, the anti-colonial struggles were significant for democratising sports cultures, in the spirit of “sports for all”, in varying degrees. Even in the Global North, the collective action by workers and local communities transformed the elitist “amateur” sports cultures, enabling mass participation. However, with the internationalisation of capital since the mid-1970s, the expanding sports markets promoting “sportive nationalism” illustrate a new set of relations, in terms of work, play and resistance. For this reason, understanding social movements is important for reimagining sports pleasures. This chapter explains how sport resistance conveys alternative notions of play and living well. In the contemporary context of market-driven sports consumer culture, the socialisation and democratisation of sports markets relates to contentious collective action by different social movements, particularly the labour movement. Organising sports workers also encompasses building alliances with manufacturing workers in global production networks of sporting goods as well as workers in media. The resistance against sports mega-events in the Global South illustrates forms of urban protests, asserting public spaces and community control. Re-embedding sports markets within communities concerns contesting hegemonic heterosexual able-bodied masculine sports cultures, which involves rethinking work and play, and notions of development in terms of “living well”. Changing Sports Through Resistance 261

8.1 Social Movements: Another World of Sports Is Possible

For the Global South, the anti-colonial struggles were significant for elaborating inclusive and democratic sports cultures. A range of social movements: peasants, workers, women, ethnic, cultural, and regional identity movements, contributed to anti-colonial struggles. Social movements are forms of collective agency and social mediation. They emerge in response to changes in the social organisation of production and reproduction that generate conditions of marginalisation, oppression and exploitation (Wainwright 1994: 67). Resistance reflects a form of agency, which can be depoliticised and institutionalised within hegemonic regimes (Morgan 1997). The dominant sports consumer culture depends on spreading cynicism and scepticism when it comes to issues of collective agency, where individuals build solidarity with others to change unjust and harmful cultures and institutions. The “sports and development” agenda reproduces this scepticism, where notions of “empowerment” are delinked from social mobilisation, illustrating an “anti-collectivist populism” (Kidd 2008; Dart and Wagg 2016). Other than charity and top-down delivery of services, most sports NGOs are delinked from building collective capacities of communities to resist and agitate for better sports services. In contesting scepticism of collective action, social movements, which include progressive NGOs, couple human intentions with social outcomes of their intended action. This is important since the dominant market ideology delinks human intentions with social outcomes, while narrowing individuals to the pursuit of their economic self-interest where the “invisible hand” of markets, or the complexity of the economic system, naturally leads to “equilibrium” or “public good”. Although counter-hegemonic movements are considered “irrational”, they work with an incomplete picture of reality, but through their practice, they contribute to a less incomplete knowledge of reality (Wainwright 1994). In the process, they articulate an alternative (more local) rationality that also builds alliances (Barker et al. 2013). 262 S. J. Biyanwila

While most social movements focus on democratising the state, the strategic orientation of some movements (ethnonationalist) can also promote authoritarian tendencies. Some social movements are episodic (such as the anti-slavery movement in the 1800s); others have co-evolved with enduring structures of oppression (for example, labour, women, indigenous movements) along with new tendencies. These movements—involving students, workers, women, people with disabilities, LGBTI, and peace and ecology movements—articulate social changes that could not be achieved within a state-centred framework (Wainwright 1994, 2009). Rather than focusing on representative politics (party politics) influencing the state, the new movements aim at democratising institutions of daily life, emphasising the realm of life politics. For example, the games of the indigenous people in North America launched in early 1970s illustrated resistance against the homogenising effects of sports markets and white privilege while asserting new cultural identities through sport (Forsyth and Wamsley 2006). Social movements engage in a range of collective action, or repertoires of contention, which are shaped by and shape notions of freedom (civil rights) within a range of political regimes or state formations (Tilly 2006; Harvey et al. 2009, 2013). Lawful protest is part of freedom of expression, freedom of speech and freedom of assembly, which is often made ambivalent under the hegemony of the “security state”. Collective action such as peaceful civil disobedience and non-violent direct action were central to the anti-colonial struggles in the Global South as well as the civil rights movement in the US. In the South Asian context, hartal or “moral protest” and satyagraha or “campaign of truth” are forms of passive resistance or non-violent direct action. Meanwhile, workers protested through strikes, go-slows and work-to-rule tactics, in response to exploitation at work. Employers also responded through lockouts or capital strikes. Recognising the spectrum of contentious collective action that encompasses social movements is significant for articulating transformative politics. In terms of concrete resistance, the emergence of the World Social Forum (WSF) and the Global Justice and Solidarity Movement in 2001 depicted the potential for new forms of solidarity, including a new labour internationalism (Waterman 1998; Santos 2006). As an initiative of the Changing Sports Through Resistance 263

Brazilian progressive activist networks and sections of the labour movement, the WSF was articulating a Southern perspective on social transformation. Beginning with the first Social Forum in Porto Alegre, Brazil, the WSF has encouraged transnational alliances among social movements, NGOs and activist networks, promoting an alternative to neo- liberal globalisation. In 2016, the 12th WSF held in Montreal (Quebec, Canada)—in the Global North for the first time—was attended by around 35,000 participants from 125 countries. Their struggles to construct a world of social and ecological justice articulate an alternative ethical globalisation (or an alterglobalisation) under the slogan “Another world is possible” (Harvey et al. 2009). Thus, another world of sports is also possible.

8.1.1 Citizenship Beyond the Nation-State

The emergence of social movements is central to gaining citizenship rights, which involves transforming authoritarian institutions and cultures of governance, maintained by the nation-state. The struggles to elaborate citizenship rights also foster the emergence of social movements (Wainwright 1994; Amin et al. 1991). Social movements engage in justice claims involving cultural misrecognition, economic maldistribution and political marginalisation (Fraser 2005, 2009). The protests during mega-events in the Global South highlight the “precarious and contingent” character of citizenship rights and the significance of social movements. Citizenship refers not only to a set of rights and obligations, but also to individual and collective involvement in public institutions. Meanwhile, social movements illustrate human potentialities and possibilities of structural emergence (Wainwright 1994). Framing sports resistance as a citizenship movement relates to strengthening individual and collective participation in public institutions as agents, users, objects, constituents and organisers of public interests. The articulation of counter-hegemonic struggles is significant for encouraging different forms of democracy to regain community control over public services (such as health, education, water, finance, electricity, media, telecommunication, transport, recreation, sports, and so on). 264 S. J. Biyanwila

The framing of citizenship overlaps with the realm of civil society and the articulation of “public interest” or the “public sphere” interconnected with different spatial scales (Giulianotti and Brownell 2012). The nation- state-centred ways of approaching citizenship, human rights, and civil society and “public interest” is increasingly complicated with global production networks. More importantly, the articulation of “sportive nationalism”, assigns a false sense of dignity and social inclusion, in a context of diminishing citizenship rights, which involves the maldistribution of resources along with the cultural and political marginalisation of women, minority ethnic groups, people with disabilities and alternative sexualities. The territorial state is interdependent with other states as well as supra- state institutions, such as the IOC, the ICC and the FIFA (Millward 2011). In effect, “citizenship regimes” that overlap different spatial scales— sub-national, national, regional, and global—define membership as well as accountability in terms of governance. The emergent sports legal regimes promoted by the IOC illustrate notions of “self-regulation”; asserting cosmopolitan norms also enables new vocabularies for claim-making citizens. The notions of citizenship directly relates to the actual practice of democracy, which demands examining how sports governing institutions enable or constrain new ways of collective participation in public institutions. Recognising the stratification and differentiation of citizenship within and beyond the territorial nation-state is significant for building alliances, intercultural translations, and engaging locally with a sense of the global.

8.1.2 Democracy and Civil Society

The elaboration of state and civil society relations is central to understanding sports in the Global South. Civil society in the Global South differs from the North owing to the colonial histories and the ongoing economic and cultural subordination (Santos 2007). The colonial state forms that introduced Western sports were based on citizenship rights reserved for the local property-owning male elite. Consequently, the emergence of early sports associations as civil society organisations valorised elitist masculine cultures of amateurism, creating consent to the hegemonic colonial project. Changing Sports Through Resistance 265

The reappropriation of sports from an elite leisure activity to a mass participation public good, emerges with post-colonial nation building projects in the ex-colonies (Dimeo 2003; Domingos 2007; MacAloon 2006). State social provisioning of sports was in many ways restricted in terms of resources, illustrating an uneven spatial and temporal process. In Sri Lanka, the state social provisioning of sports under the Sports Ministry in 1966 lasted nearly a decade before reintegration with the spread of global markets reproducing elitist sports cultures. Despite the uneven and limited regional distribution of sports resources, this early period of expanding sports commons encouraged public involvement and laid the foundation for elaborating sports cultures, within communities and the school system in Sri Lanka. With the state reduced to the institutional architecture of governance, the notions of “autonomous civil society” co-evolve with the spread of markets. The dominant approach to sports governance institutions reproduces this “autonomous civil society” discourse, where states or governments form “partnerships” with various “stakeholder” groups, involving businesses, sports NGOs and other actors (such as UN goodwill ambassadors). The narratives around NGOs or the non-profit sector, the community sector, or the “third sector” encompass the realm of civil society. What is implicit is a social engineering approach to society, a “rationalisation of recreation” based on blurring the distinction between commercial and social provisioning values. The “autonomous civil society” discourse complements the discourse of pluralism linked with notions of “deepening” civil society. For the pluralist, civil society represents a multiplicity of organised “interest groups” that play an “organically conservative role”, by protecting the state from spontaneous popular resistance from below as well as shielding those with a “significant stake in society” from the state itself (Gibbon2002 : 31). The pluralist perspectives highlight the blocked participation and demo- bilisation related to the “cultural massification” generated by information and communication systems (Mouffe 1992; Gibbon 2002: 31). Spectator sports form a powerful element of this “cultural massification” or “dysnification”, which creates consent to the cultural hegemony. For the pluralist, contemporary civil society depicts a complex system, increasingly shaped by the symbolic rather than material production and 266 S. J. Biyanwila less subject to state control (Melucci 1989: 19). Therefore, civil society and, in turn, democratisation is reduced to a competition among rival political groups. However, this “autonomous” and “fragmented” civil society perspective emphasising a plurality of struggles, disguises and confuses their relationship to the capitalist economic system (Wood 1995). In turn, the “deepening” of civil society discourse evades “confronting the state and its various power apparatuses” (Gibbon 2002: 30). As the mobilisations against the militarised state in the 1980s in Brazil, South Africa and South Korea illustrate, confronting the capitalist state in multiple economic, cultural and political levels is significant for strengthening democracy as well as notions of citizenship.

8.1.3 An Alternative Hegemony and the Global South

The realm of civil society generally accompanies a positive connotation of democratic social change. However, civil society is dialectically interrelated to the state and embedded in the construction of hegemony (Martin 1998: 136). Hegemony represents a political account of consent whereby extra-economic forces of domination reinforce “a ‘dominant ideology’, favourable to the reproduction of capitalist relations of production” (Martin 1998: 134). Hegemony highlights the complexity of governance within constitutional states with formal democratic representative institutions. Since political struggles reproduce or transform enduring social structures, hegemony is both structural and political (Morgan 1997). Here, political is simultaneously coercion and consent. Consequently, the state represents a combination of political society and civil society, with “a hegemony protected by the armour of coercion” (Gramsci 1971: 263). Civil society is, therefore, an incomplete realm of perfect freedom or democracy “marred by oppression in the family, in gender relations, in the workplace, by racist attitudes, homophobia and so on” (Wood 1995). This echoes how Marx defined civil society in capitalism a “site of crass materialism, of modern property relations, of struggle of each against all, and of egotism” (Bottomore 1991: 83). In effect, hegemonic narratives of Changing Sports Through Resistance 267

“evangelical sports”, “sportive nationalism” and “the mystique of sports” depoliticise the realm of sports reinforcing the dominant ideology of competitive individualism, entrepreneurialism, self-improvement and charity. This enduring Eurocentric elitist masculine ideology frames social inequality as a “natural” condition where charity and benevolence is not simply a virtue but a duty, particularly for those who benefit from structures of privilege (Collins 2013). For the Global South, the articulation of “civil society” is also entrenched in systems of patronage demanding self-censorship and subservience. Civil society as a space of counter-hegemonic struggles concerns the articulation of an alternative hegemony, illustrating the relationship between the struggle against and the struggle for. The articulation of a counter-hegemony encompasses: (a) the struggle against may or may not contain a struggle for; (b) the primacy of the possible (or concrete will) over the actual; and (c) the cultural, intellectual and moral dimensions of counter-hegemonic struggles (Sassoon 1980: 114). While the dominant tendency is to foreground the struggles against patriarchal able-bodied heterosexual ethnonationalist capitalism (such as critical theory and identity politics), the struggle for suggests an alternative hegemony elaborating socialist theory and politics (Wainwright 1994; Amin 1997; Harvey 2012). The alternative hegemony represents a political struggle relating to different levels or moments of a political class-consciousness that intersect intellectual, cultural and moral as well as economic terrains. In the cultural terrain, collective and individual struggles within sports cultures depict a diversity of political class-consciousness. The articulation of an alternative hegemony consists of working-class counter-hegemonic struggles, forming a permanent alliance, a historic bloc, with popular struggles, transforming identities as “people” aimed towards constructing a “popular will”. Consequently, the rediscovery of civil society relates to situating the working class not as “class in” but a “class of” civil society in articulating an alternative hegemony (Gibbon 2002). Prior to the 2011 six-month lockout by NFL owners, the NFL Players Association protested against proposed anti-union legislation, known as right-to-work, in the state of Indiana. The city of Indianapolis was hosting the 2011 Super Bowl. The NFL Players Association framed their opposition in the following way: 268 S. J. Biyanwila

To win, we have to work together and look out for one another. Today, even as the city of Indianapolis is exemplifying that teamwork in preparing to host the Super Bowl, politicians are looking to destroy it trying to ram through so-called “right-to-work” legislation…“Right-to-work” is a political ploy designed to destroy basic workers’ rights. It’s not about jobs or rights, and it’s the wrong priority for Indiana…. As Indianapolis proudly prepares to host the Super Bowl it should be a time to shine in the national spotlight and highlight the hard-working families that make Indiana run instead of launching political attacks on their basic rights. It is important to keep in mind the plight of the average Indiana worker and not let them get lost in the ceremony and spectacle of such a special event. This Super Bowl should be about celebrating the best of what Indianapolis has to offer, not about legislation that hurts the people of Indiana. (Zirin 2012)

The recognition of the sports spectacle as a distraction or a mystifica- tion, which hides the real lived experience of workers, illustrates how the producers of sports consumer culture recognise their alliances with other producers. It reflects a moment of class-consciousness among the elite sports labour (in the Global North) of their interdependence with other less privileged workers. It also reveals how sports labour can confront the apathy and ignorance maintained by the entertainment spectacles of the “Empire of Illusions” (Hedges 2009). The NFL football players in the Global North, recognising and intervening on anti-worker legislation in the local (Indiana) economy prior to the Super Bowl (a sports mega-event) situate a relatively privileged segment of the working class not as “class in” but a “class of” civil society. This moment of collective action challenges the dominant notion of civil society, grounded in ahistorical individualism and universality. This is where civil society in the Global South relates to how post-colonial state formations reintegrate with the world trading system fostering authoritarian ethnonationalist tendencies, while undermining working-class parties. In effect, the orientation of an alternative hegemony is a rediscovery of “civil society”, expressing a social humanity, in a concrete humanism (Bhaskar 1993). This suggests the need to build hope for an alternative work-play-rest balance, where freedom is “to know and to possess the power and disposition to act in or towards our real individual, social, species and natural interests” (Bhaskar 1989: 187). Changing Sports Through Resistance 269

Global global global social sports movement federations sports orgs regional European regional sports sports orgs orgs Market state society US Cuba, Business Bolivia, sports Ecuador orgs national Urban social/com growth munity sports orgs sports orgs local

Fig. 8.1 Social spatial parameters of sports organisation

The articulation of sports resistance can be located within a spectrum of political orientations, with the dominant tendency to reproduce market- driven sports consumer culture at one end while the counter-tendency towards public-driven sports cultures is at the opposing end (Fig. 8.1). The spectrum of political orientations also overlaps varying interconnected geographic scales from the local, regional to the global. The public-driven sports cultures represent the potential for an alternative hegemony involving sports commons. Here, the “public” relates to the state in terms of its tiers of governance as well as social provisioning of basic needs, involving politics of recognition (culture, identity), redistribution (economy, class) and representation (representative and movement politics). The UN and IOC along with US sports reform practices illustrate the market end of the spectrum while Cuba (and more recently Venezuela, Bolivia and Ecuador) expresses regional tendencies articulating a sense of sports commons. While Cuba has consistently maintained an alternative state socialist project, the emergence of new (twenty-first century) socialist projects are a significant achievement of social movements in South America, particularly Ecuador, Bolivia and Venezuela. These struggles remain incomplete with persistent efforts by elites (economic, political, cultural and media, and state bureaucratic elites) and their regional and global allies, to subvert counter-hegemonic social movements. 270 S. J. Biyanwila

8.2 Organising Service Sector: Migrant Sports Workers

Situating athletes as service sector workers is significant for coupling the realm of play and entertainment as work. The difficulty in organising sports workers encompasses a broader context of challenges faced by services sector workers to self-organise. The workplaces in service sectors are smaller and decentralised, scattering workers in many types of workplaces in different spaces and time scales. Along with complex patterns of ownership, shifting lines of control means challenges in determining the place and space in which corporate decisions are made and where to put pressure. An emerging tendency among unions is to organise workers across the value chain or the global production network. For sports labour, this entails organising within and across the sports-media-tourism complex while integrating workers in the global production networks of sporting goods (Palmer 2016). The sports workers’ unions, or players’ associations, remain fragmented along leagues, regions and sports. Nevertheless, in 2014, over 100 player unions, representing around 80,000 athletes in more than 60 countries established a federation of sports workers’ associations, UNI World Athletes (UNI 2017). The sports workers were from across the globe, but mostly from European and the major US sports leagues, including player unions from the NFL (American Football), NBA (Basketball) and NHL (Ice Hockey). The cricket associations in Bangladesh, South Africa and West Indies, along with South African Rugby Players Association represented the Global South. Located in Switzerland, the home of IOC and FIFA, the UNI World Athletes focused on collective bargaining, status of players, anti-doping rules, anti-corruption measures, image rights and dual careers/transition programmes. The UNI is a global union federation (GUF), engaged in organising service sector workers and accounting for “more than 20 million workers from over 900 trade unions” (UNI 2017). While including workers in the sports-media-tourism complex, UNI also initiated the “Bangladesh Accord”, building alliances with manufacturing workers and unions. Changing Sports Through Resistance 271

Most players associations illustrate craft or occupational union forms, which generally avoid contentious collective action, mobilisation and alliances with other workers. Nevertheless, occupational unions based on occupational identity, also enable alliances across workplaces. The collective power of occupational unions has the capacity to shift control over labour supply in the occupation, rights as a function of occupational membership, and peer control over occupational performance and standards (Lipsig-Mumme 1997). Generally, public sector teachers and health workers unions (mainly nurses) organise within the sectors and across workplaces. The UNI affiliated unions in Sri Lanka include workers from telecommunications, banks, printers, health services, insurance and media. While some of these unions (banks, telecommunications and health services) are engaging in contentious collective action and alliances with other unions, most remain institutionalised domesticated unions subordinated by party politics (Biyanwila 2010). This positioning of unions also relates to the hostile authoritarian state forms in the Global South, where the coercive apparatus of the state couple with censorship, disinformation and misrepresentations by corporate mainstream media. The struggles of service sector unions at a local level also concern global alliances.

8.3 Labour Movements and Sport

In terms of the global labour movement, the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC), located in Brussels, represents the largest international union. The ITUC has maintained an ongoing campaign to democratise and socialise global sports markets by demanding enforcement of labour rights and social protection in order to promote “decent work”. The ITUC, which emerged in the postwar period, is closely allied with the British and German unions encouraging corporatist arrangements with employers. The ITUC’s social democratic tradition, which links with the ILO, builds on the notion of possible and necessary class compromises within capitalism involving tripartite (employers, workers and the state) negotiations. 272 S. J. Biyanwila

Meanwhile, the World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU), sustained by socialist and communist party trade unions, mostly in the Global South, foregrounds the need to go beyond labour-capital compromises to transforming class exploitation under capitalism. The Indian trade unions, CITU (Centre of Indian Trade Unions) and the Chinese Trade unions, ACFTU (All-China Federation of Trade Unions) also support this federation. While CITU engages in collective mobilisations, ACFTU remains mostly subordinated within party politics, despite agitation by workers in diverse workplaces. A smaller international union network is the SIGTUR, Southern Initiative on Trade Union Rights, established in the early 1990s and built around unions in the Global South, which are independent of political parties. The dominant unions within this network are the South African and South Korean party-independent unions, and more recently Brazilian unions. This network illustrates a form of new labour internationalism aimed at mobilising unions by fostering alliances with activist networks and social movements. The global union federations (GUFs), such as IndustriAll and UNI Global Union, are active across nation-states and have initiated “global agreements” with TNCs, organising workers across global production networks (Palmer 2016). These global union formations integrate a range of transnational activist labour networks engaged in multiple campaigns at local and national levels. These activist networks foreground the ILO agenda of “decent work”, emphasising the re-regulation of labour markets implementing decent working conditions, freedom to organize and collectively bargain and a living wage (ILO 2016; Merk 2014).

8.3.1 “Play Fair” Campaign; Limits of “Ethical” Consumerism

“Play Fair” is a global campaign co-ordinated by international trade union federations and transnational activist networks (ITGLWF 2012; Oxfam 2012a, b; CC 2012). The main union federations include the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC), the International Textile, Garment and Leather Workers’ Federation (ITGLWF), the Clean Clothes Campaign (CCC) and Building and Wood Workers’ International Changing Sports Through Resistance 273

(BWI). IndustriAll Global Union, which coordinates “Play Fair”, focuses on the exploitation of workers making sporting goods and building venues, demanding the enforcement of international labour standards. Since the launch of the “Play Fair” campaign in 2004, the IOC has accommodated workers’ rights in the Olympic bid criteria and has indi- cated potential investigation into labour rights violations in Olympic supply chains (Maguire 1999). However, this effort remains mostly symbolic, with weak provisions in the bid criteria and a lack of concrete monitoring mechanisms. The “Road Map for IOC Action on Workers’ Rights” developed by “Play Fair” in 2008 remains mostly ignored by the IOC. Although the 2012 London Olympics (LOCOG) went further to address worker rights, local unions and labour rights organisations were excluded from efforts to monitor and improve conditions. The workers in factories in Sri Lanka, producing for brands such as Nike, Adidas, Speedo, Puma and Reebok, were also involves with the 2012 “Play Fair” campaign. The campaign compared the salary of the Nike CEO, Mark Parker, to an average factory worker in Sri Lanka. “At current (2012) wage levels, it could take Sri Lankan sportswear workers over 14,000 years to earn what Mark Parker made in one year” (TUC 2012). The local partner for the campaign is the Free Trade Zones & General Services Employees Union (FTZ&GSEU), which is the biggest trade union organising in the free trade zones, with a membership of over 16,000 workers in 2015. The union emerged out of the worker struggles in the early 1980s following the establishment of anti-union FTZs in 1978 (Biyanwila 2010). The “Play Fair” project organised workers, educated them about their rights and mobilised them. The project ran from November 2009 to March 2011 and covered around 27,350 workers, 80% of whom were women. Oxfam is an international NGO, which also supports international labour activism around sports goods manufacturing workers in the Global South (ITGLWF 2012; Connor and Dent 2006). The Oxfam 2012 report on sports goods manufacturing focused on 12 companies (Adidas, Asics, FILA, Kappa, Lotto, Mizuno, New Balance, Nike, Puma, Reebok, Speedo and Umbro) and labour rights issues in Asia (Oxfam 2012b). Some companies (Reebok, Puma, Addidas, Nike, Asics and Umbro) were taking steps to allow trade unions and collective bargaining. 274 S. J. Biyanwila

The report also included a Student Action Plan in order to raise awareness around brands (Nike, Puma, and Addidas) and worker rights. Students in Melbourne and Sydney hosted their own “Play Fair” soccer matches as a protest against 2012 Olympic brands undermining worker rights. Among the labour networks that overlap the realm of sports and youth, is the student-led “anti-sweatshop movement” in the US. This movement has encouraged schools to adopt “fair trade” practices with regard to school-logo apparel manufacturing. The United Students against Sweatshops (USAS) is aimed at “building student and worker power through organizing at our educational institutions around the world” (USAS 2017). Between 1991 and 2002, the student movement developed into a broader international movement involving trade unions and NGOs (Armbruster-Sandoval 2004; McGrath 2002). After the 2008 housing crisis in the US, which also related to student debt, the USAS launched a campaign targeting the financial sector (Wells Fargo, Chase and Bank of America) called “Kick the Wall Street out of Campus”. The “Play Fair”, Oxfam and students against sweatshops (USAS) highlights alliances between labour activist networks, based in the Global North with worker organisations in the Global South. The strategic focus on sports brands highlight the interests of sports TNCs to maintain “brand image” for building consumer markets mostly in the North. Meanwhile, the nation-states in Global South, entrenched in debt, co- produce low wage labour regimes mostly involving women workers. Thus, the activist networks target sports governing bodies (IOC, FIFA) as well as National Olympic Committees (NOCs) in the Global North demanding the enforcement of human rights and internationally recognised labour standards in their contracts with companies operating in the Global South. This overlaps with notions of Corporate Social Responsibility, which emerge with expanding sports consumer markets.

8.3.2 Sports and Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR)

The emergence of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) discourse, in the mid-1990s, illustrates a new mode of corporate governance aimed at articulating an alternative “ethical” moral economy. The CSR discourse Changing Sports Through Resistance 275 intersects the Ethical Trading Initiative and sustainability concerns, which engage civil society groups (community organisations, NGOs, policy insti- tutes) in a spectrum of interventions. The CSR discourse is intertwined with “philanthropic” or “charity” work of sports and media corporations (Levermore 2011). In 1999, the UN sponsored a partnership with corporations centred on a “code of principles” entitled the Global Compact. The Compact commits corporations to uphold nine human rights principles, including the right to join unions, the elimination of child labour and the development of environmentally friendly technologies. Nike, a key actor in the expansion of sports consumer markets, illustrates how creating consent in civil society, using CSR, involves multiple strategies in different spatial scales (Korzeniewicz1994 ). Beginning in the early 1990s, Nike launched its own public relations campaign to redeem its supply chain in the Global South, by portraying itself as a caring company concerned about working conditions. Riding the CSR wave in the late 1990s, Nike also upgraded its own code of conduct and integrated with a range of civil society coalitions. Nike allied itself with the CSR discourse of the Fair Labor Association (FLA) involving labour NGOs and unions, launched in 1998. The FLA, promoted by the White House (Clinton administration), the US Department of Labour and the apparel industry, focus on a voluntary code of conduct, where member companies attach a “No Sweat” label to their goods. While the code conveys that companies will pay the minimum wage or prevailing industry wage of the country, there is no compulsion for these companies to actually pay a living wage (Merk 2014). In response to the compromised position of the FLA, the Workers’ Rights Consortium (WRC) formed by progressive unions and human rights groups in October 1999, promoted a “living wage” rather than a minimum wage—where wages would meet their basic needs of food, clothing and shelter along with a little extra for discretionary spending. Phil Knight, the owner of Nike, described the living wage requirement as “unrealistic” (Beder 2002). Not only did Nike ally itself with the CSR discourse of the FLA, it also actively attacked attempts by major customers, such as universities, from participating in the more active WRC labour network (Beder 2002). In early 2000s, under pressure from student activists, more universities (around 30 by 2015) joined with the 276 S. J. Biyanwila

WRC rather than the FLA. In November 2015, Nike refused to allow the WRC to monitor its factories instigating numerous protests across campuses affiliated with the WRC (USAS2015 ). At Georgetown University (Washington DC), the activist student-athletes covered the Nike logos with tape on their Georgetown athletic apparel and Georgetown book- store apparel (Puri and Okuniewska 2015).

8.3.3 CSR and Bangladesh Manufacturing Workers

In April 2013, the collapse of a Bangladesh garment plant, the Rana Plaza factory, an eight story building, killed 1129 workers and injured many more (Butler 2013). It was the biggest in a string of deadly garment factory incidents in the country. At the time, Bangladesh was the world’s second-largest garment exporting nation after China. The factories in the building employed around 5000 workers, mostly women, who manufactured apparel for brands including Benetton, Bonmarché, Mango, Matalan, Primark, and Wal-Mart. These companies also had implemented CSR company controlled audits, which excluded checking the structural integrity of the buildings (IndustriAll 2013). The response of the brands (the TNCs) illustrated the differences between the US and the EU versions of capitalist markets (and moral economies). Unlike the US initiative, which excluded formal union participation, the EU-led initiative, the Bangladesh Accord, included two large GUFs, the IndustriALL and UNI Global. European retailers— H&M, Carrefour and more than 100 other retailers along with union groups initiated the Accord, aimed at improving safety audits such as independent inspections of facilities and public reporting. Along with Adidas, the Workers’ Rights Consortium (WRC) is also a member of the Europe-led Accord. The US initiative, the Alliance for Bangladesh Worker Safety, included Wal-Mart, Target and Gap, and around 26 other companies. This agenda lacked the EU-led initiative’s demand for long-term commitment of companies and binding arbitration for resolving disputes. At the launch Changing Sports Through Resistance 277 of the Alliance in Washington in 2013, students and workers—USAS joined by United Food and Commercial Workers, United Steelworkers, Service Employees International Union, the AFL-CIO, SumOfUs.org, International Labour Rights Forum (ILRF) and others—protested outside chanting “Shame on Wal-Mart” for its “fake safety scheme” (USAS 2013). The CSR discourse emerges in a particular historical moment of labour market deregulation, declining union power and increasing power of TNCs. The CSR represents a range of strategies by companies to maintain brand image and market competition based on “self-regulation” and voluntarism. It allows an ethical mask, a “branding makeover”, for corporate activities that exploit workers and vandalise the ecology. Nevertheless, the CSR discourse interacts with varieties of state regulations in the Global North, which also provides a space for organising, mobilising and resistance. While campaigning against sweatshops mainly concerns a minority of workers in the formal sector in the Global South, the CSR interventions enable workers to organise where unions are banned or repressed (Biyanwila 2010). Moreover, the demand for fair trade (ethical consumption) contests the dominant consumer culture by asserting a (counter- hegemonic) moral economy that couples the realm of consumption with production. The anti-sweatshop activism illustrates the collective agency of different actors engaged in democratising and socialising markets, which also relates to embedding GPNs in local economies. By forcing corporations to report accurately the working conditions of those who make their commodities, the anti-sweatshop activism reveals how commodity fetishism—commodities as fantastic objects, rather than the bearers of social relations in a capitalist economy—can be reappropriated for resistance. With most workers in sweatshops in the Global South comprised of women workers, the anti-sweatshop activism also strength- ens women workers’ capacity to organise against class exploitation as well as gender subordination. This labour activism within global networks of sports good manufacturing includes protests against sports mega-events. 278 S. J. Biyanwila

8.4 Resistance Against Olympics

The protests against the Olympic movement encompass different historical moments, geopolitical dynamics and diverse actors (Harvey et al. 2009, 2013). The Olympic movement, sustained by the IOC and national Olympic committees (NOCs) represents a hegemonic movement. Hegemonic movements are qualitatively different from counter- hegemonic ones, based on their access to dominant social groups, along with economic, political and cultural resources (Nilsen and Cox 2013: 67). The hegemonic movements illustrate how elites gain consent through “anti-collectivist populism” constructed through diverse organisations across different spatial scales (ibid.: 67). For the Global South, the key moment of human rights expression in Olympics was the 1968 Olympics in Mexico, which involved resistance within and outside of sports. Not only was there popular resistance against the games, staged for the first time in the Global South, but also the protests of the black athletes from the US, highlighted the politicisation of athletes, or the emergence of activist athletes. The protests directly confronted the IOC’s rhetoric of human rights, in a context of when the IOC and the United States Olympic Committee (USOC) led by Avery Brundage was committed to maintaining the white masculine hegemony of the IOC (Zirin 2005, 2008). In 1967, amateur black athletes formed the Olympic Project for Human Rights (OPHR) to organize an African American boycott of the October 1968 Olympics in Mexico City. This takes place in a specific historical context of black struggles, the black power movement and the civil rights movement in the US. The broad black power movement was asserting cultural rights of African Americans and demanding participation in public institutions. In 1967, the African American students were protesting in campuses across the nation against racist political, cultural and economic institutions. Malcolm X, who highlighted the violence of a racist state, was assassinated in 1965, and Martin Luther King was assassinated in April 1968. The OPHR was organised by Harry Edwards, Tommie Smith (200 m) and Lee Evans (400 m). The demands of the OPHR at the time included Changing Sports Through Resistance 279 restoring Muhammad Ali’s title, which had been denied in June 1967 for his refusal to fight in Vietnam; removing Avery Brundage as the head of the United States Olympic Committee; disinvesting from South Africa and Rhodesia; boycotting the New York Athletic Club for excluding blacks and Jews from membership; and hiring more black coaches (Zirin 2005). The raised-fist protest of the black athletes on the medal stand at the Mexico Olympics linked the realm of play and sports with racial oppression and class exploitation. Juan Carlos articulated his political orientation and solidarity with other workers in the following way.

I would never have fear for my opponent, but love for the people I was fighting for. That’s why if you look at the picture [of the raised fist] Tommie has his jacket zipped up, and Peter Norman has his jacket zipped up, but mine was open. I was representing shift workers, blue-collar people, and the underdogs. That’s why my shirt was open. Those are the people whose contributions to society are so important but don’t get recognized. (Zirin 2005)

While the black-gloved fists represented black power, the black socks that both wore (and no shoes) to the medal podium represented black poverty in America. This was an act of resistance by publically celebrated elite athletes revealing power hierarchies of race and class within sports. This also exposed the Global South within the North, the marginalised identities, including women, people with disabilities, indigenous people, and alternative sexual identities. When Tommie Smith and John Carlos made their Black Power salute on the medal stand at the 1968 Mexico Olympics, a third person on the victory stand joined them. He was Peter Norman, a 28 year old white man from Australia. Peter was from a Christian background and supported the two black runners’ protest. For showing his solidarity with the black protestors, he was castigated by the Australian state, which maintained the racist White Australia Policy into the 1970s. Although he was qualified, Norman was excluded from the 1972 Olympics. Even at the Sydney Olympics, his lived presence was omitted by the sports-media- tourism complex. This erasure of Peter Norman from the national sports 280 S. J. Biyanwila institutions and their collective memory, illustrates the “armour of coercion” maintaining by “sportive nationalism” and the “mystique of sports”. The notion of censorship relates to how hegemonic sports cultures depend on active forgetting of resistance, in order to reinvent sports as a depoliticised, sacred space. The articulation of hegemonic affective communities requires creating specific narratives of heritage and collective memories. This overlaps the “mystique of sports” or sports as a realm that magically escapes enduring relationships of oppression and subordination, which maintain processes of dehumanisation. Smith and Carlos were pallbearers at Norman’s funeral in 2006 and delivered eulogies at the service. In 2012, the Australian parliament passed a motion, apologising to Peter Norman for the maltreatment after the Mexico Olympics and acknowledged his bravery (ABC 2012). The resistance of Peter Norman illustrated the counter-hegemonic tendencies within white masculinity as well as “Muscular Christianity”, which endure in struggles for justice. The retaliation (the armour of coercion) against the protesting black athletes at the 1968 Olympics was swift. The athletes were immediately suspended from the Olympic team and others warned of “severe” penalties (Edwards 2017). Although their resistance was admired by many, upon their return they were supported by the impoverished local black communities, but not by the black middle-class. The hegemonic sports institutions, including the mainstream media, engaged in a campaign of repression that added to the suffering of the athletes and their families. Nevertheless, for the Global South, the resistance of the black athletes, under the Olympic Project for Human Rights, remains integral to the collective memory of resistance against the Olympic movement.

8.4.1 Counter Olympics Network

The Counter Olympics network (CON), launched in July 2012 in London, framed their demands around local issues as well as accountability of the IOC and NOCs. This is similar to other counter-hegemonic movements that had emerged in the Global North since the mid-1980s, highlighting issues of urban poverty and marginalisation as well as environmental concerns. For instance, the “Bread Not Circuses” coalition in Changing Sports Through Resistance 281

Canada successfully challenged the city of Toronto’s 1996 Olympic bid as well as the 2008 bid (Lenskyj 2008). At the 2012 Games the contentious issues included:

The corporate takeover of the Games (with sponsors that profit from sweatshops, poison local people, pollute the planet, and so much more); the eviction of local people from their homes and businesses to make way for the Olympic sites, and prioritising the interests of global corporations at the expense of small businesses; the privatisation of public space; the introduction of repressive policing and surveillance in conjunction with the Games, and the use of the Games to promote acceptance of the militarisation of society; the threat to both the lives and livelihoods of Londoners caused by the VIP Lanes for dignitaries on London roads; the encouragement of nationalism, in contradiction to the supposed spirit of the Olympics; the sanctioning of gender apartheid in Olympic teams; the “body fascism” mentality in elite sport; the hypocrisy of a Paralympics sponsor, ATOS, which is also responsible for wrongly removing welfare payments from tens of thousands of people with disabilities; the multi- billion-pound expenditure, much of it on temporary facilities, and most of it unnecessary at a time of supposed austerity. (CON 2012)

The CON also held demonstrations and protests, which were supported by 35 groups and organisations, mostly consisting of welfare rights, anti-war, anti-poverty, and anarchist activists along with trade unions. During a demonstration in July 2012, Stop the War Coalition's Chris Nineham expressed the collective resentment.

Danny Boyle’s opening ceremony was worlds away from how the Olympics are actually being organised…. The Olympics has already broken records: the most arrests on the opening day, the highest ticket prices, the highest expenditure on security and the greatest degree of corporate control. And all this holds a mirror up to our government; brazenly elitist, obsessed with profit and the military. (O’Donoghue and Hassan 2012)

At the 2012 London Olympics the labour and environmental activists targeted the largest mining TNCs—Rio Tinto, along with BP and Dow Chemicals—highlighting worker rights and environmental concerns. For 282 S. J. Biyanwila the Global South, the mining companies relates to colonial legacies, repressive labour regimes, displacement, dispossession and ongoing resource wars. Rio Tinto was providing the 4700 medals for the London 2012 Olympic and Paralympic Games, from mines in Utah and Mongolia. The protests demanded the IOC to remove Rio Tinto as its official medal provider for violating worker rights and human rights, specifically at the mine in Alma (Quebec), Canada. In January 2012, the company had locked out 800 employees from a smelter; they were refusing contracts that would put new workers on half the pay. After being locked out for six months, the union members ratified a new collective agreement with Rio Tinto in June 2012. Over 50 trade unions from around the world took action in support of the USW (United Steel Workers) campaign to kick Rio Tinto “off the podium”. Although the union achieved a minor victory in Alma, the global campaign continued (IndustriAll 2012). Meanwhile, Greenpeace targeted Dow Chemicals, demanding compensation for the victims of the 1984 Bhopal chemical disaster in India. The Union Carbide’s Bhopal pesticide production plant (acquired by Dow) released a deadly gas into the surrounding community killing more than 20,000, and injuring many. The suffering continues in the community with a range of impairments, exacerbating the care labour of households.

8.5 Rights to the City: Commonwealth Games in India

The resistance against dominant sports mega-events directly concerns urban social movements contesting market-driven urban development and inter-urban competition for a “world-class” city (Lowes 2002). This resistance overlaps elements of “rights to the city”, or struggles over public spaces and community control. As counter-hegemonic urban movements, they articulate an alternative affective urban community; to reframe the ways we understand and experience cities. These urban protests represent a struggle for the commons and collective goods and services, which also relates to the realm of social reproduction, in particular the cultural reproduction of leisure, sports and physical cultures. Changing Sports Through Resistance 283

The 2010 Commonwealth Games, held in Delhi, India, encountered protests from the beginning to the end. The sports mega-event involved 6081 athletes from 71 Commonwealth nations. The cost of the Delhi Games expanded to an estimated US$6 billion, and the event was marred by venue delays, chaotic organisation, corruption and financial scandals along with a range of human rights violations. The national anti- corruption watchdog, the Central Vigilance Commission (CVC), received complaints alleging the misappropriation of up to $1.8 billion of Games money (ABC 2011a). In February 2011, the Indian police arrested two key officials in the Games organising committee, director general, V.K. Verma, and secretary general, Lalit Bhano, for criminal conspiracy of rigging bids, with Swiss Timing, the company responsible for timing events at stadiums (ABC 2011b). The Commonwealth Games Citizens for Workers, Women and Children (CWG-CWC) initiative documented the death of 48 construction workers and another 98 who suffered serious injuries at construction sites during 2008–09 (Sehgal 2009). Meanwhile, the Communist party union, CITU claimed there were over 100 deaths (Bandopdhyay 2010). Construction workers employed in the building projects, close to a million workers, were mostly migrants from the poverty-ridden regions of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand. The workers were hired without formal contracts, through contractors and sub-contractors, with limited rights or protection. In the case of a workplace fatality, the body is quickly disposed, denying relatives any opportunities to recover the body. Generally, the work stops for a few days, coinciding with the dead man’s co-workers paid-off and dismissed. The fatalities and injuries are also due to the speeding up of work through long (12 hour) work shifts leading to overwork and fatigue (HLRN 2011). The forced evictions during the 2010 CWG illustrated coercive state strategies and planned dispossession integral to hosting sports mega- events in the Global South (Black et al. 2008). At least 200,000 people in Delhi were forcibly evicted because of the CWG since 2004 (HLRN 2011). The rampant violations of the human rights of the urban poor and the suffering of Delhi’s displaced communities endure with the complicity of a range of national and state (regional) level, ministries and agencies. Evictions take place without prior notice. Often people are 284 S. J. Biyanwila threatened by the police to vacate an area, the night before or just hours prior to the demolition. The evictions are also inappropriately timed (extreme weather conditions, during festivals, prior to school exams), and involve a large police presence. Along with the loss and destruction of possession and property were critical documents, such as ration cards, passports, and voter identity cards. These strategies of urban “development” also entail multiple injuries and deaths (HLRN 2011). After the evictions, there were ongoing failures to provide adequate rehabilitation and compensation for deaths, loss of livelihoods and violations of human rights. In the resettlement sites, in the periphery of the city, residents lost their access to basic services such as water, sanitation, electricity, adequate transport, schools and healthcare. Daily wage earn- ers, street vendors, and other informal sector workers across Delhi lost their livelihoods. In the aftermath of a forced eviction, women and girls were faced with inadequate living situations without any privacy and security, where they were forced to live in the open, on roadsides, and other public spaces. In such a context, women and adolescent girls encounter increased risks of sexual abuse and violence, which also included instances of early marriage of young women (HLRN 2011). The displacement and evictions, due to sports mega-events, depict the coercive apparatus of the state, involving repressive policing, surveillance and criminalisation of lawful protests. Meanwhile, the counter-hegemonic urban social movements illustrate struggles to democratise the city and urban sports cultures. These urban struggles also go beyond asserting individual freedom to access urban sports venues to asserting the right to consume and produce sports differently by changing the city. The “rights to the city” overlaps with enduring struggles of the women’s movement to socialise and democratise hegemonic hypermasculine sports cultures.

8.6 Contesting Heterosexual Able-Bodied Masculinity

The women’s movement is central to contesting the hegemony of heterosexual able-bodied masculinity of the dominant sports consumer culture. Women’s resistance against the patriarchal sports cultures involve struggles Changing Sports Through Resistance 285 within sports as well as outside of sports (Hargreaves 1997, 1999; Kane 1995). In the Global South, the decolonisation struggles extended voting rights for women, along with access to education, health, employment and state social provisioning. While women’s resistance and advocacy in the Global North has expanded, asserting politics of recognition, redistribution and representation, women’s access to sports remains restrained in the Global South (Brady 2005; Carter 2007). Nevertheless, transnational activist networks of women in sports continue their struggles against injuries of male biased sports cultures, the redistribution of resources to women’s sports and representation within sports governance structures including sports-media (Duncan and Hasbrook 1988; Lenskyj 1986; Hargreaves and Vertinsky 2007). In the US, the demands of the women’s movement which overlapped the civil rights movement in the late 1960s, led to the recognition of women’s right to sports (Title IX), and expanded the participation of girls and women. Women’s activism in the 1980s, along with the achievements of women in the field of sports, raised awareness of “women in sports” as an arena for social reform. In 1992, women activists organised to expose the absence of women from 35 delegations to the Barcelona Games, and demanded the exclusion of those “national” delegations for violating the non-discrimination policies of the IOC. The number of male-only delegations reduced to three in Beijing in 2008. Women’s dress in sports, particularly in the Global South, is a site of contestation over control over women’s bodies (Hogan 2003). Framed within notions of modesty and conceit, purity and corruption, the covering of women’s bodies directly impact on women’s capacities to engage in sports. Masculine narratives of markets as well as patriarchy dominate the articulation of “proper” dress. Women’s empowerment is defended from body covering garments that adhere to hegemonic patriarchal religious norms to body-revealing sexualised garments that cater to the market of heterosexual male fantasies. In 2004, when FIFA president, Sepp Blatter was asked how to popularise the women’s game, he suggested that they wear tighter shorts (Christenson and Kelso 2004). The covering of women’s bodies by patriarchal cultures became a significant issue, particularly since the early 1990s with the expanding global sports-media-tourism complex (Fuller 2006). In 1996, an Iranian woman 286 S. J. Biyanwila athlete took part in the Atlanta Games, covering her body. In 2008 at the Beijing Games, 14 delegations included veiled women. While affirming cultural difference is significant, it is also important to transform patriarchal cultures that control women’s bodies. The emphasis on cultural difference is interdependent with struggles against cultural subordination within communities, the maldistribution of resources on the basis of gender as well as exclusion of women from political representation. The assertions of ethnonationalisms and militarism in the Global South reproduce heterosexual masculine sports cultures entrenched in able-bodied homophobic tendencies. These tendencies relate back to the homophobic laws of British imperialism, and “Muscular Christianity”, reframed within post-colonial ethnonationalist state formations (Hall 1994). In the Global North, the lesbian and gay activism along with people with disabilities continues to engage in transforming sports. In the Global South, LGBTI (lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, and/or intersex) activism overlaps with women’s rights and human rights activism, and takes into account the diversity of sexual and gender identities (Cooky et al. 2012). Rather than diffusion of European “global subculture”, the sexual and gender identities in Asia, are shaped by historical legacies (of polymorphous sexuality) where “folktales of transgendered beings and deities who join male and female in one body” (Wieringa et al. 2007: 7). The urban middle-classes of Asia that are networked with LGBTI, women’s, and human rights activism in the Global North, negotiate and reshape their practices within the local context. The homophobic cultures in sports are stratified and differentiated, and shaped by the context. Although those sports that emphasise an element of aesthetic quality, such as gymnastics or diving, are seen as less entrenched in heterosexist culture, homophobic tendencies endure. The revelation of his gay sexual identity by multiple World Champion diver Greg Louganis in the late 1980s was significant for exposing the homophobic culture within the sport of diving as well as sports media. While this was a period that asserted family values, competitive individualism and self-responsibility (Thatcher and Reagan heterosexist gender regimes), it was also a period of mobilisation by the gay movement, particularly in the Global North. Despite anti-homophobic “codes of conduct” encouraged by global institutions governing sports, the monoculture of sports Changing Sports Through Resistance 287

(Dysnification) along with “sportive nationalism” reproduces homophobic sports cultures, reinforcing able-bodied heterosexual masculinity. The struggles of people with disabilities to participate in sports led to the emergence of a range of sports events in different geographic scales (Gilbert and Schantz 2008). For the Global South, people with disabilities, including women with disabilities continue to resist enduring authoritarian able-bodied sports cultures and institutions. Most sports venues in the Global South remain inaccessible for people with disabilities. While the Paralympics provide a space for people with disabilities to elaborate politics of recognition, it can also create consent to hegemonic able-bodied sports culture (see Chap. 5). The range of struggles against hegemonic heterosexual able-bodied masculine sports cultures suggests the possibility of an alternative hegemony based on “living well”.

8.7 From Sports for Development to Sports for “Living Well”

The counter-hegemonic resistance is about the articulation of an alternative sports culture reframing notions of work and play. Locating sports within the realm of production and social reproduction overlaps the discourse of “development”. “Development” is also a “crisis of sustainability” in which the appropriation of nature by modern capitalist societies leading to a resource crisis (and an ecological crisis) (Dickens 1996). The reframing of “development” (as sustainable development and “green capitalism”) was asserted since the Earth Summit in 1992. The International labour movement (ICTU) continues to endorse a “green economy”— based on rights, sustainability principles and decent work—encompassing “a just transition” from fossil fuels to renewable energy. However, “green or sustainable capitalism” along with “green sports” depends on the expansion of unlimited accumulation, which combines with militarism (Panitch and Gindin 2005). Thus, the “green economy” discourse focused on technological determinist arguments (technological innovation, technological fixes) reproduces institutions of capitalism (monopoly ownership over means of production), where the logic of accumulation is 288 S. J. Biyanwila based on the permanent exploitation of labour as well as the ecological conditions that sustain life (Dickens 1996; Shiva 2016; Salleh et al. 2015). The “green economy” project fails to address the unequal power relations and the dominant interests driving the global economic system as well as the “military industrial complex” (Lander 2011). The competition for resources and markets, along with popular protests form below reinforces the militarisation of the state in the Global South. In effect, the ecological crisis is a capitalist crisis that demands an alternative framework, a post-capitalist alternative (Wallis 2010: 32). As an alternative to mainstream development discourse, the concept of buen viver, or “living well” as expressed by Latin American social movements, articulates a deeper notion of individual, social, species and natural interests (Salleh et al. 2015). This alternative discourse enables a different approach to work and leisure, which takes into account human interaction with nature as well as one another. Social movements (farmers, workers, students, environmental activists) in the Global South, particularly in South America (Bolivia, Venezuela, Ecuador), continue to articulate the need for a new mode of human interaction with nature as the basis for collective flourishing.

One of them could be the Quechua concept of Sumak kawsay, which, according to the Constitution of Ecuador of 2008, should preside over the socio-economic regulation of society. It means roughly buen vivir in Spanish or living well, in English. Living well means an aspiration of individual and collective flourishing that rather than setting us apart from nature—as inherent to the concept of development—conceives of nature as part of human society in such a way that human rights and the rights of nature are the two sides of the same struggle for social emancipation. (Santos 2011)

The buen vivir (living well) project overlaps the articulation of an ecological civilisation (Magdoff2011 ; Kothari et al. 2014; Salleh et al. 2015). An ecological civilisation “exists in harmony with natural systems—instead of trying to overwhelm and dominate nature” (Magdoff2011 ). This relates Changing Sports Through Resistance 289 to recognising and transforming the euro-modernist masculine perspective on nature and its logic, based on conquest and control over nature to living in reciprocity with nature (Salleh et al. 2015). Sport as a site of struggle in the Global South combines economic struggles, in the realm of sports production with the cultural dimension, and in the realm of consumption and social reproduction. Both dimensions involve human interaction with nature, including human nature. In other words, the world of work as well as play affects our bodies, and our relationships with others as well as the lived environment. Recognising these overlapping economic, cultural, social, biological and ecological dimensions of sports is significant for reframing our real “laminated” human interests in reimagining sports pleasures. The transformation of sports is interdependent with “civilisational struggles” towards an eco- logically sustainable mode of social existence that transforms relations of domination in economic, political and cultural spheres (Fig. 8.2).

Export oriented development Sporting nationalism Sports consumer culture Sports-media-tourism egotism, aggressiveness and competition

Nation-State marketisation Private Sector: TNCs, Militarisation Finance, Media, Households, sports goods and neighbourhoods, Public sector equipment; communities,

Sports Commons Sports labour Markets living well Solidarity, non-violence, cooperation

Social Reproduction Social Production

Depletion of human &natural Counter hegemonic movement capacities and Provisioning values transforming work & play

Fig. 8.2 Sports commons and counter movements 290 S. J. Biyanwila

8.8 Conclusion

For the Global South, the anti-colonial struggles were significant for the elaboration of local sports cultures. Even in the Global North, the resistance by workers and communities, demanding a different work–life balance was central to transforming the elitist masculine “amateur” sports cultures. In the contemporary context of market-driven sports consumer culture, the socialisation and democratisation of sports markets relates to contentious collective action by different social movements, especially the labour movement. Social movements are forms of collective agency, oriented towards contentious collective action. Social movements engage in different forms of collective action in different spatial and temporal scales. The labour movement is the largest social movement, a movement that reveals the link between profits and exploitation of human beings as well as natural resources, and is central for transforming work and play. However, in a context of casualisation of work, including sports labour, the labour movement faces multiple challenges in organising and mobilising workers. Organising service sector workers within the sports-media-tourism complex as well as building alliances with manufacturing workers in global production networks of sporting goods, remains a challenging task. Outside of sports, a range of transnational activist networks, such as students against sweatshops, the Olympic Project for Human Rights and the Counter-Olympics network, along with environmental campaigns, engage in a variety of contentious collective actions. The resistance against sports mega-events in the Global South illustrates forms of urban protests, asserting “rights to the city”, in terms of demanding public spaces and community control. The urban protests against displacement and forced evictions, the misallocation of public resources, and repressive urban policing, are also about socialising and democratising urban sports markets. These efforts to embed sports markets within local communities reflect possibilities of sports commons, asserting politics of recognition, redistribution and representation. Changing Sports Through Resistance 291

The framing of this resistance in terms of re-embedding sports markets within communities, involves rethinking work and play, and notions of development in terms of “living well”. Revealing how the “sacred” realm of sports is also a site of resistance is significant for articulating alternative sports cultures that elaborate solidarity (rather than competitive individualism) in modes of pleasures. Developing this culture of solidarity highlights revitalising social mobilisation at multiple levels and scales enabling cultural flourishing in a new ecological civilisation.

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Conclusion: Sports as Play and the Sports Commons

In the Global South, access to organised sports is restricted to a tiny minority, mostly middle-class boys and men in urban areas. In 2007, the Indian state openly recognised this misallocation of sports resources.

It is estimated that out of a population below 35 years of age some 77 crore (crore = 10 million, 770 million), only 5 crore (50 million) or so have any access to organised sports and games, to the neglect of nearly 72 crore of our children, adolescents and youth. (GOI 2007)

In this context of only around 6% of those under 35 years of age having access to sports, the 2007 Indian state sports policy asserted the regaining of sports for social and public purposes.

Parliament recognises the need to shift the emphasis on sports from its present Constitutional position where it is clubbed with “entertainments” and “amusements” to treating sports as a key instrument of youth development for accelerated and inclusive national development, … (GOI 2007)

However, the notion of “accelerated and inclusive national development” involves the spread of sports mega-events or the consumer culture

© The Author(s) 2018 299 S. J. Biyanwila, Sports and The Global South, Global Culture and Sport Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-68502-1_9 300 S. J. Biyanwila of sports as “development”. In 2008, the Indian cricket governing institutions launched the Indian Professional League (IPL) cricket spectacle and in 2010, India hosted the Commonwealth Games. The Indian sports minister dismissed for disagreeing with hosting the 2010 Games later articulated his position.

By having an 11-day jamboree in New Delhi, the idea that you can become a sporting nation is nonsense. We had the Asian Games in 1951 and 1982, did they make us a sporting nation? Even if a percentage of the money spent on the CWG had been pumped into real sport, we would have been producing champions. But we have put the money into these tamashas. (Vats 2010)

In 2014, the politician who had become the sports minister, simultaneously holding the chairmanship of the 2010 Common Wealth Games and the president of Indian Olympic Association (1996–2012), was charged with corruption, along with five other officials from the Commonwealth organising committee. The dominant consumer culture of sports illustrates the disembedding of sports markets from society. This involves reproducing a monoculture of sports that promotes an “evangelical sports” narrative, which couples “sports and development” with “sportive nationalism”. While sports consumer markets expand in some urban settings in the Global South, access to sports excludes many because of the maldistribution of economic resources, cultural discrimination and political exclusion. The ways in which sports is produced, distributed and consumed, illustrates a network of interconnected functions, operations and transactions described as global production networks (GPNs). The main actors shaping the GPNs in sports are corporations (media and sports goods manufactures), states and civil society organisations (sports governing institutions) within different interconnected spatial scales. The extraction of monopoly rents from sports depends on the integration of urban development processes prioritising the interests of finance, media and telecommunication corporations. The distinct feature of urban development in the Global South relates to the militarisation of state in order to maintain safe spaces for middle-class sports consumer culture as well as for the protection of property rights. Conclusion: Sports as Play and the Sports Commons 301

Enduring authoritarian masculine sports cultures expropriating and exploiting sports labour are interdependent with inventing an “imagined community” based on a monoculture of sports. This monoculture of sports, reproducing notions of the “mystique of sports”, not only enables profit extraction but also simultaneously creates consent to hegemonic regimes in different spatial scales. The hegemonic regimes at the level of nation-states in the Global South depend on expanding the consumer culture of sports and for the invention of nationhood by constructions of “sportive nation”. This involves the deconstruction and reconstruction of “national” identity to create internal consent as well as to integrate with global capital flows. The invention of a “national identity” entails articulating notions of a “fair” or just society based on varying arrangements of political representation, resource redistribution and the cultural recognition of marginalised identities. The monoculture of sports is significant for reinforcing enduring hegemonic structures, by projecting the realm of sports as “participatory parity”. Thus, within the “evangelical sports” narrative everyone gets to participate on a par with his or her peers. This overlaps with “sportive nationalism”, which invents a sense of national unity where everyone gets to participate equally in celebrating national sports “heroes” and celebrities. The cultural and symbolic realm of sports depends on emphasising the “transcendental effect” of sports involving “feel good moral sensibilities” of sports entertainment (Harvey 2003). However, this articulation of sports outside of power hierarchies mystifies the actual production of sports consumer culture driven by a self-reproducing oligarchy within global and local sports governing institutions integrated with the sports-media-tourism complex. The monoculture of sports in the Global South is entrenched in enduring structures of violence and expropriation, which is interdependent with the militarisation of the state. The “national security” discourse, which reframes notions of “law and order”, reinforces the coercive apparatus of the state, legitimising state violence in multiple forms, from the use of surveillance to paramilitary groups. This overlaps with codes of conduct and self-censorship strategies to discourage the politicisation of sports as well as sports media, and media in general. The overt and covert suppression of political representation and 302 S. J. Biyanwila public deliberation is significant in sports consumer culture for the extraction of monopoly rent through Intellectual Property Rights (IPRs) or branding. Creating fun, pleasurable safe spaces of sports consumption or unencumbered entertainment for affluent middle-class consumers necessarily entails new modes of surveillance and security- influenced urban development. While the urbanisation process involves a range of struggles over housing, and other interconnected services to enable livelihoods, public transport is significant given the urban sprawl, which demands commuting to workplaces, including sports venues. The expanding car culture in the Global South is interdependent with inadequate and increasingly costly (deregulated) public transport in urban areas, which not only exacerbates bad living and working conditions but also vandalises the urban ecology contributing to the global ecological crisis. Nevertheless, the resistance within and outside sports consumer culture, illustrates individual and collective agency to re-embed sports markets in society, or to further democratise and socialise sports markets.

9.1 The Spread of Sports Markets into Social Reproduction

Sport as a cultural activity and a mode of cultural self-realisation relates to a social mode of production and reproduction. The dominant notions of free time and leisure are interdependent with the world of work, particularly in a context where making a living is market dependent (Spracklen 2011). The spread of markets into sports illustrates the promotion of markets or commercial values into the realm of social reproduction where social provisioning values, such as love, solidarity, cooperation and care are imperative. In framing leisure from a market-driven utilitarian standpoint, we have an obligation or an individual responsibility to use our “free time” constructively and “wisely” (Sutton-Smith 1997; Coleman and Kohn 2007). This sense of responsibility is also linked with the world of work, in terms of being flexible workers. From this competitive individualist masculine viewpoint, the unemployed are to re-skill themselves and Conclusion: Sports as Play and the Sports Commons 303 migrate in search of work. This is the microeconomic policy strategy where citizens are narrowed to atomistic (individualised) workers and consumers. However, this abstract market view of work and play or leisure time avoids history and structural explanations as to why a majority of the population in the Global South remain excluded from “decent work” as well as play and leisure. More importantly, the dominant discourse of work and play is based on valorising paid work in labour markets while devaluing unpaid care work in families and communities, mostly done by women. Not only are women absorbed into undervalued, underpaid, labour-intensive waged work, they are also further marginalised within households and communities to carry out unpaid care work. The narrowing of women’s identities (as workers, residents and citizens) to the realm of household and communities (as daughters, mothers and wives) is central to the “cult of motherhood” asserted by ethnonationalist notions of “sportive nationalism”. While the individual or collective reasons for leisure and free time may vary, there are structural and cultural reasons for dominant forms of leisure and free time (Spracklen 2011). For the Global South, popular (modern) sports transplanted through colonialism were reframed within decolonised nation-states. The emergent state formations in the Global South were compelled to regain the ownership of means of production (nationalised banks, critical industries and services), in order to expand public social provisioning, particularly in health, education, transport, telecommunications and media. The expansion of public school and health systems along with planned urbanisation nurtured specific sports cultures, despite their inadequacies. These initial “sports commons” reproduced colonial legacies of able-bodied masculine cultures subordinating women, minority ethnic groups and people with disabilities. The reframing of social provisioning of sports in the “public interest” in terms of market-driven state strategies involves “partnerships” with for-profit and non-profit (or non-government) organisations. State outsourcing of the social provisioning of sports to for-profit and non-profit organisations as “sports and development” entails legitimising commercial values. In the Global North, the development of community sports relates to price subsidies and targeted programming (Stabler and 304 S. J. Biyanwila

Ravenscroft 1994). Meanwhile, the spread of commercial values into the provisioning of sports also transforms workplace cultures within the public service as well as civil society. The provisioning of a public “service” based on values of care, responsibility and solidarity degenerates into an instrumental exchange relationship or a “job”. This overlaps with notions of “professionalism”, which are complicated by employment insecurity as well as commercial values of competitive individualism. In turn, the provisioning of sports entails less meaningful content, alienating social services (or community) sector sports workers from their own occupations, each other, and their social contribution as well as the community. The “sports and development” agenda is grounded in promoting sports markets, whereas Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) is linked with a range of sports charities, or civil society organisations. Corporate strategies targeted to maintain brand image and competitive advantage overlap with nation-state strategies of “sportive nationalism” to attract investors. The valorisation of sports celebrities is central to the consumer culture of sports, not only to generate fantasies about sports stars (Rojek 2006), but also to reinforce able-bodied masculine ideologies of competitive individualism and entrepreneurship. Nevertheless, there are counter- movements to democratise and socialise sports markets, reinforcing notions of living well, interdependence and solidarity.

9.2 Sports as Commons

To describe sports as commons is to highlight its social and ecological character of collective bodily cultures and pleasures. Commons emphasises notions of mutuality and interdependence, and the necessity of collective (state and community) provisioning for the elaboration of common cultural property. Sports as commons directly relates to issues of “living well”, cultural self-realisation and cultural flourishing (Salleh et al. 2015; Soper 2012). This suggests reimagining human interaction with nature (including human nature) as the basis for mutual flourishing. As opposed to the “culture of risk” promoted by the hegemonic sports culture, the emphasis is on “culture of precaution” and the preservation and elaboration of life. Conclusion: Sports as Play and the Sports Commons 305

The relationship between sport and pleasure has been reconfigured in the last 40 years of capitalist market expansion illustrating a form of colonisation of sports by market logic of competition (rationalisation of recreation), commercial values and masculine notions of individual self-interest. The invention of “community” through dominant sports cultures, through fan cultures as well as “sportive nationalism’, is based on representing sports as a sacred space beyond moral–economic and aesthetic considerations. The “freedom” articulated through the collective consumption of sports entertainment recasts notions of “choice” and “consumer sovereignty” that is disconnected with human and ecological consequences, particularly in terms of violence. This violence, which involves physical, material, cultural, and human destruction, includes making pain and suffering a “virtue”. In contrast, sports commons suggests cooperative, non-market, sports cultures that foreground social provisioning values of love, solidarity, and care as the grounds for developing human capacities for cultural flourishing. Re-embedding sports markets in local communities relates to democratising institutions and cultures governing sports in the macro-, meso-, and micro-levels. At the macro-level, this includes democratising global financial institutions along with the sports-media-tourism complex, involving the IOC and a range of other sports federations. This also concerns democratising institutions at the nation-state levels to restrain the spread of markets into the cultural commons, which includes sports, leisure, knowledge and a range of cultural activities. At the meso-level, this combines with dismantling and transforming oligopolies, mostly dominated by men, maintaining authoritarian hierarchical masculine sports cultures and systems of patronage. This encompasses demanding transparency and public accountability within a range of organisations in the overlapping domains of markets, state, and civil society. At the micro- level, this entails life politics of transforming a range of master–slave relations in our everyday life, which are reinforced though material, institutional and cultural practices. The articulation of sports commons is interdependent with media commons, where media and telecommunication services are driven by public interest (Barnett 2003; McChesney 2008, 2013). The socialisation and democratisation of media markets foregrounds reconfiguring the 306 S. J. Biyanwila media-sports nexus by transforming self-censorship and deepening the content of sports journalism by encouraging collective ownership of media and communication. The efforts towards media commons not only involve strengthening collective capacities through communication and information sharing, but also nurturing democratic communication, based on remedying injuries from economic exploitation, cultural discrimination and political exclusion.

9.3 Sports Participation as Redistribution, Recognition and Representation

The assertion of sports commons or the embedding of sports markets in society foregrounds the democratisation and socialisation of sport governing institutions. Broadening and deepening capacities for all to participate consists of articulating different forms of participatory democracy within sports governing institutions locally, but with a global sense. This concerns transforming the (elitist) male oligarchies that dominate sports governing institutions sustained by the sports-media-tourism complex. Sport as a fundamental human right, similar to worker rights, remains contradictory to a global economic system driven by the interests of capital. When the provisioning of sports is targeted to affluent consumers, not only does it restrict participation to those who can pay but also it reinforces the exploitation of a range of workers in the global production network of sports. Even if market-driven state strategies subsidise those who cannot pay, the commodification of services subordinate social provisioning values of services to commercial values distorting sports pleasures. In turn, commercialised sports are increasingly driven by testosterone fantasies (and gratuitous violence) to maximise profits while nurturing genetically modified athletes as well as degrading the living ecologies (sports stadiums in paddy fields and rainforests). The democratisation of sports markets is coupled with their socialisation. The socialisation emphasises social responsibilities of economic activities in terms of addressing development of human capacities and needs. For example, the demand for “decent work” reflects efforts to Conclusion: Sports as Play and the Sports Commons 307 socialise as well as democratise labour markets. Organising sports around the workplaces (Eichberg 2005) overlaps organising sports around the households. The socialisation of sports markets is also about issues of justice that go beyond the nation-state, recognising those subjected (oppressed) by overlapping institutions of governance in different spatial scales (Fraser 2005). The democratisation and socialisation of sports markets covers different spatial scales and time frames. The uneven geographies of governance are interconnected through global production networks, along with communications and media networks. Rethinking scales of democracy involves deepening our frame of democracy from a notion of members in a political community to members/species of an earth community, articulating an earth democracy, where we have a common responsibility to protect the earth (Shiva 2016). From a Southern perspective, this involves going beyond the anthropocentrism of euro-modernism to highlight the nature–culture interdependence in possible multiple modernities. Democratisation includes three different forms of democracy: representative, participatory and communitarian. The main aim here is to focus on articulations between representative and participatory democracy across sub-national, national, regional and global scales. Initiating and deepening democratic dialogue across institutions in different spatial scales combines with different time frames, shaped by access to resources, including knowledge and information. The democratisation of cities or urban spaces concerns expanding public access and public ownership of cultural goods and services, including water, transport, housing, sanitation, communication and access to sports facilities. Rather than emphasising spatially expanded forms of representative democracy, the aim is to foster democratic practices within local institutions with a global sense. The 2009 Constitution of Bolivia combined representative and participatory democracy with communitarian democracy. Communitarian democracy involves affirming marginalised identities, while elaborating individual rights and contractual rights over-emphasised by neo-liberal hegemony. The aim is to encourage a diversity of democratic cultures, institutions and interactions that encourages a “demo-diversity comparable with biodiversity” (Santos 2005). 308 S. J. Biyanwila

Reframing how we think about justice relates to considering the interdependence between injustices of cultural misrecognition, resource maldistribution and political misrepresentation. The demand for redistribution highlights injuries of exploitation, marginalisation and deprivation. These injuries involve classes or class-like collectives with distinctive relations to the market, relations of production, social division of labour, and access to means of production (Fraser 2005). The demand for redistribution coupled with demands for cultural recognition, where injuries of misrecognition, overlap issues of discrimination and stigmatisation. For instance, the cultural misrecognition of women and girls by dominant masculine sports cultures is shaped by class advantage as well as disadvantage. This intersects with cultural marginalisation within sports along with ethnicity, religion, sexuality, disability, age and region. The demands for political representation involve encouraging representative mechanisms that enable all to participate equally (Fraser 2005). Political representation is about belonging, in terms of inclusion and exclusion, from “the community of those entitled to make justice claims on one another” (Fraser 2005: 7). This entails another level of representation in terms of public deliberation and public processes of contestation. While both these levels relate to economic and cultural dimensions focused on ‘how’ to resolve injustices, the notion of participatory parity is about “who” can democratically decide. This highlights “justice as participatory parity” (Fraser 2005: 18). In revealing the interdependence between democracy and justice, participatory parity is about who gets to participate as peers in social life. Consequently, participatory parity foregrounds the substance and procedure of political representation as well as public deliberation. It emphasises the frame within which matters of justice are considered. The IOC and the CAS (Court of Arbitration for Sport) illustrate this framing in terms of “who” gets to participate as well as how cultural and economic conditions restrain most actors from the Global South from participating equally. The three domains of politics related to politics of recognition, redistribution and representation, also encompass both affirmative and transformative tendencies. While the affirmative tendencies are limited to reproducing static identity politics of difference, class collectives and representatives institutions, transformative tendencies suggests cultural and Conclusion: Sports as Play and the Sports Commons 309 symbolic elaboration (deconstruction and reconstruction), within an emancipatory project (Fraser 2005). Framing recognition and redistribution claims democratically is central to representative politics. Participation involves going beyond merely voting. It involves an (dialogic) ethic of participatory parity, enabling the marginalised to participate on the basis of parity, as peers (Fraser 2005). This highlights the provision of cultural and economic resources as well as changes in institutional designs in order for the marginalised to participate on a par with others.

9.3.1 Democratising and Reimagining Work and Play

The broadening of sports participation entails taking a closer look at the world of work or modes of livelihood that create the conditions for leisure and sports. The expanding sports consumer culture, sustained by corporations, states and civil society organisations, integrates a diversity of workers engaged in different labour regimes. While a minority of sports labour have access to celebrity status and high wages, most sports workers illustrate the precariat, faced with employment and wage insecurity (Munck 2013; Standing 2012). This pervasive insecurity within labour markets also reinforces the subordination of workers within authoritarian labour regimes. The promotion of sports labour as flexible workers or “entrepreneurs” mystifies how most sports workers experience an intensification of work and self-harming work practices. Most sports labour, particularly in the Global South, lack access to affordable social services or pensions necessary to sustain a comfortable mode of living following their sports careers. The concentration of sporting complexes for sports mega-events within cities highlights how ongoing processes of urbanisation reflect specific forms of cultural production and consumption of sports. Sports labour engaged in sports production, mostly within cities, also includes migrant workers, revealing contradictions of ethnonationalist notions of the “sportive nation”. The uneven processes of urbanisation with inadequate public transport, reinforcing the car culture, further exacerbate livelihoods of workers and working class communities. Nevertheless, urban worker struggles allied with local neighbourhoods and communities illustrate efforts to reframe public access to cities. 310 S. J. Biyanwila

The embedding or the socialisation of sports markets within communities relates to cultural deconstructions and reconstructions of sports labour. This entails resisting the idea that culture is a product of the bourgeois, rather than sports labour. The representation of sports labour as “entrepreneurs” camouflages the unequal exchange between those who own capital and those who have to sell their labour. The individual narratives of how entrepreneurs create sport leagues and entertainment, expropriate the contributions of direct producers, the sports labourers. It is often the media entrepreneurs (Kerry Packer), firms (ESPN, national sports leagues) or civil society organisations (the IOC, FIFA, NCAA, national sports federations) that are projected as the producers of sports entertainment. When sport (culture) is seen as the product of the bourgeoisie, the workers who simply want to play get played. Redefining work is about democratising the realm of work, contesting authoritarian employment relations and despotic labour regimes (on the basis of worker rights and dignity) while articulating notions of “living well”. Deconstructing the cultural myth of “the more each works, the better off all will be” is central to rethinking well-being in an ecological civilisation. In terms of democratising work, the classic labour movement objectives of reducing work hours, workers’ control, worker self- management or workers’ participation are still relevant. At the same time, there is also a need to engage with substantive issues of work, combining struggle within work with liberation from it (Gorz 1985). The democratisation of work implies the possibility of redefining work in terms of “producing differently, producing other things and even working less” (Waterman 1998: 8). Democratising work in terms sports labour suggests reframing competitive individualism in terms of interdependence with others as the basis of self-care. This involves the reintegration of the separated (individualised, fragmented, differentiated, stratified) sporting body with the collective or the communal body. The history of struggles from slavery to the emergence of workers and peasant (farmers) movements, along with the women’s movement, illustrates how assertions of interdependence transform relations of domination, enabling new identities, as well as new possibilities. The encouragement of mixed gender and mixed ability Conclusion: Sports as Play and the Sports Commons 311 sports teams, particularly in children’s sports, suggests new possibilities of reframing notions of competition and pleasures of sports. The articulation of an alternative notion of work and play depends on transforming the relationship between the wage-labour (production) and non-wage household labour (reproduction). Reimagining the realm of work relates to reconnecting the realm of production with the realm of social reproduction. The search for decent paid work also concerns decent unpaid work within the households and communities. The search for non-market, non-hierarchic, practical and affective relationships (Gorz 1985: 107) in paid work also encompasses care work within households. Revaluing the unpaid care labour in households and communities suggests reinventing provisioning values, transforming patriarchal cultures, and strengthening state social provisioning, in order to provide quality care. Expanding sports participation, particularly of women, demands a deep restructuring of the sexual division of labour within households, which is coupled with the world of work. Enabling capacities for quality care is reinforced by having meaningful and decent work. In turn, the democratisation of work also relates to replacing commercial values that inform dominant sport consumer culture with social provisioning values of solidarity, justice and care.

9.4 Politics of Transformation—Solidarity, Justice and Care

An alternative notion of work and play, emphasising sports commons, foregrounds politics of transformation. Politics of transformation is oriented towards totalising and deepening real self-interest or human autonomy, while acknowledging our interdependence with others. In effect, solidarity is the basis of universal emancipation, where self-emancipation of the individual is necessarily interdependent with the emancipation of others (Bhaskar 1993). In contrast, the notion of emancipation in a market view is reduced to a calculus of maximising individual happiness. Politics of transformation challenges the moral relativism of economic liberalism (post-modernism), which renders resistance and struggle as 312 S. J. Biyanwila arbitrary, as lacking any defensible justification. The monoculture of sports, along with “evangelical sports”, “sportive nationalism”, and “sport and development” discourses, reproduces this moral relativism, which creates consent to the status quo. The authoritarian cultures of discipline, including self-discipline, which are linked with self-improvement and competitive individualism, contribute to devaluing resistance and struggle. Meanwhile, the collective mobilisation of the marginalised and oppressed, such as anti-colonial struggles, which democratised sports, exposes the contradictions of this relativist position. Politics of transformation is a counter-hegemonic struggle, based on solidarity, against a totality of master–slave relations (Bhaskar 1993: 175). The master–slave relation in the realm of sports production, particularly in the Global South, combines with (feudal) patriarchal cultures, maintaining hierarchical relations consisting of class, gender, ethnicity, region, sexuality, caste and age as well as functional roles such as teacher–student, bureaucrat–civilian, and politician–voter. Politics of transformation highlights the possibilities within objective conditions of sports labour for self-creation. This involves modifying the ensemble of concrete conditions for cultural flourishing while recognising limits and capacities for collective mobilisation (Gramsci 1971: 360). For example, the self-creation of sports through players’ associations also contains the possibility of building alliances with other sports labour as well as workers dispersed in the global production network of sports including the media. Re-embedding sports markets within local communities is also about building broader alliances. The emphasis on the local is not without contradictions. The attachment to locality, originality and aesthetic particu- larity can fall into local, regional or nationalist identity politics with neo-fascist tendencies. For example, the celebration of “sportive nationalism” in Sri Lanka necessarily includes Sinhala Buddhist ethnonationalist tendencies grounded in forms of aggressive masculine violence. This illustrates how affirmative politics can lead to anti-democratic anti-secular identity politics. In contesting elite (hegemonic) cultural projects, popular mobilisations construct new cultural forms and new definitions of authenticity, originality and tradition. They emerge from multiple local Conclusion: Sports as Play and the Sports Commons 313 spaces interconnected with a broader movement articulating transformative politics (Harvey 2002). Politics of transformation highlights the realm of human interdependence and vulnerability as well as the capacity for collective flourishing. Solidarity as the antithesis of competitive individualism (and moral relativism) reveals that there are rational grounds to prefer one set of normative sentiments to another. Solidarity involves a unity among a group that expresses a community of shared interests, objectives and experiences (Waterman 1998). More specifically, sports worker solidarity as a value orientation articulates a normative choice and a commitment, grounded in a deeper social relationship, to transform conditions of exploitation. Sports as a cultural activity of conviviality (fun with flourishing) and solidarity with others is reproduced or transformed by collective mobilisation and intervention. Solidarity acknowledges the contradictions and complementarities involved in becoming corporate agents. The reason for solidarity concerns “unity-in-diversity” as well as “diversity-in-unity”. Unity-in-diversity, the dominant articulation of solidarity, is a mutual recognition of differential (personal, social and local) identities. In contrast, diversity-in-unity is about recognising the diversity of social experience and addressing social mechanisms of subordination in a stratified and differentiated social totality (Bhaskar 1993: 278). It highlights the rights of a marginalised majority, and those in the periphery, who also express the desire for self-emancipation (ibid.). Diversity-in-unity allows for a “multiplicity of subjects and movements to recognise and realise a common value orientation towards emancipation while allowing for multiple contradictions” (Waterman 1998). Solidarity is a necessary condition for self-determination and autonomy, and consists of a normative act and a moral principle (Bhaskar 1993). Morality here is about how we care for ourselves, intimate others and generalised others, as well as other species (Fig. 9.1). The core of solidarity is an opposition to competition, hierarchy, authoritarianism and coercion, which also involves exploitation, expropriation, commodification and alienation (Waterman 1998). Thus, solidarity concerns not only supporting each other’s struggles, but also the stronger (privileged) supporting the weaker (marginalised). This sense of 314 S. J. Biyanwila

Work Sports consumer Play insecurity, intensification, culture underemployment, Sports-media-tourism unemployment, poverty Global North Global South regulation & emancipation violence & appropriation

Social Reproduction Households, neighbourhoods, communities, Sports = cultural self-realisation Sports commons Living in harmony with Sports = participation nature: Ecosocialism Democratising work & play Solidarity, unity-in-diversity transforming patriarchal, ethno-nationalist diversity-in-unity human militarist heterosexual able bodied masculine interdependence tendencies and vulnerability as Counter hegemonic movements well as capacity for Politics of recognition, collective redistribution, representation flourishing.

Fig. 9.1 Sports commons and politics of transformation solidarity is evident in the realm of play and sports, in terms of “fair play”, and “competitive balance”, which also entails issues of justice and care.

9.4.1 Sports Justice and Care

The dominant human rights discourse, which overlaps sports, builds on the principles of “impartiality” and “universalism” as the basic require- ments of morality or a “good society”. Play and sports express this in terms of impartiality or “fairness” within sports involving elements such as formal rules, principled positions, impersonal judgements, duties and rights. However, this notion of justice based on a contractarian public morality often ignores the notion of care, which is relegated to the private realm. The relationship between care and justice is significant for the articulation of sports as sports commons and social provisioning values. Conclusion: Sports as Play and the Sports Commons 315

The dominant discussion on ethics in sports is shaped by the impartialism debate, in which justice is given lexical priority over care, so that where there is conflict, justice overrides considerations of care (Bubeck 1994: 606). The opposite of giving priority to care over justice also involves limitations. The limitations of both positions relate to how care in private and public spaces is articulated. There is a different morality of care in the public sphere that is often neglected by limiting the ethic of care to the private. The contractarian public morality, where justice overrides care, is “unable to account for the moral force of particular considerations of care based on relatedness”, or the “morality of private care” (ibid. 607). The dominant tendency is to separate the two on formal grounds where care is seen as particularist and justice is seen as universalist. Rather than giving lexical priority to either, the aim is to emphasise the “differential role of considerations of care and justice in private and public care” (ibid.). Recognising this relationship between justice and care, which overlaps public and private realms, is significant for the re-embedding of sports markets within communities. While the dominant tendency is to frame communities as spaces of care, this care might override considerations of justice. Despite the representation of the impartiality of rules in the field of play as committed to justice, considerations of justice can also override considerations of care. For example, while financial compensation for injuries to sports labour may seem just, an ethic of care would entail taking precautionary measures to avoid injuries in the first place. This coupling of justice and care within the public realm also relates to the private realm of life politics.

9.5 Life Politics, Sports and Emancipation

The hegemonic sports culture narrows different domains of politics to the personal realm. The emphasis on the personal realm intertwines with the market-driven competitive individualist ethos, expressed across the domains of sports, recreation and leisure. Life politics concern the personal realm of politics; of concrete individual autonomy towards developing a satisfying mode of life (Bhaskar 1993). The 316 S. J. Biyanwila framing of life politics of self-emancipation as individual autonomy and entrepreneurship in a market-driven society requires highlighting contingency in a global risk culture. Life politics articulated within the hegemonic sports culture separate and subordinate emancipatory politics from the public to the private domain, expressed in terms of “politics of lifestyle” (Giddens 1991). The politics of lifestyle, overlapping the aesthetisation of politics, asserts the reflexive self in a post-modern cultural logic of capitalism, which marginalises social mediation. This overlaps with sports spectacles reframing “representation as resistance” (Rojek 2013). The main form of social mediation compatible with sports markets foregrounds charity and philanthropy, sustaining the moral hegemony of economic, cultural and political elites. Meanwhile, “politics of lifestyle” overlaps with narratives of entrepreneurial selves, which truncate self-interest from our social, species and natural interests. In contrast, a counter-hegemonic life politics, reconstructs the self, as a complex stratification of intersubjectivity and embodied personalities, shaped by interdependence with others. Therefore, the overarching aim of life politics emphasises transformative politics aimed at transforming the totality of subjugating power relations, encouraging diversity of democracies within institutions of daily life and community (Bhaskar 1993: 172). Life politics is interrelated to movement politics—a range of democratic (counter-hegemonic) social movements (workers, women, ecology, peace, and so on), and representative politics. Framing emancipatory politics in terms of these three interrelated domains of politics—life, movement, representative politics (Bhaskar 1993: 172)—is aimed at overcoming the contradictions of separating the political–moral from the economic sphere, or the separation of what “is” (facts) from “ought” (values). Accordingly, the counter-hegemonic sports culture, articulates an alternative moral community, oriented towards transforming what “is” at the present, into what “ought” to be (Bhaskar 1993: 259). The articulation of sports commons suggests integrating life politics and the realm of social mediation, involving politics of transformation. In terms of transforming capitalist relations from below, the aim is to articulate a post-capitalist vision, aimed at addressing generative Conclusion: Sports as Play and the Sports Commons 317 mechanisms of social inequality and injustice. A post-capitalist vision is about prioritising the interests and needs of labour, human beings, and the biosphere over capital or markets. Particularly for the Global South, anti-capitalist tendencies relate to the history and collective memories of anti-colonial struggles, which expanded public goods and the commons. Sports commons concerns a socialist transformation engaging with the complexities of political life that requires the coupling of different political domains involving recognition, redistribution and representation (Fraser 2009). The aim is to transform the dominant patriarchal heterosexual able-bodied masculine sports cultures by nurturing ongoing experiments and mobilisations that assert an alternative just and caring community. Sports workers and consumers, absorbed within the dominant sports entertainment culture, often ignore the historical and ongoing struggles aimed at redefining work, play and free time. Redefining sports as commons emphasise the content of sports (play, joy, conviviality) while reinforcing social provisioning values as the basis for the elaboration of ecologies of sports. The reimagining of sports as sports commons entails transforming labouring consumer articulations towards asserting labouring citizen identities. In effect, sports as commons suggests a sports worker/consumer movement, a cultural citizenship movement, reimagining sports within an alternative notion of work, play, and pleasure, as well as a bodily democracy (Eichberg 2010). Any substantive alternative vision of sports involves an elaboration of a Global South perspective that recognises the majority of the marginalised populations in the planet. The Global South is also the awareness, desire and a disposition of those exploited, subjugated and oppressed towards social transformation and emancipation. The hegemonic sports culture, shaped by market forces (and the fetishism of commodities), remains complicit in reproducing authoritarian patriarchal able-bodied ethnonationalist militarist tendencies, undermining the possibilities of humanity as well as biodiversity on earth. The socialisation and democratisation of sports markets imply an alternative notion of play and pleasure, grounded in encouraging resistance and collective action towards deepening notions of justice and care. 318 S. J. Biyanwila

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Unlike the migration of most sports labour that takes place within more popular sports, my sports labour was within the peripheral sport of springboard diving. The sport of diving is often limited to a minority of athletes, given the risks involved in throwing one’s body into the air while manipulating gravity and the lack of access to relatively safe diving facilities. As a participant in this “risky” sport, I hit my head on the diving board twice in my teenage years, each time needing a few stitches. On one occasion, I was diving in a national championship in the 1970s, with a swim cap to protect the stitches in my head. I would go on to hit the diving board a few more times with toes and fingers, and once hitting the three meter springboard with my neck up, miraculously escaping serious injury. Welcome to the world of competitive springboard diving. Nevertheless, this sport has been a dominant part of my life throughout school years in Sri Lanka (1971–80) and in the US (1980–92), as a diver, official and coach. I migrated to the US in 1980 at the age of 15 and attended the Bloomington North High School in Indiana (1980–83). This was made possible by the initiative of a young graduate student from Indiana University, Doug Ward as well as my mother. I was trained by a famous coach, Hobie Billingsley, at the Indiana University, when Indiana University swimming

© The Author(s) 2018 321 S. J. Biyanwila, Sports and The Global South, Global Culture and Sport Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-68502-1 322 Appendix. Life Story of a Migrant Sports Worker and diving team was among the best in the nation. I would come to know the significance of this much later. Initially, my training period in the US was only to last until the end of the summer holidays. But, with Hobie’s generosity and commitment, I was able to train with an elite university diving team free of charge while attending a local high school. A range of divers migrated to train with Hobie, known for nurturing divers to achieve their full potential (Billingsley, 2017). This personal effort to go beyond the boundaries of university bureaucracy and to include me, a teenage diver from South Asia, within a community of divers was critical for my own commitment to the sport as well as accessing higher education. I was the only foreign diver, and the only dark skinned diver in the team, except for another diver from Denmark, who was studying at the university. From 1983–87, I was an athlete with a scholarship to the University of Oklahoma, and then the University of Maryland. After completing my Bachelor’s degree in Business, I was a coach at the University of Utah from 1987–92, while finishing my Master’s degree in Economic Development. This 12-year period in the US was based on an international student visa, which meant an existence in limbo as a migrant. I returned to Sri Lanka in 1992, and re-entered competitive diving. During this time, I competed in India as well as trained with a Chinese (Sichuan province) diving team in Chengdu, just prior to the 1996 Olympics. The foster family with whom I lived during the high-school years (and am still in contact with) in Indiana also made a significant contribution to my diving career. My foster mother was a high school teacher and my foster father was an accountant at Indiana University. Both were from a small rural town (Orleans) in Indiana, Methodist, and basketball fans. Having won the 1976 and 1981 NCAA championships, the Indiana University basketball team were stars in the sports consumer culture at the time. This was also a period of emerging sports markets within intercollegiate sports in the US, and the expansion of athletic departments throughout the university education system. What initiated me into the realm of sport were my family and the education system in Sri Lanka. With the encouragement of my older brother, I was swimming in competitions at the age of seven and these were the early stages of the Swimming and Diving Association in Sri Appendix. Life Story of a Migrant Sports Worker 323

Lanka. The Sports Ministry was established in Sri Lanka in 1966, an year after I was born, and the Aquatic sports association was mostly run by volunteers from English-speaking, professional, urban families. Coming from a Sinhala-speaking, lower middle-class family in Colombo, sports was accessible to our family of four children, owing to the privileged public schools—Visakha Vidyalaya (older sister), Bishops College (younger sister) and Royal College (my brother and I). Both my parents were from poor, working-class Sinhala Buddhist families that lived in the Colombo urban area. Their formal education was limited to less than year 10. My mother had an arranged marriage at the age of 18, to my father, who was nearly 10 years older. My mother had her first child at the age of 19, and her life was entrenched in domestic labour caring for four children born within a space of nine years. Despite lacking any swimming abilities, she was instrumental in nurturing (with some coercion) all her children into aquatic sports. My farther, born in 1925, entered the labour market in his late teen years, mostly working as a clerk, owing to his learning English outside of school. He was employed as a clerk at the Colombo port. His Sinhala Buddhist identity was also shaped by his membership in the trade union movement, and the Communist Party (CP), which were central to the independence struggle in Ceylon (at the time). In 1946, he was general secretary of the Colombo Harbour Workers Union, and after getting expelled for a strike, he temporarily worked in a trading firm. Although my father was purged from his CP membership towards the late 1950s, he remained committed to worker struggles and a just society. For most of his working life, my father was an insurance agent (client manager) for the state-owned Sri Lanka Insurance Corporation. Established in 1962, the insurance corporation was privatised for six years and was renation- alised in 2009. The Sinhala identities in this urban setting were shaped by a range of religious and language as well as class influences. The Sinhala identity also encompasses caste hierarchies. Our family, mainly my father, rejected caste identities as a feudal remnant that needed to be abolished, along with class. His Marxist reading of religion as “opium of the people” shaped our own household culture with a secular humanism. The Sinhala identity, mostly a linguistic identity, continues to maintain secular ten- 324 Appendix. Life Story of a Migrant Sports Worker dencies acknowledging cultural elaboration (or modernisation) in a multiethnic secular polity. I started year one at Royal College, the prestigious Colombo public school, in 1971 and the Royal pool was built in 1968. Royal College was established in 1835, in the image of the elite public schools in the British colonial metropole, catering to the emerging capitalist classes and the bureaucratic elite. The Royal pool, where I learnt to swim, is 33⅓ yards in length, (so that three laps covers a hundred yards) has seven competitive lanes and is 14 feet deep at the deep end. I learnt to swim through the school swimming programme offered as a subject for students from grade one to five, and the pool, with one-metre, three-metre and five- metre diving boards, remains one of the main venues for diving lessons, training and competitions. The swimming clubs in Colombo in the early 1970s mostly catered to a relatively small, educated English-speaking middle-class. Four to five clubs dominated the national competitions. I learnt to dive at the Otters Club, with the best diving facilities at the time, which meant a one-metre and a three-meter springboard, and a five-metre high platform. Compared to the high-tech aluminium diving boards, which entered the sport in the late-1960s mostly in the US and Europe, we were using fibreglass or aluminium boards that were much less flexible. In terms of technology, a thin coconut mat was tied to the board to make the surface slip resistant. With the import of new diving boards in the early 1980s, the coconut mat eventually became obsolete. I arrived in the US, (Indianapolis) in May 1980, with the efforts of a young white graduate student, Doug Ward, from Indiana. He was teach- ing English in South India in the late 1970s and came to Sri Lanka for a short holiday around 1978. As a former diver at Indiana University, he offered to help the local diving team by coaching about 10 of us. With my mother’s instigation, he became the “migration agent” that made my relocation to the US possible. A few months after my arrival, the US presidential elections were held in November 1980. Former California Governor Ronald Reagan (Republican Party) defeated the incumbent President Jimmy Carter (Democratic Party). With the launch of ‘Reaganomics”, the onslaught against unions and the labour movement Appendix. Life Story of a Migrant Sports Worker 325 in the US was renewed in 1981, with the firing of 11,000 striking air- traffic controllers. My experiences in the US were mostly under the years of Ronald Reagan (1981–89) of encouraging unlimited consumerism and competitive individualism, along with militarism. The buzzwords at the time—freedom, choice, and opportunity—persist to the present day, with growing income inequalities. The expansion of the media-sports complex during this period overlaps with Reagan’s own origins within the US sports markets, as a sports broadcaster in 1932. The telecast of the NFL Super Bowl in 1981 was my first experience with a mediated sports mega-event, when the (Oakland) Raiders defeated the (Philadelphia) Eagles at the Louisiana Superdome in New Orleans. In 2005, nearly 25 years later, when hurri- cane Katrina hit, the Superdome was turned into a refugee camp of thousands of poor (mostly black) people in New Orleans. They were stranded in a sports arena where most could never have afforded even the cheapest ticket. The intersection of severe weather events, mega-event sports venues and local poverty was symbolic of the Global South in the North. The sport of diving in Sri Lanka remains inaccessible for most young people living there. It highlights how the marketisation of sports delinks sports cultures from communities, while reinforcing ethnonationalist identity politics. The emergent aggressive masculine cultures are not only intolerant of diversity and democracy, but also destructive of nature, including human nature. The male oligarchies and patronage systems that dominate sport governance institutions reflect broader dynamics of representative politics in Sri Lanka. As opposed to the monoculture of competitive individualism and invented notions of “community” fostered through narratives of “sportive nation”, there are ongoing struggles to reimagine sports in terms of an ecology of sports cultures grounded in reframing the realm of work, play and resistance. Bibliography

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A Authenticity, 87, 117, 131, 138, Able-bodied, 51, 98, 138, 166–169, 139, 169, 190, 191, 312 180, 206, 207, 213, 284–287, Authoritarian, 30, 37, 39, 42, 54, 303, 304, 317 56, 85, 99, 117, 130, 139, Able-bodied masculinity, 168, 142, 143, 147, 169, 193, 284–287, 303 206, 213, 219–222, 228, 231, Abstract markets, 69, 164 233, 247, 253, 254, 262, 271, Accumulation by dispossession, 51, 287, 301, 305, 309, 310, 312, 52, 130 317 Activist athletes, 278 Advertising, 49, 88, 96, 108, 138–140, 145, 149, 151, 169, B 190, 208, 209 Belonging, 53, 82, 83, 108, 124, Anti-colonial, 28, 29, 126, 165, 183, 130, 139, 141, 308 189, 260–262, 290, 312, 317 Bhaskar, 268, 311, 313, 315, 316 Anti-corruption, 270, 283 Boycott, 41, 278 Anti-doping, 96, 226, 270 Branding, 108, 112, 113, 117, 122, Anti-sweatshop, 274, 277 131, 153, 209, 235, 277, 302 Athletics, 38, 153, 159, 165, 196, Broadcasting rights, 110, 111, 119, 201–203, 226, 227, 239, 246, 141, 210 247 Brundage, 29, 166, 278, 279

C Commodity fetishism, 108, 116, Capitalism, 27, 68, 70, 95, 109, 118, 277 120, 188, 266, 267, 271, 287, Commons, 29, 45, 55, 74, 76, 81, 316 87, 88, 108–110, 115, 123, Capitalist modernity, 55 131, 161, 169, 184, 265, 269, Car culture, 126–131, 302, 309 282, 289, 290, 299–317 Care work, 81, 192, 303, 311 Commonwealth Games, 39, 82, 124, Car system, 127 125, 210, 229, 253, 282–284, Cartels, 112 300 Casualisation, 75, 76, 89, 290 Communitarian democracy, 307 Celebrities, 34, 119, 145, 155, 208, Community sports, 36, 37, 43, 45, 212, 301, 304 76, 181, 184, 202, 231, 232, Censorship, 48, 143, 148–150, 170, 303 211–213, 271, 306 Competition, 25, 53, 68, 71, 76, 85, Cities, 121, 122, 126, 145 88, 91–93, 109, 111, 116, Citizenship, 68, 82–91, 99, 142, 117, 121–124, 127, 129, 140, 183, 211, 263, 264, 266, 317 141, 144, 151, 152, 156, 160, Civilizing mission, 162 163, 193, 197, 199, 202, 203, Civil rights, 96, 143, 262, 278, 285 220, 230, 235, 237, 246, 249, Civil society, 26, 34, 36–44, 56, 74, 266, 277, 282, 288, 305, 311, 91, 117, 120, 128, 141, 159, 313 160, 207, 211, 247, 249, 251, Competitive individualism, 35, 91, 264–268, 275, 300, 304, 305, 168, 169, 251, 267, 286, 304, 309, 310 310, 312, 313 Clean sports, 227 Consumer sovereignty, 93, 305 Collective agency, 261, 277, 290, Consumption, 48, 51, 56, 72, 74, 302 91, 92, 99, 108, 118, Collective goods, 72, 73, 282 121–123, 127, 131, 137, 139, Collective memories, 45, 82, 108, 169, 185, 253, 277, 289, 302, 118, 187, 280, 317 305, 309 Collective mobilisation, 312, 313 Cooperative subservience, 42, 92 Colonialism, 28, 78, 161, 181, 183, Corporate Social Responsibility, 43, 184, 188, 189, 208, 223, 224, 89, 274, 304 241, 282, 303 Counter-hegemonic, 267, 269, 280, Commercial values, 33, 39, 45, 56, 287, 316 72, 73, 115, 123, 151, 160, Counter Olympics network (CON), 206, 220, 233, 302, 304–306, 280–282 311 Court of Arbitration for Sport Commodification of labour, 68, 95 (CAS), 84, 194, 308 Index 369

Cricket, 25, 26, 31, 34, 35, 38, 80, 287–291, 299, 300, 302–304, 84, 98, 121, 125, 129, 131, 306, 312 138, 144, 145, 147, 163, 180, Disembedding, 99, 112, 119, 147, 181, 183, 188, 190–193, 195, 300 198–200, 202, 207–210, 212, Disney, 141, 143, 148, 150 213, 219, 223, 227, 228, Displacement, 41, 52, 53, 122, 152, 231–243, 251, 252, 254, 270, 154, 165, 179, 233, 282, 284, 300 290 Cuba, 28, 30, 269 Dispossession, 41, 53, 122, 187, Cultural goods, 45, 91, 107, 109, 195, 282, 283 115, 131, 137, 139, 189, 307 Diving, 83, 109, 115, 138, 153–156, Cultural labour, 67, 79, 91 196, 226, 228, 229, 286 Cultural marginalisation, 83, 308 Doping, 52, 95, 96, 164, 224, 227 Cultural misrecognition, 263 Dysnification, 116, 138, 150–152 Cultural recognition, 91, 188, 243, 250, 301, 308 Cultural self-realisation, 190, 302, E 304 Earth democracy, 307 Cyborg, 95 Ecological civilisation, 288, 291, 310 Ecological crisis, 287, 288, 302 Ecuador, 30, 39, 130, 269, 288 D Education system, 87, 162, 163, Decentralisation, 45, 146 203–206, 213, 233 Decent work, 94, 271, 272, 287, Elite sports, 56, 83, 94, 99, 119, 303, 306, 311 183, 184, 212, 219, 231 Dehumanisation, 96 Emancipation, 28, 96, 288, 311, Democracy, 30, 47, 70, 83, 85, 263, 313, 315–317 264, 266, 306–308, 317 Emancipatory politics, 316 Democratising work, 310 Embodied personalities, 316 Demo-diversity, 307 Embodiment, 46, 95, 126, 168, 191 Development, 25–30, 32–44, 46, Empire, 28, 48, 155, 162, 183, 191, 51–56, 74, 79, 85, 88, 92, 203, 268 109, 117, 120, 123, 125, 126, Enclosure movement, 110, 131 142, 143, 146, 159, 166, 167, Enterprising workers, 91, 93 169, 170, 179–182, 185, 192, Entrepreneurialism, 80, 117, 123, 194, 195, 197–200, 206–208, 124 213, 219–222, 225, 228–230, Ethno-nationalist, 29, 54, 126, 139, 233, 235, 236, 243, 247, 254, 141, 143, 148, 180–182, 187, 260, 261, 275, 282, 284, 188, 190–192, 207, 212, 233, 370 Index

238, 243, 262, 267, 268, 286, Global South, 25–32, 34–38, 41, 44, 303, 309, 312, 317 47, 50, 53–56, 68, 69, 73, 76, Eugenics movement, 163 79–82, 85, 89, 90, 95, 98, Eurasian, 190, 191, 226 119, 120, 122, 124–129, 131, Eurocentric, 53, 55, 162 137, 138, 142–152, 161, 168, European modernity, 79 170, 187, 221, 231, 260–264, Evangelical sports, 41, 55, 56, 107, 266–275, 277–279, 282, 283, 117, 121, 150, 220, 231, 239, 285–290, 299–303, 308, 309, 267, 300, 301, 312 312, 317 Evictions, 47, 186, 283, 284, 290 Governance, 26, 27, 32, 35, 39, 40, Exploitation, 36, 52, 68, 69, 99, 42–46, 56, 70, 71, 74, 87, 88, 118, 123, 152, 170, 212, 261, 112, 114, 123, 130, 145, 159, 262, 272, 273, 277, 279, 288, 160, 193, 210, 213, 219–221, 306, 308, 313 226–229, 231–237, 263–266, 269, 274, 285, 307 Governmentality, 46 F Green economy, 126, 288 Fair Labor Association, 275 Green sports, 88, 287 Fascist tendencies, 189, 312 Finance capital, 44, 46, 115, 118–120 Financial doping, 119, 120, 131 H Financial markets, 44, 46, 48, 69, Harvey, 31, 44, 45, 52, 92, 108, 111, 115, 118–121, 131 109, 115–118, 164, 262, 263, Fossil fuel economy, 126 267, 278, 301, 313 Freedom of speech, 142, 211, 262 Hegemonic sports culture, 166, 169, Free time, 95, 302 304, 315, 317 Hegemony, 37, 50, 53, 128, 129, 137, 138, 162, 189, 243, 262, G 265–270, 278, 284, 307, 316 Gambling, 45, 48, 120, 121, 131, Heterosexual, 260, 267, 284–287, 148, 234 317 Gentrification, 122, 197 Homogenisation, 115, 138, 139 Global North, 28, 34, 41, 50, 53, 54, Homophobic, 48, 286 76, 81, 83, 88, 129, 137, 138, Human beings, 68, 72, 92, 93, 317 157, 162, 168, 263, 274, 286 Hybrid, 83, 112, 180, 188, Global production network (GPN), 190–192, 212 31, 56, 67–69, 73–80, 98, Hyper-masculine, 151, 163, 188, 260, 264, 270, 290, 300, 307 239, 284 Index 371

I K Imperialism, 28, 29, 53, 286 Knowledge production, 110 Indian Premier League (IPL), 146, 235, 242 Indian Professional League, 121, L 138, 144, 181, 300 Labour markets, 69–73 Injuries, 52, 76, 81, 93, 94, 96, Labour movement, 181–184, 191, 99, 128, 150, 152, 156, 160, 223, 238, 247, 260, 263, 271, 170, 237, 283–285, 306, 287, 290, 310 315 Labour regime, 52, 70, 74, 79, 81, Interdependence, 26, 71, 93, 168, 85, 97–99, 161, 184, 231, 169, 304, 307, 308, 310, 311, 246, 253, 282, 309, 310 313, 316 Lean production, 74–76, 98 International division of labour, 78, Leisure, 32, 71, 93, 94, 120, 156, 98, 123 189, 195, 198, 224, 260, 265, International division of sports 282, 288, 302, 303, 305, 309, labour, 67 315 Internationalism, 43, 82, 165, 179, Liberation Tamil Tiger of Eelam 262, 272 (LTTE), 49, 191, 234, 239, International Labour Organisation 252 (ILO), 35, 55, 77–79, 81, 91, Life politics, 315–317 94, 120, 271, 272 Living well, 55, 88, 260, 287–291, International Olympic Committee 304, 310 (IOC), 27, 29, 32, 35–41, 43, 44, 47, 53, 55, 83, 84, 99, 110, 141, 157, 159, 160, 165, M 166, 194, 225–228, 264, 269, Managerialism, 45, 112 270, 273, 274, 278, 280, 285, Market driven politics, 36, 44, 182, 305, 308, 310 197 Marketisation of sports, 26, 43, 80, 161, 181, 228 J Masculine, 34, 51, 53–55, 71, 72, Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), 92, 99, 138, 139, 141, 53, 187, 234 161–163, 166, 169, 180, 206, Journalism, 140, 141, 143, 170, 208, 207, 210, 213, 219, 222, 233, 211, 306 251, 253, 254, 260, 267, 285, Justice, 44, 120, 154, 250, 263, 307, 289, 301, 302, 304, 305, 308, 308, 311–315, 317 317 372 Index

Masculine sports, 55, 71, 99, 138, 181, 188–192, 204, 206, 212, 161, 163, 166, 169, 180, 206, 230, 232, 251, 281, 312 207, 213, 219, 222, 260, 301, National Olympic Committee 305, 308, 317 (NOC), 41, 183, 219, 225, MediaSports, 142–152 227 Mega-events, 25, 47–49, 56, 82, National security, 47, 49, 143, 148, 108, 109, 116, 121, 124, 128, 151 139, 152, 181, 200, 201, 207, Netball, 98, 202, 221, 238, 239 228, 231, 233, 239, 260, 263, 277, 283, 284, 290, 299, 309 Middle-class, 48, 53, 127, 129, 157, O 189, 197, 207, 209, 226, 230, Oligarchies, 192–194, 228, 231, 241, 251, 280, 299, 302 254, 306 Migration, 68, 73, 78–81, 83, 98, 99, Olympic Games, 37, 40, 47, 109, 151, 183, 186, 191, 212, 229 164, 165, 226 Migrant workers, 53, 81 Olympic Project for Human Rights, Militarisation, 34, 46, 49–51, 56, 259, 278, 280, 290 151, 160, 163, 281, 288, 301 Outsourcing, 45, 68, 74, 87, 303 Military, 34, 38, 41, 46–51, 53, 56, 124, 129, 130, 154, 157, 160–167, 179, 187, 191, 193, P 197, 207, 211, 219, 221, 222, Pain, 50, 51, 152, 156, 166 228, 238–240, 249, 252–254, Palestinian, 41, 84 260, 281, 288 Participatory parity, 301, 308, 309 Modernity, 55, 161 Patriarchal cultures, 98, 188, 192, Monoculture of sports, 53, 131, 137, 193, 238, 243, 246, 247, 254, 150, 151, 169, 300, 301, 312 285, 311, 312 Monopoly rent, 108, 109, 115–121, Pharmaceutical, 32, 50, 89, 95, 117 131, 146, 147, 302 Philanthropy, 35, 159, 316 Moral relativism, 311, 313 Plantation, 98, 183, 184, 186, 204, Muscular Christianity, 53, 138, 163, 241, 244 165, 286 Play, 33, 36, 37, 40, 43–52, 79, 88, Mystique of sports, 42, 116, 280, 301 93–95, 121, 122, 131, 157, 158, 160, 220, 223, 237, 242, 243, 252, 260, 268, 270, N 272–274, 279, 287, 289–291, Nationalism, 48, 51, 52, 54, 56, 80, 299–317 82–91, 108, 148, 163, 180, Players associations, 312 Index 373

Pleasure, 51, 71, 96, 129, 139, 150, 287, 290, 291, 302, 311, 316, 305, 317 317 Political representation, 250, 286, Resource wars, 129, 282 301, 308 Rituals, 52, 72, 163–167, 189, 212 Politics of lifestyle, 316 Politics of recognition, 269, 285, 287, 290, 308 S Politics of transformation, 311–313 Samaranch, 37, 40, 166 Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), Security, 38, 46–51, 80, 85, 88, 89, 211, 220 123, 147, 160, 195, 199, 211, Private property, 109, 116, 117 213, 221, 234, 250, 253, 260, Property rights, 34, 56, 89, 107–131 262, 281, 284, 302 Protests, 41, 85, 122, 125, 149, 164, Self-determination, 87, 99, 313 166, 182, 186, 207, 220, 251, Self-regulation, 39, 89, 121, 264 252, 254, 260, 263, 276, 278, Services sector, 25, 26, 31, 73, 77, 281–284, 290 78, 80, 86, 87, 94, 99, 186, Provisioning values, 39, 45, 73, 233, 189, 270 311 Sexual division of labour, 72, 81, Public good, 30, 36, 44, 99, 142, 311 265 Sinhala-Buddhist, 180, 181, 184, Public interest, 46, 117, 159, 264, 186, 188–190, 192, 205, 207, 303, 305 212, 232–234, 238, 243, 312 Public services, 37, 56, 72, 85, 89, Slum, 122, 123, 125, 195, 199 109, 120, 263 Socialisation, 74, 75, 98, 260, 290, Public transport, 127, 128, 131, 305–307, 310, 317 302, 309 Socialism, 48, 95 Social movements, 29, 30, 182, 260–263, 272, 282, 284, 288, R 290, 316 Rationalisation of recreation, 44, 305 Social protection, 70, 77, 81, 85, 89, Redistribution, 56, 123, 269, 285, 271 290, 301, 306–311, 317 Social provisioning, 26, 27, 34, Representative democracy, 307 36–38, 44–46, 56, 68–70, 72, Representative politics, 238, 262, 73, 75, 76, 81, 87, 99, 120, 309, 316 123, 157, 159, 184, 186, 195, Resistance, 26, 96, 122, 124, 164, 206, 207, 221, 223, 238, 254, 165, 253, 254, 260, 262, 263, 265, 269, 285, 302, 303, 305, 265, 269, 277–280, 282, 284, 306, 311, 317 374 Index

Social reproduction, 26, 34, 44, 46, Sports-media-tourism complex, 31, 56, 69, 71–73, 81, 88, 93, 33, 131, 144, 169, 182, 195, 118, 120, 122, 123, 127, 137, 202, 208, 211, 231, 252, 253, 151, 152, 161, 166, 197, 282, 270, 279, 285, 290, 305, 306 287, 289, 302–304, 311 Sports mystique, 41 Solidarity, 30, 45, 56, 123, 124, 147, Sports nutrition, 75, 95, 96, 209, 156, 261, 262, 279, 291, 302, 226 304, 305, 311–315 Sports workers, 67–99, 152, 219, South Africa, 25, 41, 89, 113, 147, 270, 271, 309 236, 266, 270, 279 State, 25–27, 30–32, 34–39, 41, South Asian, 50, 109, 122, 124, 144, 44–51, 55, 56, 68–70, 72, 76, 146, 154, 181, 189, 193, 194, 81–85, 87, 89, 93, 95, 96, 99, 196, 208, 224, 226, 246, 262 114, 117–120, 122, 124, 127, Spectacle, 121, 145, 164, 165, 268, 129–131, 141–144, 146–148, 300 150, 152–154, 157, 160, 161, Sportive nationalism, 38, 54, 55, 82, 163, 164, 166, 181, 182, 184, 83, 125, 148, 180–182, 188, 186–192, 194–197, 203, 190, 192, 212, 213, 219, 231, 205–207, 209–211, 213, 246, 260, 300, 301, 303–305, 219–231, 234, 238, 242, 246, 312 247, 250, 252–254, 262, Sports entertainment culture, 49, 264–269, 271, 278, 279, 317 283–286, 288, 299, 301, Sports markets, 25–27, 30, 31, 36, 303–307, 311 38, 39, 44–46, 68, 70, 72, 73, State-temple-corporate complex, 79, 80, 83, 87, 88, 96, 98, 99, 189 108, 111, 118, 119, 127, 131, Student-athlete, 138, 153–157 137, 138, 147, 151, 153, 158, Students against sweatshops, 274, 180–183, 194–201, 203, 207, 290 212, 219, 227, 235, 260, 262, Surveillance, 38, 46, 47, 50, 156, 271, 290, 291, 300, 302–307, 197, 281, 284, 302 310, 312, 315–317 Symbolic capital, 117 Sports media, 52, 69, 89, 121, 139–142, 151, 169, 210–212, 286, 301 T Sports-media-tourism, 31, 33, 131, Technology, 31, 95, 96, 111, 119, 144, 151, 169, 182, 195, 202, 139, 145, 166, 234 208, 211, 225, 231, 251–253, Telecommunication sector, 209 270, 279, 285, 290, 305, 306 Testosterone, 306 Index 375

Trade unions, 35, 270, 272–274, 128, 129, 131, 146, 148, 281, 282 151, 152, 163, 166, 170, Transport, 56, 72, 73, 81, 94, 186–188, 221, 222, 278, 126–129, 185, 186, 197, 198, 284, 301 252, 263, 284, 302, 303, 307

W U Wage work, 52, 75, 77, 150, Urban, 25, 27, 31, 41, 47, 56, 76, 303 78, 80, 109, 117, 118, Welfare state, 26, 46, 76, 157, 181, 120–123, 125, 128, 131, 142, 223 147, 164, 165, 169, 182, 185, Well-being, 33, 73, 95, 96, 126, 189, 193, 195–198, 200, 208, 151, 184 213, 219, 225, 230, 232, 251, Whiteness, 44, 161, 162 260, 280, 282–284, 286, 290, White privilege, 98, 161–167 299, 300, 302, 307, 309 Women’s rights, 238, 247, Urbanisation, 108–110, 122, 123, 286 125, 127, 131, 145, 180, Worker rights, 41, 85, 98, 273, 281, 194–200, 302, 303, 309 306, 310 Workers’ Rights Consortium, 275 Working class parties, 181–183, 196, V 223, 232, 238, 244 Violence, 28, 30, 43, 47, 49, World Trade Organisation (WTO), 51–55, 81, 83, 97, 122, 124, 31, 69, 88