Subjective Inequality in Chile. Representations of (Un) Fair Social

École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales

Ecole doctorale de l’EHESS

Centre Maurice Halbwachs

Doctorat

Discipline : Sociologie

YANEZ ROJAS RODRIGO

Inégalité subjective au Chili. Représentation des différences sociales (in)justes à travers le temps.

Thèse dirigée par: Caroline Guibet Lafaye (directrice) et Juan Carlos Castillo (co-directeur).

Date de soutenance : le 18 mars 2019.

Rapporteurs 1 Emmanuelle BAROZET, Universidad de Chile 2 Sylvie MESURE, Directrice de recherche au CNRS

Jury 1 Gilles BATAILLON, Directeur d'études EHESS 2 Olivier GALLAND, Directeur de recherche au CNRS

Subjective inequality in Chile. Representations of (un)fair social diﬀerences across time

Rodrigo Y´a˜nezRojas

A thesis presented for the degree of Doctor of Sociology

Centre Maurice Halbwachs Ecole´ des Hautes Etudes´ en Sciences Sociales Paris, France January 2019

Lorsque deux textes, deux affirmations, deux idéess’opposent, se plaire àles concilier plutôtqu’àles annuler l’un par l’autre; voir en eux deux facettes différentes, deux étatssuccessifs du mêmefait, une réalitéconvaincante parce qu’elle est complexe, humaine parce qu’elle est multiple. Marguerite Yourcenar, Mémoiresd’Hadrien 4 Acknowledgements

This thesis is the result of years of research and learning, a project that came to an end thanks to the support of multiple people and institutions that I would like to recognize. First of all, I would like to thank all the interviewees who freely shared their life stories with me, and those people who anonymously answered the surveys analyzed in this study. Without their participation and sincerity, the development of this research would not have been possible. I would also like to thank my thesis advisor Caroline Guibet Lafaye and my co-advisor Juan Carlos Castillo, who guided this study with rigor and patience from the beginning. Thank you for encouraging me to trust my intuitions and opinions, while teaching me, at the same time, that the researcher’s work is also to question these. I would like to recognize three fundamental people in the development of this study, with whom I shared from the beginning the questions that are at the basis of these pages, and with whom I shared a large part of my academic training in Paris: Natalia Slachevsky, Paula Cubillos and Marcelo Miño.I’d also like to recognise my office colleagues in the Maurice Halbwachs Center, Efi Markou and Reguina Hatzipetrou-Andronikou, with whom I shared the practice of everyday writing, and everything this implies. We have been together in all the defeats, and all the victories. The thesis is also dedicated to the friends with whom I discussed inequal-

5 6 Acknowledgements ities in Chile and the world, and the daily struggles of practically writing a thesis: the Maino brothers, Pablo Faúndez,Natalia Briceño,Valeria Ayola, Diana Ospina, Willem van Ewijk, Diego Milos and Gualo González. I also give thanks to those who gave me comments and corrections for an innumer- able number of texts, in all their different versions, and in different languages, such as Ciryl Jayet, Maxime Parodi, Ciaran Thapar, Diego Yáñez,Alexandra de Kerangal Macéand Jean Pierre Macé. I would like to thank the CONICYT program Becas-Chile, the EHESS, the Center Maurice Halbwachs and the Center for Social Conflict and Cohesion Studies (COES), for funding my years of study and for my participation in congresses and research stays in different countries. Also, I’d like to express appreciation for the attention of the people who work in the libraries and cafes where I sat to read and write. I would like to thank, in particular, the Maurice Halbwachs Center team at the Campus Jourdan of the ENS and those who work at the Danube café in the 19èmearrondissement in Paris. Likewise, to those who work in the archives library and the mediatheque of Saint-Malo. Finally, to Astrid de Kerangal and Ella Wharton de Kerangal, who kindly received me at their house where I finished writing this thesis, in Putney, London. Last, but certainly not least, this thesis is dedicated to my parents Ricardo Yáñezand Mar´ıaIsabel Rojas, and all my family spread across Chile, France, England, and USA, for all the help and company offered. This is especially dedicated to my wife Julie and our two little dinosaurs, Nina and Lola, who have walked with me during all these years. Julie, thank you for giving me all your support day by day. It was my main source of stability and energy during the long days of writing and rewriting. Nina and Lola, voilàla thèse, which in a way resembles your first words: pas ¸ca and là-bas. Contents

Acknowledgements5

Abstract9

Introduction 11

1 Data, variables, and methods 35 1.1 Quantitative data and methods...... 39 1.1.1 Description of the data...... 39 1.1.2 Variables...... 41 1.1.3 Regression analysis. Ordinary least squares (OLS)... 50 1.1.4 Interpreting the quantitative data...... 51 1.2 Qualitative data and methods...... 52 1.2.1 Description of ﬁeld survey and data...... 52 1.2.2 Interpreting the qualitative information...... 55

2 Chilean socioeconomic inequalities and their presence in the public reason 59 2.1 Chile. A case of recent economic growth and high long-standing inequalities...... 62 2.1.1 Inequalities in the education system...... 72 2.2 Inequality in the public reason...... 79 2.2.1 The discourse of candidates for public oﬃce. Presiden- tial elections since the return of democracy...... 83 2.2.2 The discourse of government oﬃcials. The voice of the parliament...... 92 2.2.3 The discourse of judges. The voice of the Constitu- tional Court...... 100 2.3 Summary...... 106

1 2 CONTENTS

3 Perceptions about inequality 111 3.1 Perceived income diﬀerences...... 113 3.1.1 Theoretical discussion and hypothesis...... 113 3.1.2 Descriptive analysis...... 117 3.1.3 The weight of factors in individuals’ perceptions about inequality...... 121 3.1.4 Discussion...... 127 3.2 Social inequality in individuals’ narratives...... 131 3.2.1 The rich are out of reach...... 133 3.2.2 Equals but treated diﬀerently...... 152 3.2.3 Factors moving perceptions of inequality...... 165 3.3 Summary...... 180

4 Beliefs about inequality 187 4.1 Ideal inequality. Tolerable income diﬀerences...... 191 4.1.1 Theoretical discussion and hypothesis...... 191 4.1.2 Descriptive analysis...... 194 4.1.3 The weight of factors on individuals’ beliefs about inequality...... 198 4.1.4 Discussion...... 205 4.2 The weight of individuals’ experiences and the acceptability of inequalities...... 208 4.2.1 Type of experience operating in the evaluation of social inequality...... 211 4.2.2 Adaptations to inconsistencies. Daily narratives of legitimation...... 225 4.3 Summary...... 251

5 Preferences about inequality 255 5.1 Structural and subjective factors inﬂuencing preferences about inequality...... 260 5.1.1 Theoretical discussion and hypothesis...... 260 5.1.2 Descriptive analysis...... 264 5.1.3 The weight of factors on individuals’ preferences about inequality...... 272 5.1.4 Exploratory relationships. Perceived and ideal inequality factors in inequality preferences...... 279 5.1.5 Discussion...... 281 5.2 Individuals’ representations confronted with scenarios of inequality...... 286 5.2.1 Inequality through spheres of justice. Experience as a factor of legitimization...... 289 5.2.2 Hierarchy between types of inequality and principles of justice...... 306 5.3 Summary...... 315

Conclusion 319

Bibliography 329

Appendix 351 5.4 Data, variables, and methods...... 351 5.4.1 List of interviewees...... 351 5.4.2 Descriptive statistics of interviewees...... 353 5.4.3 Letter of informed consent...... 354 5.4.4 Codes of analysis...... 356 5.5 Perceptions about inequality...... 360 5.5.1 Perceived salaries according to occupations...... 360 5.6 Beliefs about inequality...... 361 5.6.1 Correlation indexes of perceived and ideal inequality. 361 5.7 Preferences about inequality...... 364 5.7.1 Perceived and ideal inequality factors in inequality preferences...... 364

Summary in French 367

List of Figures

2.1 GDP per capita (current US$ 2018)...... 65 2.2 The “best estimate” of income earners inequality in Chile, 1850-2009. Gini coeﬃcient...... 68 2.3 Percentage of people according to educational level (25 years old or more)...... 75 2.4 Average score in math and language tests by type of establishment...... 78

3.1 Perceived wage inequality across time (median)...... 118 3.2 Perceived chairman and unskilled worker salary across time (median)...... 118 3.3 Perceived inequality (median) gap by education level...... 120 3.4 Perceived inequality gap by income quintile...... 121 3.5 Interaction between perceived inequality and education level.. 126 3.6 Interaction between perceived inequality and income quintile. 127 3.7 Prevalence of reasons explaining the cause of wealth in Chile. 152

4.1 Perceived and ideal inequality across time (median)...... 195 4.2 Ideal inequality index by education level...... 197 4.3 Ideal inequality index by income quintile...... 198 4.4 Mediation...... 204 4.5 Statements about economic wealth and its distribution in Chile.230 4.6 Self-identiﬁcation in the social structure (1 bottom / 10 top). 238 4.7 Reasons for poverty in Chile...... 242 4.8 Process of converging with middle class values and the legitimation of inequalities...... 250

5.1 Preferences about inequality in the education sphere across time.265 5.2 Preferences of inequality in the health care sphere across time. 266 5.3 Preferences about inequality in education by education level (1999)...... 267

5 6 LIST OF FIGURES

5.4 Preferences about inequality in education by education level (2009)...... 267 5.5 Preferences about inequality in education by education level (2013)...... 267 5.6 Preferences about inequality in education by education level (2014)...... 267 5.7 Preferences about inequality in education by income quintile (1999)...... 268 5.8 Preferences about inequality in education by income quintile (2009)...... 268 5.9 Preferences about inequality in education by income quintile (2013)...... 268 5.10 Preferences about inequality in education by income quintile (2014)...... 268 5.11 Preferences about inequality in health care by education level (1999)...... 270 5.12 Preferences about inequality in health care by education level (2009)...... 270 5.13 Preferences about inequality in health care by education level (2013)...... 270 5.14 Preferences about inequality in health care by education level (2014)...... 270 5.15 Preferences about inequality in health care by income quintile (1999)...... 271 5.16 Preferences about inequality in health care by income quintile (2009)...... 271 5.17 Preferences about inequality in health care by income quintile (2013)...... 271 5.18 Preferences about inequality in health care by income quintile (2014)...... 271 5.19 OLS education diﬀerences. Interaction between education level and years...... 275 5.20 OLS health care diﬀerences. Interaction between education level (university degree vs others) and years...... 278 5.21 Preferences of inequality around the pension, education and health care system in 2013...... 296 5.22 Correlation perceived and ideal inequality 1999...... 361 5.23 Correlation perceived and ideal inequality 2009...... 362 5.24 Correlation perceived and ideal inequality 2013...... 362 5.25 Correlation perceived and ideal inequality 2014...... 363 List of Tables

1 Framework of study of subjective inequality...... 20

1.1 Surveys used in the analysis...... 40 1.2 Descriptive statistics of perceived inequality index...... 44 1.3 Descriptive statistics of ideal inequality index...... 45 1.4 Descriptive statistics of preference about education inequality. 46 1.5 Descriptive statistics of preference about health care inequality. 46 1.6 Independent variables in four data sets...... 47 1.7 Percentage of education level by year...... 48 1.8 Percentage of employment status variable by year...... 49 1.9 Percentage of subjective position of individuals into social scale by year...... 49 1.10 Percentage of religion by year...... 50 1.11 City, region and number of interviews...... 53

2.1 Income inequality from 1990 to 2015...... 67 2.2 Chilean billionaires...... 72 2.3 Type of establishment by socioeconomic group (%)...... 76

3.1 OLS regression models of perceived economic inequality on social status and control variables. Unstandardized coeﬃcients. 123 3.2 OLS interaction models. The diﬀerentiation of two periods of time on perceived inequality...... 124

4.1 Perceived and ideal salaries according to occupation (median values)...... 196 4.2 OLS regression models of ideal economic inequality on social status and control variables. Unstandardized coefficients.... 200 4.3 OLS regression models of ideal economic inequality on perceived inequality. Unstandardized coefficients...... 202 4.4 Direct and indirect effects of social status (education and income quintile) on the ideal inequality...... 204

7 8 LIST OF TABLES

5.1 OLS interaction model on education preferences about inequality. Unstandardized coefficients...... 274 5.2 OLS interaction model on health care preferences about inequality. Unstandardized coefficients...... 277 5.3 OLS model of education preferences by perceived and ideal inequality. Unstandardized coefficients...... 279 5.4 OLS model of health care preferences by perceived and ideal inequality. Unstandardized coefficients...... 280 5.5 Relationship between perceptions, beliefs, and preferences about inequality...... 284 5.6 Descriptive profile of interviewees...... 352 5.7 Education level of interviewees...... 353 5.8 Age of interviewees...... 353 5.9 Occupations of interviewees (ISCO classification)...... 353 5.10 Matrix of codes used in Atlas.Ti from the guideline of interviews356 5.11 Perceived salaries according to occupations (median values in Chilean pesos)...... 360 5.12 OLS model of education preferences by perceived and ideal inequality. All factors included. Unstandardized coefficients.. 365 5.13 OLS model of health care preferences by perceived and ideal inequality. All factors included. Unstandardized coefficients.. 366 Abstract

This thesis examines subjective inequality in Chile over time. With the return of democracy (1990), the country experienced a sustained economic growth which allowed it to reduce poverty levels and increase education rates. At the same time, together with the development of a series of social policies, since 2000 the economic concentration of the country, historically ranked among the highest in the world, has begun to diminish. However, as wellbeing levels increased and inequalities diminished, a series of social demonstrations began to take place, among them those led by the student movement in 2006 and 2011, considered the largest that the country has experienced since the end of the dictatorship. This diagnosis grouped by all these demonstrations pointed to the problem of social inequalities as a brake on the country’s’ development. The high citizen support of these demonstrations had an impact on the con- ﬁguration of political agendas of all sectors, and led public debate to focus on the question of whether the principles of justice, where Chilean society had sustained its social pact after the dictatorship, had changed. Were transformations in wellbeing conditions linked to a criticism of the market logic that had legitimized high inequalities since the period of neoliberal reforms promoted in the 1980s?

The thesis answers this question from the perspective of individuals, asking how stable or ﬂuid representations of inequality, as well as its determinants,

9 10 Abstract are over time. From the analysis of a set of quantitative data (surveys ISSP 1999, ISSP 2009, SJCP 2013 and COES 2014) and qualitative data (40 semi- directed interviews), it is established that representations of inequality can be apprehended through three dimensions - perceptions, beliefs and preferences - which are influenced by factors that operate at two levels: the social position and the personal experience of individuals. The results of the study show that representations changed over time, but with varying intensity depending on the dimension analyzed. And by considering the determinants, on the one hand, results show that the social position of individuals, especially with regards to educational level, is a strong predictor of representations of inequality. Following the transformations in the social structure of Chile, individuals of lower social status present more significant changes in the representations of inequality. On the other hand, in terms of personal experience, it is observed that changes in the sociopolitical context strongly influence representations, as well as the evaluation of structural transformations on individuals’ lives. Regardless of social status, individuals’ assessments of inequality are strongly anchored in comparing different moments of their own biographies, even stronger than when they represent inequality through a comparison with other people or social groups. Keywords. Subjective inequality, social representations, social justice, Chile. Introduction

Socioeconomic inequality has become a central theme of seminars, journal- istic reports, magazine issues, television shows, social movements, and has taken an important place in the political forum. As has been remarked, “inequality is now at the forefront of public debate” [Atkinson, 2015, p. 1]. De- spite the fact that inequality has decreased on a global scale, extremes within many countries continue to grow in recent decades [Bourguignon, 2012]. This is a reality that Thomas Piketty’s book - Capital in the Twenty-First Cen- tury [2013] - has captured, and it shows with particular force in the case of the United States, where rising inequality levels have now reached standards that are similar to prior to World War I.

Research has shown that inequality increases disparities between, and re- presses skill development among, individuals at the bottom of society [OECD, 2014, Pickett and Wilkinson, 2010]. Social differences determine how many years an individual spends in education, as well as their skill proficiency, healthiness and life expectancy, and the probability of them obtaining a job. Such differences also influence the likelihood of living in an unpolluted environment, or, more generally, in a place where access to jobs and social benefits lead to a higher quality of life. From a political and economic standpoint, inequality has been considered a problematic issue because it is a causal factor of economic downturn, compromising both the development

11 12 Introduction of several countries of median income and the upward trend of the worlds richest nations [Ostry et al., 2014,Standard & Poor’s, 2014]. Furthermore, several studies have addressed the consequences that inequality may have on a country’s social life. For example, the principles of liberty and equality, of which modern democracy is constituted, can be weakened when individuals differ too much, because it is unlikely that they can maintain stable relationships, and relationships of extreme subordination and domination are more likely to emerge [Walzer, 1983,Miller, 1999]. Excessive gaps between individuals can therefore be understood as a sensitive indicator of political events, as a warning that something is going wrong [Galbraith, 2012], which can be connected to assessments of market and democratic institutions [Loveless and Whitefield, 2011], and can be understood as a dynamic which can destabilize social cohesion and even bring into question the preservation of society [Guibet Lafaye, 2009]. These are just some of the reasons for which inequality is associated with problems in every society, and why it has brought about a calling to confront an unjust social order. Inequalities are not only social differences; they are unjust social differences, which constitute a moral question even before they become a theoretical problem [Therborn, 2006,Therborn, 2014]. The political slogan “we are the 99%” used by the Occupy Wall Street movement in 2011 is a good representation of this question. How can one no react when comparing the wealth and benefits concentrated within a small minority against an immense, less fortunate majority?1 As has been pointed out, largely because inequalities are not expressed as perfect and hermetic categories which make people take just one position,

1In 2014, the richest 1% of people in the world owned 48% of global wealth, leaving just 52% to be shared among the remaining 99% of adults on the planet. Almost all of that 52% is owned by those included in the richest 20%, leaving just 5.5% for the remaining 80% of people in the world [Hardoon, 2015] Introduction 13 categories such as the “1%” and the “rest” are not an experienced sociological reality [Dubet, 2014]. Inequalities are expressed as a system where social diﬀerences juxtapose one another [Bihr and Pfeﬀerkorn, 2008]. The origins and consequences of inequalities overlap, as do people’s preferences about inequality.

Political philosophy has been prolific in this debate, especially since the publication of A Theory of Justice [Rawls, 1971]. One of the principles of justice discussed in this book highlights that inequality may not be considered unfair if it contributes to the welfare of the most disadvantaged. Considered in this way, inequalities lose the homogeneity they acquire when they are crystallized in a block, which opens the space to a way of looking at social needs that can focus on other types of social tensions. As mentioned by some authors [Frankfurt, 2015], in the hierarchy of urgent causes, society should be morally obliged to deal first with poverty, or to ensure that everyone has enough, before addressing inequality. In other words, the poor suffer because they do not have enough; not because some have more and others have far too much.

This type of debate has been part of the construction of knowledge, and of democratic life, since antiquity. This can be observed, for example, in the questions formulated in The Nicomachean Ethics [Aristotle, 2009]. However, it is worth asking: how are these questions expressed in everyday life? What do individuals say about social inequalities?

Studies associated with empirical social justice research in different countries have observed that while we have considerable information regarding the state of inequalities in contemporary societies, we do not know much about how individuals - normal citizens - perceive and evaluate these social differences [Kluegel and Smith, 1986, Forséand Galland, 2011]. In other words, 14 Introduction we know more about “objective” inequality than what people consider fair or not. And if we consider individuals’ views about inequality across time, we have even less information on how stable or fluid they are, as well as the trends of their determinants [Liebig and Sauer, 2016].

Likewise, it is necessary to point out that most of this theoretical discussion and its empirical testing comes from studies that we can associate with the “north”, insofar as they focus principally on the United States and Western Europe. But what do we know about the deployment of this type of discussion in other countries not associated with this canon? This type of question not only requires a discussion about the adaptation of concepts designed in other latitudes and realities. It also requires the contribution that sociology from the south can deliver in order to better understand interpretative frameworks, and ways of approaching subjective inequality in other latitudes, globally.

Some empirical results show that views on the state of inequality inside a society are connected to processes of legitimating inequalities [Trump, 2013]. These views depict how members of a country’s population think about the values that are embedded within the process of founding that country’s democratic character [Kluegel and Smith, 1986, Fors´eet al., 2013]. It can also be related to policy preferences grounded in concrete action, such as redistributive or investment policies in projects related, social insurance, or the regulation of markets [Bublitz, 2016,Mccall and Kenworthy, 2009]. By considering these cases, we might ask how these trends apply to other social contexts. And what about when a society is analyzed across time?

Latin America in general, and Chile in particular, represents one of the most unequal regions in the world [OECD, 2018, The World Bank, 2018]. However, although the rates of wealth concentration are high, it is also true Introduction 15 that during the ﬁrst decade of this millennium- the golden decade - the boom of commodities and the redistributive policies of left-wing and social- democratic governments triggered a process of economic growth. This reduced poverty as well as inequality, and generated a strong increase in the percentage of individuals who rose to the middle class [Ferreira et al., 2013]. Indeed, analyzing Chilean society means confronting a territory that has undergone processes of economic and social transformation that are diﬀerent from those associated with countries where studies of subjective inequality have been developed more regularly and for a longer period2. This begs the question of how representations of inequality operate in contexts of high economic concentration that have, at the same time, experienced processes of economic growth and structural change at a social level. Drawing on these questions, this study focuses on subjective inequalities across time in Chile.

The study of subjective inequalities

How have subjective inequalities been studied? Above all, research has highlighted that inequality, although strongly associated with the income level and assets of individuals, cannot be associated exclusively with distributive issues. Inequality is ﬁrst and foremost about relationships between people, because unequal social bonds permeate through all spheres of social life [Fourie et al., 2015]. Recovering a debate present in philosophy and social theory, the understanding of inequality in society is one in which people regard and treat

2In Chile, it was not until 2002 that a first analysis of representations of inequalities appeared [Garretn and Cumsille, 2002], which opened a field of research about the causes, dimensions, consequences and responsibilities of different social agents with respect to inequality. 16 Introduction one another as equals [Fraser, 2003, Miller, 1997], including the presence of discussions at the level of the struggle for recognition [Honneth, 1996]. Thus, through the relation of material and symbolic aspects of social reality, inequality is produced across a historical process of institutionalization in terms of both access to goods and daily treatment. For this reason, we speak about social equality when we refer generally to conflicts of inequality, and we do not speak only about economic inequality. With respect to the characteristics of inequality representations, it has been pointed out [Moscovici, 2003] that these are understood as social rather than collective because the latter represent ideas that people sketch out instead of reality in a traditional society. In other words, representations are composed of static knowledge. Conversely, social representations are those present in a modern society, and they allow us to establish a comprehension of the world in movement, which in turn permits the integration of a temporal factor into this study. This is a conception close to that developed by Durkheim [Durkheim, 2013], who mentions that social representations are in perpetual flow, interacting among themselves, influencing each other and converging in ways of thinking which are, if not universal, at least universalizable. Social representations describe a broad concept which brings together elements research practice has tended to subdivide into different dimensions according to the nature of those representations. Following what has been outlined [Sen, 1993], judgments, or representations, that people make are constructed in a sequence going from object to action3, articulating a chain of elements associated with perceptual, evaluative and performative criteria. In empirical research about subjective inequality, this sequence of components

3Sen explains that “what we can observe depends on our position vis--vis the objects of observation. What we decide to believe is inﬂuenced by what we observe. How we decide to act relates to our beliefs” [Sen, 1993, p. 126] Introduction 17 appears in the study of perceptions, beliefs and judgments, as is observed when comparing several international studies [Janmaat, 2013]. Each of these dimensions can be studied independently, although they interact closely.

Here, the first dimension refers to perceptions, defined as subjective estimates of existing inequality (i.e. thoughts about what it is). The second dimension refers to beliefs defined as normative ideas about just inequality (i.e. thoughts about what inequality should be). And the third dimension is composed of judgments, understood as normative evaluations of existing inequality (i.e. thoughts about how desirable or good the current situation is). A classification that is similar to this set of dimensions is explored in research on moral economy, where social agreements at the basis of distributive norms and market boundaries lie in a sequence of perceptions, evaluations and expectations of political and socioeconomic life [Mau, 2004, Svallfors, 2006].

As a synthesis of this type of classiﬁcation, this thesis addresses subjective inequality based on perceptions, beliefs and preferences about inequality. This is a way of representing the sequence of components that constitute individuals’ judgments. The ﬁrst dimension discusses subjective estimates and representations of existing inequality without introducing conscious judgments about a better scenario of Chilean inequalities. This dimension addresses a descriptive level over an explicative level in individuals’ views. The second dimension of beliefs considers what individuals regard to be a (un)fair amount of inequality, and why some types and degrees of inequality are more tolerable than others. It is an open scenario where reasons and experiences converge. The third dimension of preferences is composed of evaluations of present inequalities and individuals expectations of them, a pragmatic balance between perceptions and beliefs. 18 Introduction

A second distinction, which appears when reviewing the theoretical-empirical discussion regarding the representation of inequalities, is concerned with factors that influence individuals’ views, whether in terms of perceptions, beliefs or preferences. On the one hand, a series of studies has highlighted the influence of social position on representations of inequality. On the other hand, research has also turned to the study of representations focusing on the influence of personal experiences or shared cultural processes.

With respect to studies that focus on the influence of social position on the representations of inequality, a trend has been demonstrated where educational level and socioeconomic group are strongly linked to perceptions and beliefs about inequality. Individuals who have higher levels of education and are part of higher socioeconomic groups perceive and legitimize higher levels of inequality, especially economic inequality [Forséet al., 2013,Gijsberts, 2002, Kelley and Evans, 1993, Trump, 2013, Verwiebe and Wegener, 2000]. In addition, as has been observed in different countries, people with higher income and higher educational level tend to be more adverse to redistributive practices [Alesina and Giuliano, 2009,Arts and Gelissen, 2001]. In other words, they are more tolerant of social inequalities.

Studies which focus on the influence of personal experience or shared cultural processes have centered their attention on social dynamics that go beyond categories such as social position, because this type of category is sur- passed by practices of everyday life [Martucelli, 2002]. This perspective concentrates on contradictions nested in categories traditionally used in classical sociology to understand, for example, why different groups behave differently in the same structural situation.

The contributions to the theoretical discussion that have been raised in this area are diverse, but two elements are fundamental in terms of individu- Introduction 19 als’ relationships with their social environment. One element has to do with the inter-subjective frameworks that influence and, in turn, feed themselves by individuals’ actions. This means that individuals inhabit inter-subjective shared meaning structures, such as narratives, repertoires or symbolic boundaries, that come to enable and constrain behaviors of individuals of different social origins, therefore producing a link between cognitive processes and macro-social representations [Lamont et al., 2014,Swidler, 1986]. These structures of meaning are sensitive to social changes, hence why they feed the repertoire of shared arguments used to evaluate social differences as society transforms. A second element deals with comparative mechanisms that operate to evaluate inequalities, because judgments that people produce always arise from a comparison established with an “other”. Inequality implies a relationship - it is a relative measure - because it compares income, assets, treatment, and respect between people, households and social groups. This differs from what happens with a concept such as poverty, which implies an absolute measure of wellbeing as it compares, for example, the income of each household with a reference line that remains fixed over time (family basket, minimum income, etc.)4. Whilst understanding inequality in terms of its relational nature, two kinds of comparative frameworks that agents use to evaluate inequality can be distinguished. On the one hand, a structured framework is based upon the comparison that is established between an individual with other people and social groups. It also involves the exercise of putting oneself in the place of other people to build a reasonable opinion about the experience of those

4This implies that economic growth can reduce poverty, but not necessarily inequality. By increasing income households most disadvantaged can get away from the poverty line, but if the concentration of wealth is not corrected, inequality rates may remain the same or may even increase. 20 Introduction people [Fors´eet al., 2013]. On the other hand, individuals can generate self- referential comparisons, insofar as the “others” they refer to in making such a comparison are actually themselves existing in other moments in time. This can be understood as a backward-looking framework [Shapiro, 2002].

As a synthesis of the theoretical elements discussed that are summarized in Table1, in this study the representations of inequality can be approached from three dimensions: perceptions, beliefs and preferences. These are autonomous units which interact with each other. In turn, each of these dimensions is influenced by factors that can be grouped at two levels: the position that individuals occupy in the social structure, and individuals’ personal experiences. The relationship between these elements leads to the enquiry of how individuals perceive inequality in Chile. What are their beliefs and preferences? How do these spheres relate to each other over time? What is the influence of factors such as educational level, socioeconomic group, narratives that inhabit the social space, and what are the comparative mechanisms in the evaluation of social differences? How do results that emerge from an analysis that focuses on the position or experience of individuals relate? And finally, how do the results relate between the different dimensions of representations and levels of analysis?

Table 1: Framework of study of subjective inequality

Dimensions of social representations Levels of analysis Perceptions Social position Beliefs Personal experience Preferences Introduction 21 Chile. socioeconomic transformations and the weight of social inequalities

Chile’s recent history is undeniably marked by a reconfiguration at the political and economic levels of society following the coup d’état on September 11, 1973. After a series of reforms that were enacted as a “shock therapy”, as Milton Friedman remarked when he visited the country in 1975 [Fried- man, 2013], the liberalization process has caused the country to experience sustained economic growth since the late-1980s. This economic growth expanded in the following decades and led to an increase in per capita GDP by an average of 5.3 percent between 1990 and 2015 [Valdés,2018]. This implied that Chile went from a per capita GDP of US $ 2.401 in 1990 to one close to US $ 15.000 since 2013 [World Bank, 2018].

The restoration of democracy and economic growth produced signiﬁcant changes in the wellbeing of the Chilean population. Poverty levels decreased from 68% in 1990 to 11.7% in 2015 [PNUD, 2017b]. In the education system, according to national data [INE, 2018b], after roughly 25 years a historical trend was reversed: the percentage of individuals with higher education (30%) exceeded those who only have a primary level (26%)5. Changes in the economy and education system brought about an important process of social mobility within the country, which was led by the poorest and most vulnerable classes [Torche and Wormald, 2004, Torche, 2005, Ferreira et al., 2013], transforming the middle class into the broadest, although most heterogeneous, sector of society (84.5% if it is deﬁned as the vulnerable as well

5According to data from the Ministry of Education of Chile [MINEDUC, 2018], this implies that while in 1992, 285.699 individuals accessed to higher education, in 2017 this number amounted to 1.247.746. In other words, the enrollment expansion quadrupled in approximately 25 years. 22 Introduction as the consolidated, or stable, middle class) [Hardy, 2014].

These trends represent the transformation of the Chilean population from the 1980s onwards. However, when the strength and speed of changes in poverty and education are compared with inequality trends, the concentration of wealth, although it has improved over time, did not experience the same intensity of change. In 1990 the GINI index of Chile was 52.1 and 47.6 in 2015 [PNUD, 2017a]. Chile has continued to be one of the most unequal countries within the OECD, together with Mexico and Turkey [OECD, 2018], and a series of other countries mainly in South America and Africa [World Bank, 2018]. Although the country has experienced improvements in terms of the concentration of wealth, economic inequality in the last 25 years continues to be high.

During this period, however, rates of inequality started to improve around 2000. Before then, levels of inequality had continued to increase. The decrease of inequality coincided with the deployment of social protection policies targeting vulnerable people, households and communities, as well as early infancy, which were enacted at the end of the 1990s [Larraaga, 2010a]. Once a greater percentage of the population had reached minimum levels of wellbeing and poverty had been reduced by half, inequality began to acquire a greater space in the political discourse.

A good example of this can be seen in the 1999 presidential campaign, when the candidate Ricardo Lagos, member of the Socialist Party, launched his campaign under the slogan “Grow with equality”. As argued in his program, the Chilean economy had never grown so much in its history as in the nineties, which had had a direct impact on the welfare of the most disadvantaged. This would provide an opportunity to address new social challenges, such as the need to distribute more equitably the results of the transformation process Introduction 23 of which all Chileans had been a part.

In those years, inequality began to gain more space in academic and political circles, driving the discussion about public policy and the development of Chile. For example, in the Human Development reports produced periodically by the United Nations Development Program [PNUD, 2002], for the ﬁrst time inequality was focused upon as a central problem in the country. In this report it was concluded that inequality prevented society from consolidating the transformations experienced so far in a shared narrative. The report postulated the thesis of a “dissociated diversity” in Chilean society, composed of problems of communication between people and social groups as a result of the growing social segregation in which inequality became crystallized. Several researchers have described the individualization process that developed alongside the historic acceleration experienced by the country in recent decades as the “modernization process” of Chilean society [Bengoa, 1996,Pea, 2017,PNUD, 1998].

However, discussion about social inequality went beyond the space of the most specialized circles and settled into public discourse during the social mobilizations that began with the student protests of 2006, and subsequently reached their peak in 2011. During these uprisings, hundreds of thousands of students nationwide led the most signiﬁcant social mobilization in Chile since the restoration of democracy in 1990, questioning the neoliberal character of the educational system resulting from the reforms implemented during the dictatorship, including its structural inequalities. The diversity of actors that supported the cause, and the strength of evidence showed by its representatives, allowed the movement not only to consolidate the support of younger generations but to acquire the support from the broader Chilean citizenry [Bellei et al., 2014]. 24 Introduction

As Agust´ın Squella has mentioned whilst alluding to the students who protested [Squella, 2014], it was the young people who managed to put the issue of (in)equality into the public sphere, beyond the claims made against the finance policies of the Chilean education system. An invitation remained open after 2011 to fill a normative concept and a democratic ideal with a content beyond the general message of demands. Since then, ideas such as “regulation of profit”, “social justice”, “social rights”, “equal opportunities”, “welfare state”, among other concepts associated directly with Chilean inequalities, have been at the center of public debate and even shifted the political agenda.

What’s more, according to a study that analyzes the presence of the inequality concept in presidential speeches from 1989 to 2015 [Soto, 2016], results show that, since 2011, there has been strong increase of its presence in candidates’ speeches. This trend reached its highest level in 2014, when new presidential elections were held, and Michelle Bachelet won for the second time. When she assumed the presidency, she stated in her speech, “Chile has only one great adversary, and it is called inequality”[Bachelet, 2014]. To face this challenge during her four years in government, and as an eﬀort to orientate the social demands, a series of reforms were conducted in the tax, education, labor, and pensions systems, and an attempt was even made to reform the national Constitution.

This period was characterized as the politicization of Chilean society, which reversed a common diagnosis of the 1990s and early 2000s, that describes a naturalization of conditions strongly guided by market forces regulating social life [PNUD, 2015]. With this in mind, the question of the possible exhaustion of the Chilean “model” was debated and, as political analysis during this period mentioned, this would be directly related to a change Introduction 25 in the way in which individuals interpret what is fair and the place that inequalities should take in political priorities.

Chile was no longer the same. Material conditions had changed; therefore, subjective representations also should change during these years. Some have spoken about a major crisis of the market economy in Chile in terms of its legitimacy, represented by the idea of a collapse of the model and the resur- gence of equality as the deﬁnitive horizon of individual expectations [Mayol, 2013]. Others interpreted this period as a change in political preferences, a tilt towards a new era in which state and citizens’ initiatives should have a more prominent role after a long period of neoliberalism, to advance towards a public regime in order to reach a more equal society [Atria et al., 2013].

Nevertheless, these interpretations were not the only ones. Other types of analysis separated the noise of protest from general opinion, maintaining that the political agenda consolidated from social movements was the property of localized groups (who were notably left-wing), and what Chileans really claimed were adjustments associated with a new horizon of expectations produced by the growth of the middle class and new levels of wellbeing reached in recent decades [Larran, 2012]. For that reason, the critiques of Chilean social inequalities inscribed at the core of social movements should not be interpreted to have changed the Chilean neoliberal model which unfolded during the dictatorship. On the contrary, the goal remained focused on generating greater economic growth to reduce poverty, the real Chilean demand [Kaiser, 2015]. The interpretations were echoed in the results of the presidential elections in 2017, when Sebasti´anPi˜nera,a candidate of the political right-wing with a more emphatic discourse on economic growth than social inequalities, won for a second time.

This sequence of events laid the foundation for the framework in which 26 Introduction the discussion on social inequalities in Chile has been developed. However it is complex to transfer the ideological coherence of politics into individuals’ opinions [Martuccelli, 2007]. This difficulty does not have to be understood as a limitation of the discipline or an error in the narrative proposed by the analysts. Rather, this responds to the expression of a structural inconsistency of thought that, in the case of inequality representations, can be observed when liberal and conservative beliefs and attitudes coexist within the opinions of the same person [Kluegel and Smith, 1986]. As has been described, a diverse field of political cleavages exist at an individual level [Forséet al., 2013]. With this in mind, how are the discussions about inequality at national level reflected in the eyes of ordinary people? Is it possible to talk about a change in the representations of inequality in Chile over time? How do socioeconomic transformations and changes in the socio-political context affect the opinions that individuals have about social inequality? And to what extent are these opinions stable over time?

Chilean views about inequality and hypothesis discussion

Representations of inequality in studies based on individuals’ opinions can be organized between those that focuses on an approach centered on the inﬂuence of social position and those focusing on people’s experiences. From an approach centered on individuals social positioning, empirical studies show that before the peak of social mobilizations in 2011, perceptions about economic inequality, and what individuals consider fair, were quite stable when comparing the years 1999 and 2009 [Castillo, 2012]. In Introduction 27 other words, it shows that between these years individuals were aware that social inequalities are high within the country and they demanded fairer social gaps. On the contrary, a study focused solely on perceptions of inequality [Segovia and Gamboa, 2016] developed a comparison of data between 2000 and 2013, and instead observed a decrease in perceived inequality within society. This situation would go hand in hand with the reduction of “objective” inequalities that have unfolded since 2000, and that would be contrary to an interpretation where, in view of mass social mobilization and the relevance that inequality has acquired in the public discourse, the population could perceive more inequality in Chile.

To interpret the variation of trends over time, both studies focus their analyses on the influence of individual position in the social structure, but with opposite results. In Castillo’s study, and in agreement with other studies that analyzed Chilean representations at a fixed moment [Garretn and Cumsille, 2002,Torres, 2014], it is observed that social status - measured by education level and socioeconomic group - correlates positively with perceived inequality and inequality that individuals consider fair. In other words, individuals who have a higher educational level and belong to a higher socioeconomic group perceive and tolerate greater inequality. On the contrary, in the study developed by Segovia and Gamboa, the correlation between the position of individuals in the social structure and the perception of inequality over time is not significant.

To a large extent, these differences in the significance of relationships can be explained because the indicators used to measure perceptions of inequality are different. Castillos’ study [2012] analyzes trends in subjective inequality through wage gaps, and that of Segovia and Gamboa [2016] by comparing diagrams representing perceptions of general inequality of Chilean society. 28 Introduction

According to an analysis carried out using Chilean surveys, when these forms of measuring perceptions of inequality are compared, the indicator composed of the gap between high and low status salaries is shown to be signiﬁcantly associated with peoples’ position in the social structure. This is not the case with the indicators concerning general inequality [Castillo et al., 2012].

With this in mind, it can be considered that if the perceptions of inequality are measured through an indicator composed of wage gaps - as is the case of this study, which will be explained later - the relationship with social position would be signiﬁcant for dates after 2009, of which there is no evidence at the time of writing. The same thing would happen when analyzing the fair gap and inequality preferences, considering the trends proven by empirical studies and discussed before in the theoretical section. Likewise, by introducing into the analysis the socio-economic transformations that Chilean society has experienced, an evolution in the income and educational levels of the population would be associated with higher levels of perceived, tolerated and desired inequality if the series are compared through time. This would contradict the results obtained by Segovia and Gamboa [2016] only at the level of perceptions, and show a change in the stability of representations observed until 2009.

In this framework, considering the theoretical relations discussed and the structural transformations that Chilean society has experienced in recent decades, it can be postulated as a general hypothesis that the representations of inequality change at a general level due to the transformations in economic and educational terms, but especially in the lower social status sectors, who have experienced the structural transformations of Chilean society more strongly.

And from a perspective focusing on individuals’ experiences, studies show Introduction 29 a tendency to explore other resources and dimensions of inequality, which go beyond the demands for greater distributive, legal or political equality. To a large extent, with the democratization process experienced by the country since 1990, and within social movements and their demands that also pointed to abusive practices, a research space emerged addressing treatment inequality [Araujo, 2013, Araujo, 2015] and procedural inequality [Mac-Clure and Barozet, 2016]. This brought about a freshly articulated demand in Chile for higher equality; that is, being fairly treated in ordinary social relationships, or in the interactions between individuals and institutions.

Moreover, a discursive analysis of individual representations of inequality has triggered a discussion regarding models of argumentation that actors of different social origin use to evaluate social differences as (un)fair [Frei, 2016], or the construction of moral limits that are associated with categories historically associated with economic criteria, such as social classes [Jordana, 2018]. From this perspective, it is understood that socio-economic transformations of the last few decades, and changes observed at the population level, are associated with the configuration of new narratives and symbolic borders.

These studies have broadened the framework for the analysis of subjective inequalities in Chile, focusing the research on the ways in which inequality interpellates individuals and the diversity of principles of justice they use to assess them. They have also shown that social inequality has acquired a more important space for the Chilean population after the return of democracy and social mobilization. However, in this context, the evaluation of social inequalities has been studied principally through the comparison between individuals and social groups, without giving special emphasis to the comparisons that individuals make with themselves, across time and between diﬀerent biographical stages, to evaluate inequality within their own lifetime. 30 Introduction

In the reviewed studies, the transformations at the individual level appear as a synthesis that describes a new state of Chilean society, but the trajectories in association with the shifts in the representations of inequality have not been explored. Considering this context, in this thesis it is postulated that inequality representations are also inﬂuenced by a comparative exercise that results from the contrast of individuals’ representation of themselves at other moments in time, as a backward-looking framework reviewing at a biographical level the structural transformations that society has experienced in recent decades. Indeed, the expression of both general hypotheses, one addressing a structural dimension, and another addressing factors of experience, appear in a sequence between diﬀerent dimensions of representations: perceptions, beliefs and preferences.

Methodological approach

The research is structured from an approach in which three dimensions of inequality representations - perceptions, ideals and preferences - are addressed by two levels of analysis - social positions and individual experience - as shown in Figure1. Throughout, questions and specific research hypotheses are raised in association with each dimension of representations, which in turn are enriched with specific data and methods. On the one hand, in order to study the influence of social positioning on representations of inequality and its changes over time, the quantitative information available in four representative surveys at national level is used: the 1999 and 2009 surveys International Social Survey Program (ISSP), the survey undertaken in 2013 by the project Social Justice and Citizenship Par- Introduction 31 ticipation (SJCP), and the survey executed by the Center for Social Conflict and Cohesion Studies (COES) in 2014. Through these surveys, which consist of similar questions, indicators are composed for each one of the dimensions of inequality representations, which are analyzed in order to elucidate trends of stability or variation over time. In addition, each of these indicators is analyzed in relation to the social position or social status of individuals - comprised of the educational level and the socioeconomic group - as well as factors representing socio-demographic and ideological variables.

On the other hand, qualitative material is used to study the influence of experience within each dimension of subjective inequality. The data is composed of 40 semi-structured interviews conducted in Chile, in the cities of Curicó,Santiago, Valpara´ıso,and Viñadel Mar between December 2015 and January 2016. These cities were selected in order to integrate some variability into the analysis, because they represent different spaces of Chilean geography in terms of location, size, and production practices. The sample of interviews was composed of a heterogeneous map of actors, representing individuals of both sexes, different generations and diverse economic groups and educational levels. From this material, the reasons and principles of justice that individuals utilize to describe Chilean society and changes in their own life are explored, as well as how they justify their beliefs and preferences about inequality across time.

The study also includes the analysis of second-order data, such as government reports, political programs, and laws of the republic. However, this type of information is principally used in one chapter and to complement the analysis of information extracted from surveys and interviews. 32 Introduction Research organization

In the first chapter, the material and methods used in the study are presented, as well as an interpretation of the results emerging from the analysis of interviews and survey data. The objective is to show the technique with which the data has been analyzed, which goes beyond the known process of “triangulation” and seeks a validation of interpretations. It is considered that each methodological approach has its own internal validation methods; therefore, what is particular about this study is the dialogue between different types of information which respond to different types of questions. This allows for a more wholesome understanding of inequality. The second chapter provides a synthesis of the main socioeconomic transformations and trends of inequalities in Chile, an overview focusing specifically on the period that begins with the return of democracy in 1990. The goal is to provide context with regard to the principal dimensions that individuals constantly use to speak about inequality. Likewise, the second part of the chapter addresses the presence of the discussion about inequality in the public reason of Chilean society. The goal here is to address the institutional dimension of public opinion, because it is part of the sociopolitical context that surrounds individuals, such as in cases of socio-economic transformations, and often people turn to concepts and ideas developed in this space in order to argue or exemplify evaluations on social differences in daily life. The third chapter addresses perceptions about inequality. In the first part of the chapter, an analysis regarding the influence of social position on perceptions of economic inequality is established. These perceptions are a dimension of subjective inequality that consists of the perceived wage gap between occupations of high and low statuses within the social structure. In the second part of the chapter, the relationship between the personal experience of Introduction 33 individuals and their perceptions of inequality is analyzed. The goal is to characterize the main images that make up individuals’ outlook on the state of general inequalities within the country, and the factors that influence the shift of perceptions about inequalities over time. The fourth chapter addresses beliefs about inequality. First, based on an indicator of beliefs about inequality, which is comprised of the ideal wage gap between occupations of high and low status within the social structure, this study analyses the inequality that individuals consider fair or tolerable, and how social position influences these beliefs. Likewise, the role played by perceived inequality over beliefs is examined. Second, through analysis of the interviews, the question of how individual experiences influence the acceptance or condemnation of inequality is addressed, identifying comparison mechanisms and narratives that operate in the evaluation of this area of subjective inequality. Finally, preferences about inequalities are analyzed in the fifth and final chapter. In the first part, the influence of social position on individual preferences is developed through the analysis of individual opinions about the legitimacy of inequality in two spheres: the health and education systems. Likewise, looking at both spheres, the relationships that are established between preferences and the other components of subjective inequality are analyzed (that is, perceptions and beliefs). In the second part, the data gathered from the interviews examines how individual experiences influence individuals’ inclinations about (in)equality and the reasons for which social differences are more or less accepted in certain spheres. 34 Introduction Chapter 1

Data, variables, and methods

The methodological approach of this thesis has been designed by combining two processes that appear to be contrary to one another in terms of the study of views on inequality. On the one hand, taking into account what researcher have raised [Therborn, 2006], it ought to treat a very sensitive subject as a “scientiﬁc object, and do it without emptying its emotional charge. On the other hand, it also ought to keep a distance from the object, because its own sensitive characteristics sometimes make interpretations appear to be closer to normative arguments, rather than simply communicating empirical information by itself [Sen, 2009].

In order to avoid trivialising the experience of those individuals who are behind the material collected from the research, and to avoid disorienting interpretations of this material because of the intensity of individuals’ opinions, diﬀerent types of sources of information were used. On the one hand, this thesis draws from quantitative data, which allows for the production of a general and representative image of sociological phenomena within Chilean society, highlighting the inﬂuence of socio-demographic and structural characteristics upon individuals’ opinions. On the other hand, it draws from

35 36 Data, variables, and methods qualitative data, which allow for the inclusion of principles and reasons of justice that individuals mobilize to evaluate inequality within the broader analysis. In this way, individuals’ voices which are sometimes silenced by quantitative questionnaires are given space. At the same time, opinions that are sometimes interpreted from one perspective may therefore be given wider, national representation.

The criteria placed at the base of the methodological design tries to capture an element that is widely shared in pre-existing studies about subjective inequality: that views about inequality respond to structural and historical factors [Araujo, 2013, Guibet Lafaye, 2012]. Indeed, it shows that opinions about inequality do not come “from nowhere”. As Sen [Sen, 1993] has analyzed from the concept of positional objectivity, the judgments that individuals produce to evaluate social realities must be considered from position- dependent objectivity. In other words, this is a perspective that understands individuals’ beliefs to be sociologically centered in a speciﬁc time and space, and these beliefs are determined not only by an individual’s position in a social structure, but also by how people confront their social reality on a daily basis, and their relation vis-`a-vis the observed objects and the personal ideas emerging from their experiences.

Before reviewing the diﬀerent sources of information and analysis tech- niques used in this study, it is necessary to highlight another challenge that was present throughout the investigation: the ways in which these two sources of information and analysis converge in a general narrative about subjective inequality.

From a traditional perspective in the domain of mix-method analysis, when methodologies of analysis are combined, it is sought to validate the results either by generalization or the incursion in cases where deep structures of Data, variables, and methods 37 social life appear. This can be observed, for example, when research develops an analysis from a qualitative level to a quantitative level, combining a passage from a classiﬁcation made with interviews to a general typology with representative data of international surveys [Van de Velde, 2004].

In this tradition of research, a criterion of mutual validation between sources of information and methods is present. However, this perspective does not represent the fundamental relationship that we have established between the two traditions of analysis. The relationship between the quantitative and qualitative results that structure this research is regarded as a dialogue between perspectives rather than as a relation of corroboration between one and the other. And with this, an epistemological point of view is utilised to guide the study to a position where two methods of doing research can converge or contradict each other and yet not necessarily (in)validate each other.

Each methodological approach has its own internal validation methods (for example, probability testing or saturation of information), and what is therefore of interest here is the information that we can access with certain types of data, and not others. And from the objects that each of these methods address, with their own questions and objectives, a ﬁnal dialogue is established. The objective of this dialogue is oriented to expand the horizon of interpretative possibilities, not to reduce a subject as vast as the study of views about inequality to a single source of information.

This way of structuring the research emerges from a process of bibliographic revision, data analysis, and of trial and error. The most effective way of ensuring the two types of analysis converge did not appear in the first instance. It is the crystallization of a long exploration process in which it was decided that neither the quantitative nor the qualitative material alone would be 38 Data, variables, and methods sufficient to obtain results that the best type of analysis would yield. Each source of information integrates unique and equally valid information that enriches the study of social inequalities.

Finally, it is necessary to emphasize that just as two ways of addressing the main sources of information used in this study were established, two ways of writing and communicating the results have also been established. In the case of statistical analysis, the structure of the chapters responds to a standard way of formatting quantitative research, namely, the discussion of a theoretical problem and the construction of hypotheses that are later tested with the available material. Results are subsequently discussed. The case of qualitative material did not strictly follow the same form, because rather than testing hypotheses in the way that can be done with quantitative material, a discussion is also included, with a focus upon engaging with a general problem and responding with speciﬁc questions. Indeed, the core goal here was to see how best to address the experience of individuals.

These types of material and analysis are not completely independent. Through- out the study, in some cases available material within the same part of the analysis has been combined to contextualize or support presented arguments. However, it is in the conclusion of each chapter where a synthesis of the results is delivered, and a direct dialogue is established between the two types of source. When discussing and comparing results, and the richness of each perspective, this thesis tries to open the repertoire of arguments used, thus illustrating possibilities for future research.

To describe in detail the procedures employed to handle the quantitative and qualitative data, each source of information and its methods are presented separately. 1.1. QUANTITATIVE DATA AND METHODS 39 1.1 Quantitative data and methods

1.1.1 Description of the data

Empirical sociology working on subjective inequality is a relatively recent realm of research when compared with studies developed about objective socio-economic inequalities. The existence of surveys of public opinion relating specifically to social justice and inequality goes back only a few decades ago. One of the older surveys in this domain was developed by the Interna- tional Social Survey Programme (ISSP) in 1987. Chile has participated in the last two rounds of this survey concerning social inequalities, the round 1999 and 2009, and since then, many of the studies on a national scale that have addressed views on social inequality have used questions present on the questionnaires of ISSP surveys as a reference. Thus, considering the replicability of questions applied by the ISSP survey over time, the databases selected in this study, to generate a comparison of subjective inequality, are the surveys appearing in Table 1.1. The Interna- tional Social Survey Program (ISSP) 1999 and 2009, the survey executed in 2013 by the project Social Justice and Citizenship Participation (SJCP) in Chile, and the survey executed by the Center for Social Conflict and Cohe- sion Studies (COES) in 2014, also in Chile. Each one of them is nationally representative of the population of 18 years and older. To provide more details about the databases used, it is worth mentioning that the ISSP survey is an annual program of cross-national collaboration on surveys covering different relevant topics of social sciences. It started in 1984 with four founding members (Australia, Germany, Great Britain, and the United States), and it is now present in about 50 member countries throughout the world. Once the information is collected in each country, the 40 Data, variables, and methods data is archived at GESIS institute in Germany. Social inequality was the main subject of surveys 1987, 1992, 1999, and 2009, integrating topics such as distributive inequality, perceptions of inequality, and the expected role of the state. Both surveys selected in this study were executed by the Centro de Estudios Públicos (CEP), a nongovernmental research institution which produce periodic surveys on politics. Both surveys have been conducted face-to-face, and are constituted by 1503 and 1505 cases, respectively. The survey executed by the project SJCP in 2013 was financed by the Na- tional Fund for Scientific and Technological Development (FONDECYT) in Chile. The survey collected information in the fields of economic inequality, justice research and political participation, informed by the ISSP key indicators related to these subjects. Likewise, the survey integrates a factorial module which measures the evaluation of a series of fictitious situation (vi- gnettes) and was followed by a panel replication in 2014 of a sub-sample of participants (from Santiago de Chile), to evaluate the stability of behaviors, as well as to explore causality of certain issues across time. The survey was managed by the Department of Sociological Studies of Pontifical Catholic University of Chile, it was conducted face-to-face, and is composed of 1167 cases. Table 1.1: Surveys used in the analysis

Survey Year Sample size ISSP 1999 1503 ISSP 2009 1505 SJCP 2013 1167 COES 2014 2025

The survey in this research, called “COES”, comes from the Chilean research center COES created in 2013 by the funding of the National Commis- sion for Scientific and Technological Research (CONICYT). It develops col- Data, variables, and methods 41 laborative research on issues related to social conflict and cohesion through a multidisciplinary perspective, where different researchers from the social sciences and humanities converge. The program is composed of prestigious Universities of the country (University of Chili, Pontifical Catholic Univer- sity of Chile, University Diego Portales, and University Adolfo Ibanez) and produces strategic exchange with several institutions within the country, as well as internationally. The program produced a survey in 2014 focused on the subjects that its main objectives follow, such as political participation, distributive principles, and views about inequality. The survey was managed by the Department of Sociological Studies of Pontifical Catholic University of Chile, it was conducted face-to-face, and is composed of 2025 cases.

1.1.2 Variables

Dependent variables

Some studies interested in views about inequality have addressed the subject from a general perspective where perceptive and evaluative components converge equally inside people’s’ opinions [Aalberg, 2003][Kluegel and Smith, 1986, Kluegel et al., 1995, Ng and Allen, 2005]. However, there are other approximations where views are delimited on fields of action identified by different concepts, such as perceptions, beliefs and judgments, as have been organized through a classification articulated by Janmaat [2013]. From his perspective, after comparing a series of studies on subjective inequality, these three dimensions concentrate the main aspects from which researchers have addressed individuals’ representations of inequality. Each one points towards a different object of study. Perceptions about inequality represent people’s’ thoughts about what the state of inequality is, beliefs about inequality speak 42 Data, variables, and methods about what they think the state of inequality should be, and judgments about existing inequality identify thoughts about how desirable or good the current situation is. In this study, this classification is followed by differentiating between views about inequality on perceived inequality, ideal inequality, and preferences about inequality. This is necessary to do because different levels of involve- ment on the part of the actors are differentiated within views about inequality. For example, not all perceptions are related to a single type of beliefs, and not all beliefs can be translated into certain types of action, whether for or against inequality. To analyze the relationship of these levels, then, the first dimension discusses subjective estimates and representations of existing inequality without introducing an evaluative component of Chilean inequalities. The idea is to prioritise a descriptive level over an explicative level in individuals’ views. The second dimension considers what individuals consider a (un)fair amount of inequality, and why some types and degrees of inequality are more tolerable than others, exploring an open scenario where principles and reasons of justice converge. The third-dimension concentrates on evaluations of present inequalities and individuals’ expectations of them, a pragmatic balance between perceptions and beliefs. The three dimensions of subjective inequality have been developed in independent chapters, and each of them have been systematized as dependent variables. In this section of the study, it is explained how these dimensions have been treated throughout. The approach is reduced to the construction and description of the variables explained, which serves as a basis that connects with the more detailed theoretical discussions present in later chapters.

(a) Perceived inequality

Surveys have applied diﬀerent questions to measure perceptions about eco- Data, variables, and methods 43 nomic inequality. In general, they are questions of multiple-choice, establishing Liker scales of preferences with which individuals are more or less in agreement, for example, about the degree of inequality present in society. There are also questions composed of images, where individuals choose the better option representing the levels of inequality structuring society. How- ever, these exercises measuring representations about inequality have been criticized because the way in which they formulate the question can inﬂuence the responses [Mccall and Kenworthy, 2009]. Thus, another form of exercise to measure perceived inequality is to analyse the perceived gap between the higher and the lower salary of individuals representing the extremes of the social scale by way of occupation [Jasso and Rossi, 1977, Jasso, 1978, Jasso and Wegener, 1997], as is described in equation 1.1.

P erceived salary P erceived inequality = ln chairman (1.1) P erceived salaryunskilled worker

Through the mix of these items, then, an approximation of perceptions of economic inequality through continued measurement, analysed and compared with other countries or across time, has been constructed. In the equation, the index has been transformed into a logarithm because it allows us to normalize the distribution of the variable, and reduce the inﬂuence of outliers, for example, in the regression models developed during the analysis. As has been tested, when the dependent variable is regressed and has not been transformed into a logarithm, residuals increase consistently, which makes the results delivered by the model less reliable.

From this equation, an index of perceived inequality was replicated in the four surveys analyzed in this study, comparing the responses about how much 44 Data, variables, and methods the salary of a chairman of a national company is with the salary of an unskilled worker. Both salaries are represented by the following questions: How much do you think a chairman of a large national corporation earns? And, how much do you think an unskilled worker in a factory earns? In Table 1.2, there is a summary with the descriptive results for each year. Because the mean is very sensitive to extremes, responses where gaps between salaries of high and low status exceed 250 times have been eliminated from the sample.

Table 1.2: Descriptive statistics of perceived inequality index

Statistic N Mean St. Dev. Min Median Max 1999 866 47.467 47.334 1.000 33.241 250.000 2009 1,278 45.454 42.999 0.556 31.250 250.000 2013 956 57.653 52.591 2.000 40.000 250.000 2014 1,480 64.970 52.808 2.000 50.000 250.000

(b) Ideal inequality

To address ideal inequality, the concept has been systematized through a formula close to the one used to explain perceived inequality. That is, taking the experience of studies associated with empirical social justice research [Jasso and Rossi, 1977, Jasso, 1978, Jasso and Wegener, 1997], where it is conceived that it is possible to represent ideal inequality from the comparison between the ideal wages of two occupational categories that symbolize the extremes of the social scale within a society. On the one hand, the salary of an unskilled worker and, on the other, the salary of chairman of a national company. This is represented in equation 1.2

Ideal salary Ideal inequality = ln chairman (1.2) Ideal salaryunskilled worker Data, variables, and methods 45

In this case, the questions used to conﬁgure the index are: How much do you think an unskilled worker in a factory should earn? and, How much do you think a chairman of a large national corporation should earn? In Table 1.3 a summary of the index is presented by year. Because the index is sensitive to extremes cases, responses where gaps between both salaries exceed 200 times have been eliminated from the sample.

Table 1.3: Descriptive statistics of ideal inequality index

Statistic N Mean St. Dev. Min Median Max 1999 841 17.980 21.546 0.250 10.000 200.000 2009 1,303 18.514 24.195 0.160 10.000 200.000 2013 925 26.022 30.794 1.000 15.000 200.000 2014 1,578 20.038 25.303 0.050 12.500 200.000

To measure preferences about inequality, two questions have been used as direct indicators. The ﬁrst one, representing individuals’ preferences about educational inequality come from the question: Is it just or unjust - right or wrong - that people with higher incomes can buy better education for their children than people with lower incomes? The second one represents preferences about health care inequality through the following question: Is it just or unjust - right or wrong - that people with higher incomes can buy better health care than people with lower incomes? Responses for both questions are measured by a Likert scale in a range of responses from Strongly disagree (1) to Strongly agree (5), as it is summarized in Table 1.4 and 1.5. To facilitate analysis and interpretation, both questions have been recorded for the last chapter in three categories in each one of 46 Data, variables, and methods surveys: Strongly disagree or disagree (1), Neither agree nor disagree (2), Strongly agree or agree (3).

Table 1.4: Descriptive statistics of preference about education inequality.

Year N Mean St. Dev. Min Max 1999 1,440 2.647 1.545 1 5 2009 1,464 2.267 1.288 1 5 2013 1,165 2.401 1.284 1 5 2014 2,009 2.290 1.229 1 5

Table 1.5: Descriptive statistics of preference about health care inequality.

Year N Mean St. Dev. Min Max 1999 1,439 2.733 1.566 1 5 2009 1,464 2.294 1.296 1 5 2013 1,166 1.889 1.016 1 5 2014 2,005 1.918 1.089 1 5

Independent variables

To explain the trends of dependent variables over time, a series of explanatory variables have been selected (Table 1.6). Among the variables used are those which represent the social status of individuals, as well as those which represent sociodemographic characteristics, ideological beliefs, variables relating to individual experience, and the year of the database used, to control for diﬀerences across time. According to the data available in the four databases, social status has been measured by the income quintile of the household family and the educational level of the respondent. The income quintile has been calculated through the division of the household’s income by the number of members in Data, variables, and methods 47

Table 1.6: Independent variables in four data sets.

Type Variable Description Status Income quintile Income household/number of people in household Educational level No formal education (ref.); Basic complete; Intermediate incomplete; Interme- diate complete; University incomplete; University complete Control Sex Male(ref.); Female Age In years Employment status Employment (ref.); Unemployment Subjective position 1(bottom)- 10(top) Religion No religion (ref.); Religion Year issp1999 (ref.); issp2009; sjcp2013; coes2014

the household. Then the results have been divided in five equal groups. Ed- ucational level is composed of categories representing different levels reached within the education system. This type of classification and not the number of years of education is preferred in order to clearly differentiate between each level and view about inequality. Also, this type of classification is the one that the ISSP surveys use to generate comparisons at an international level. Although this study does not make comparisons with other countries, the use of this type of variable will allow the results of this study to be used as a reference by readers who are interested in this type of research problem from a comparative perspective; that is, between countries. A summary of the distribution of the educational levels represented in each of the databases is presented in Table 1.7. As can be seen, changes in category percentages across time follow the Chilean transformations of educational rates that are discussed in chapter 2, characterized by a decrease in the number of people with low levels, and an increase in people with medium and higher levels, of 48 Data, variables, and methods formal education. Table 1.7: Percentage of education level by year.

ISSP 1999 ISSP 2009 SJCP 2013 COES 2014 No formal education 30.00 21.90 11.60 8.90 Basic complete 11.90 12.60 8.70 8.40 Intermediate incomplete 15.20 13.00 12.90 13.40 Intermediate complete 25.70 35.80 42.30 47.20 University incomplete 10.60 5.40 10.80 9.40 University complete 5.40 10.60 13.50 11.90 NA 1.10 0.50 0.30 0.80

It should be said that respondent occupation has not been introduced to the analysis as part of social status. Even if, for example, the International Standard Classification of Occupations elaborated in 1988 (ISCO-88) is one of the principal indexes for producing a comparative statistical analysis of social and economic structures and their changes across time [Hoffmann, 1999], the information in the four databases used in this study is insufficient to homogenise this into a single comparable variable. Along with these independent variables, others have been selected as control variables: age, sex, employment status, subjective position in the social scale, and religion. In subsequent chapters the influence that these variables have on variable outcomes will be discussed, however, in this study no specific hypotheses are elaborated for any of them individually. To make a comparison possible, each of these control variables has been systematized in the same way for each year. In this process of standardization, only sex and age are stable, not the distribution of the other variables. Table 1.8 shows the distribution of employment status. This is a dummy variable made to including all types of work that have remuneration, whether part-time or full-time. In the opposite category of unemployed, all activities that do not have remuneration, or individuals who declare themselves outside Data, variables, and methods 49 of economic activity, are included.

Table 1.8: Percentage of employment status variable by year.

ISSP 1999 ISSP 2009 SJCP 2013 COES 2014 Employed 45.50 51.80 54.80 53.50 Unemployed 53.90 47.30 44.60 45.30 NA 0.60 0.90 0.50 1.20

Table 1.9 shows the percentages of response of for measuring the subjective position within the social scale. A same question was applied in the four surveys: Where would you put yourself on this scale? (1 bottom and 10 top of the social scale).

Table 1.9: Percentage of subjective position of individuals into social scale by year.

ISSP 1999 ISSP 2009 SJCP 2013 COES 2014 1 13.10 9.20 7.10 2.00 2 12.50 8.80 8.80 3.10 3 18.10 16.70 14.90 7.20 4 16.60 23.50 20.50 15.80 5 15.70 26.80 35.80 38.80 6 18.60 8.20 6.60 14.90 7 3.10 3.60 3.60 9.90 8 1.70 1.50 1.00 4.30 9 0.40 0.60 0.10 1.60 10 0.30 0.20 0.80 1.30 NA 0.00 1.00 0.80 1.00

Finally, in Table 1.10 the percentages of the individuals who declare belonging to a religion, and those who do not, are shown. This dummy variable has also been constructed from the recoding of variables that questioned people about their belonging to a religious group. Within the Religion category, all individuals who declare belonging to the Catholic, Protestant and Jewish religions, among others, have been added. And those individuals who declare 50 Data, variables, and methods that they do not belong to any religion are represented in the Non-Religion category.

Table 1.10: Percentage of religion by year.

ISSP 1999 ISSP 2009 SJCP 2013 COES 2014 No Religion 6.90 8.50 18.20 17.30 Religion 92.10 90.40 79.70 80.80 NA 0.90 1.10 2.10 1.90

Due to the limitations of the information available in the four databases used in this study, a variable that represents the political inclination of respondents has not been included. Although it is usually observed in this type of study as a control or explanatory variable, the SJCP and COES bases measure in a diﬀerent way the political adhesion of people compared to the mode used in the ISSP surveys, which does not permit the recoding of a single variable.

1.1.3 Regression analysis. Ordinary least squares (OLS)

To explain the dependent variables representing perceptions, ideals, and preferences about inequality across time, the study uses regression analysis. This is a traditional approach to multivariate causal models that sociology takes from econometric tools. This method consists in fitting a suitable model to the data and predicting values of the dependent variable from one or more independent variables; that is, from one predictor (simple regression) or several predictors (multiple regression) [Field et al., 2012]. Because we are working with continuous variables, the fitted models are linear. For that reason, the regression uses the ordinary least squares (OLS) method to establish the line that best describes the data collected among all possible lines, including fitting into the model some error, which represents Data, variables, and methods 51 that the information we can infer from the model is not perfect. A general model is represented in equation 1.3

Outcomei = (Model) + Errori (1.3)

When this general equation is decomposed, the model is comprised by several parts represented in equation 1.4.Yi is the outcome, the prediction of the independent variable. Xi represents the participant’s score on the predictor variable (independent variable), which is comprehended in the slope determined by the β1, and the intercept of this straight line by the β0.

Finally, there is a residual term (εi) which represents the diﬀerence between the predicted and the observed data [Field et al., 2012].

Yi = (β0 + β1Xi) + εi (1.4)

1.1.4 Interpreting the quantitative data

Because the analysis of this study introduces the comparison between different databases and years, and an important part of the results is presented as gaps between salaries or logarithms, it is important to clarify how the statistical results should be interpreted. As Piketty develops in Le capital au XXI siècle [Piketty, 2013], the use of economic and social statistics must be considered as an estimation and not a mathematical certitude, because the data on which models are developed is socially constructed. How the data is collected, and questions are posed, change across time, as do the statistical procedures and methods through 52 Data, variables, and methods which researchers arrive to communicate results. With this in mind, results must be interpreted not in their specific numbers, but in their orientation, allowing the study to produce comparisons and give empirical support to interpretations of meaning. The analysis of views about inequality that is developed in this thesis form part of this current of interpretation, because how of the information has been collected. How the different indexes of perceptions, beliefs, and preferences of inequality has been measured are just one form among many. Moreover, because there is no panel survey available to develop a longitudinal analysis on subjective inequality, but different datasets representing time series, as has been discussed by studies comparing similar data to that used in this study [Kenworthy and McCall, 2008, Kluegel and Smith, 1986], a potential problem in examining trends of public opinion can emerge. This is that the observed changes, or lack of changes, may reflect compositional shifts in the population rather than shifts (or non-shifts) in the awareness of inequality or preferences of social differences. For that reason, it is important to be conscious of limitations of available information, and interpret results through the comparison of directions rather than specific numbers by themselves to control, in part, the variability of sample. As has been discussed, it is more important to focus on signs than numbers themselves.

1.2 Qualitative data and methods

1.2.1 Description of ﬁeld survey and data

The focus of this thesis is centered on the information extracted from the interviews conducted in Chile, as detailed below. However, in chapter two, an analysis is also included on the content of political speeches, laws and Data, variables, and methods 53 judgments. To do this, second-order data was used, such as political programs from 1989 until 2013, government reports, and laws of the republic. All of them are specified during the analysis. Interviews were collected in field work developed in Chile between Decem- ber 2015 and January 2016. The sample is composed for 40 semi-structured interviews executed in four cities: Curicó,Santiago, Valpara´ıso,and Viña del Mar. These cities were selected in order to integrate some variability into the analysis, because they represent different spaces of Chilean geography in terms of location, size, and production practices. Santiago was selected for being the Chilean capital. The city is part of the Metropolitana Region with a population calculated of 7.112.808 in 2017, which represents 41% of the total Chilean population [INE, 2017]. It is the main Chilean city and most of its inhabitants are classified as urban (97%). Santiago is home to the country’s principal productive and financial activities, as well as the oldest and best qualified universities. In this city, 20 interviews were conducted.

Table 1.11: City, region and number of interviews

City Region N◦ interviews Curic´o Maule 10 Santiago Metropolitana 20 Valpara´ısoy Vi˜nadel Mar Valpara´ıso 10

Valpara´ısoand Vi˜nadel Mar belong to the Valpara´ısoRegion, which is the third most populated administrative region in the country. Its population is 1.884.367, and most of individuals are concentrated in urban spaces (92%) [INE, 2017]. Valpara´ısohas been the headquarters for the Chilean National Congress since 1990 and become an attractive economical hub because of its proximity to Santiago, its tourism, the economic activity of one 54 Data, variables, and methods the principal seaports of the country, and the number of universities installed in the area. These characteristics have made Valpara´ısoone of the major Chileans’ regions. Thus, 10 interviews were conducted in both cities inside the region to control for the “capital eﬀect” of Santiago.

Finally, Curic´ois part of the Maule Region, to the south of Metropolitana and Valpara´ıso.It belongs to Chile’s central valley and has been historically characterized by its productive matrix focused on agricultural practices and countryside tradition, such as the production of cakes, fruits, and wine. The population of the region is 1.044.950, among which 68% live in urban areas [INE, 2017]. Here, 10 interviews were conducted in order to integrate a side of Chilean society not represented by big cities, but by rural and intermediate territories.

An outline of the interviewees proﬁle is presented in Table 5.6 int he appendix. Information has been classiﬁed with some of the same categories used into the quantitative analysis in order to generate a framework of reference to situate the interviewees. Names of participants have been changed to pseudonyms, so across the analysis these names will be used as reference. The sample represents a heterogeneous view of Chilean society, composed by 21 women and 19 men whose age ranges between 18 and 67 years, and whose activity in society varies in each case. In the appendix, descriptive statistics are attached according to occupation, age and educational level to include more detailed information of the sample.

Regarding educational level, the percentage is quite close to the figures provided by the COES survey carried out in 2014, except for the university level with full diploma that is overrepresented. This decision in the selection of the sample was made consciously to analyze a recent phenomenon of growth of education level in Chilean society, as is discussed in chapter 2. A Data, variables, and methods 55 particularity of this process is that the increase of individuals with a university degree is directly linked to the opening of the “educational market” and this has produced the appearance of a diverse number of universities with different qualities and reputations. The immigrant population has not been included in the sample. This decision was taken after having tested the questionnaire of the interview with Chilean and non-Chilean population. Because the interview explores the transformations experienced by the country in recent decades, people who have arrived to Chile in recent years felt restricted to respond to an important part of the interview. For sure, this is an opinion in itself, and one that can be interpreted from a different perspective. But the task of dealing with this information certainly belongs to the realm of a future research. Finally, interviews have been executed with the written agreement of the interviewees (see the informed consent in the appendix). They lasted 59 minutes on average, and all of them have been transcribed and processed by the Atlas.Ti software through a map of codes elaborated from the interview guideline (see the matrix of codes in the appendix). The main topics of the interview have been separated in six parts: (i) Personal experience of the interviewee; (ii) Views about inequality; (iii) Merit and meritocracy; (iv) Spheres of justice; (v) Economic inequality; and (vi) Information of the interviewee.

1.2.2 Interpreting the qualitative information

The temporal perspective of the study is also developed in the analysis of the qualitative material available from the information provided by the interviews. The temporal character of individuals’ experiences is addressed by considering that their memories belong to a historical record, not by the an- 56 Data, variables, and methods tiquity of their memories, but rather, as has been pointed out [Ramos Torre, 2010], by the ability of people to understand events as the unfolding of a process originated in a context that is socially shared. Thus, representations of inequality are based on a historical context crossed with experiences in which a common past is reﬂected, as well as a horizon of expectations.

The approaching of memories from a temporal perspective has not been exempt from criticisms. As it is mentioned in the book In praise of forgetting [Rieff, 2016], in general, this type material tends to crystallize collective memories which are not completely innocent. Whether in the construction of official versions of old wars or recent events that symbolically have marked societies, the construction of a group narrative, often even a “national” one, generates an explicit morality, with a preconceived idea of what is good and bad, right and wrong. This process of memory crystallization tends to cancel other types of historical interpretations that move away from the canon. With regards to the study of inequality representations, this could mean the configuration of only one general narrative about the justice of social differences.

With this in mind, both in the construction of the interviewee sample, and in the analysis of interviews, the intention has been to construct a heterogeneous narrative to represent in the best way the great number of paradoxes and ambiguities that individuals face when analysing social diﬀerences. The study of inequality representations may quickly become a political and normative statement, therefore, when we address individuals’ opinions. Here, diﬀerent voices are integrated, many of which oppose each other, with the purpose of showing the nuances that constitute a general interpretation of inequalities.

The interviews’ excerpts interspersed in the analysis are representative of Data, variables, and methods 57 what different individuals think who find themselves in similar situations. The quotations are used as examples of shared evaluations that give coherence and consistency to a narrative that goes beyond their own lives, what has been understood as a repertory of ideas [Swidler, 1986]; a “tool kit” of principles and reasons from which individuals select different pieces for constructing their strategies of action. Finally, as been remarked previously, interviews have been coded with Atlas.Ti software. It should be remarked that his software is considered a tool to facilitate the analysis and, in any case, replace the role played by the researcher in the interpretative processes to construct a general narrative. It is the responsibility of researcher to code information, which means it is sometimes presented through analogies, metaphors, anecdotes, or other type of figures. The way in which the software was used was simply as a tool that facilitates the introduction of codes in the first instance, so as to review some passages of the interviews later. 58 Data, variables, and methods Chapter 2

Chilean socioeconomic inequalities and their presence in the public reason

Throughout this thesis, subjective inequality is essentially explored from the perspective of individuals. These representations of inequality are addressed from the concatenation of perceptions, beliefs and preferences, which are in- ﬂuenced by factors associated with individuals’ positions in the social structure, and the personal experiences that individuals accumulate through the narrative of their lives. However, before exploring individuals’ opinions, it is necessary to review a general assessment of inequality in Chile to situate both the socioeconomic characteristics that deﬁne the country, and those to which interviewees refer. Moreover, it will be useful to conduct an overview of the place that social inequalities have occupied amongst public opinion of recent years, which in this study is addressed through the notion of public reason [Rawls, 1997]. This concept represents a reason of the citizenry, including a discourse regarding

59 60 Chilean inequalities and public reason public goods at an institutional level, composed of speeches of representatives of executive, legislative and judiciary positions. Through the exchange of ideas generated in this space, public reason serves as a reference to develop the repertoire of principles and ideas that are given to assess inequality within society.

The first part of this chapter presents an overview of inequality at the level of income and education, since in modern societies these constitute some of the main components for determining the social status or socioeconomic position of the population. Both inequalities are closely linked to other series of differences in terms of access to goods and resources that make up a system of inequalities [Bihr and Pfefferkorn, 2008], to the extent that they reciprocally determine inequalities present in other spheres, such as health care, pensions and transport inequality, as well as inequalities that can arise with gender, generation or ethnicity.

To produce a synthesis of economic and educational inequality is not a simple exercise and can quickly become the object of investigation in itself. There is much information, and methods and indicators, to measure the concentration of resources within a society. Each of them represents a fraction of reality and excludes other aspects. For this reason, several indicators that are used in social science literature were selected here in order to generate a dialogue between numbers of diﬀerent order, including the trends of economic growth experienced by the country, to put in context the size of the inequalities that characterize Chilean society.

In the second part of the chapter, the presence of social inequalities in the public reason of Chilean society is addressed. To address this institutional dimension of public opinion, the presidential programs from the elections of 1989 to 2013, parliamentary debates on laws of the republic, speciﬁcally a Chilean inequalities and public reason 61 reform of the educational system, and a series of trials in which the Constitu- tional Court of Chile issued a verdict on unresolved conﬂicts in the parliament are analyzed. 62 Chilean inequalities and public reason 2.1 Chile. A case of recent economic growth and high long-standing inequalities.

The recent history of Chile is marked inescapably by the reconfiguration experienced by Chilean politics, economy and society after the coup d’étaton September 11, 1973. After the military coup there was a revolution that re- shaped Chilean society. At the beginning, following the centralized tradition of military organizations, the military council brought in a series of political and economic reforms to maintain the central role of the state [Mansuy, 2016]. Nevertheless, that quickly switched to another opposing paradigm, composed of a series of liberal reforms collected in El ladrillo1 [de Castro and Mndez, 1992] written by the Chicago boys2. The ideas deployed in El ladrillo followed the principles developed by Mil- ton Friedman in Chicago, who visited Chile in 1975, giving intellectual legitimacy to the social and economic reforms that were in progress. During his visit, the speech he gave at the Diego Portales building, the headquarters of the military government, represented the nature of what would go on to happen in subsequent years. In his speech, the reforms were introduced as a “shock therapy” [Friedman, 2013], which he also specified in a letter sent directly to Pinochet some years later [Piera et al., 2013]. The goal of the reforms was to install in Chile a “market society”, seen

1As has been described by the editors of the document, El Ladrillo was an alternative economic model thought against the Keynesian ideas present in the political programs of the center-left parties since the decades of 1930s in Chile (de Castro and Mndez 1992). It started to be designed in 1969 for the program of the right-wing candidate who confront Allende in the presidential election, Jorge Alessandri. Because Alessandri lost the election, the ideas were put aside until 1972, when the same coordinators invited another economist and intellectuals of the Chilean right-wing to develop the document that became defini- tively what we know, and which will be used as a guide by the military government to implement the economic reforms. 2The economists who participated in the redaction of El ladrillo and the military government are called Chicago Boys because the studied at the University of Chicago. Chilean inequalities and public reason 63 as the only way to stop inflation and reduce poverty. And for that reason, a series of cuts in government spending and economic liberalization policies were introduced to stimulate the national economy, and activate international investment in the country. Concepts such as privatization, deregulation, flexibility, fiscal austerity, focalization and subsidiary orientation of policies, and individual liberty and determination, gained a central place in Friedmans speech, which represented the switch towards a new cycle of politics in the country, and at a global level3. The performance of the economy during the seventies fulfilled the main expectations imposed by the regime. The inflation of 700% in 1974 had dropped to 10% by the end of the decade, while economic growth maintained an average of roughly 8% from 1976 to 1980. This meant that the situation of the country in liberal circles was catalogued as “the Chilean miracle” [Friedman, 1982]. However, restrictions placed upon public spending and imbalances at the institutional level which led to the collapse of banking in 1983 increased rates of unemployment to 19% in 19834, and wages dropped, representing an average of 8% in 1989, below those of 1970. That means over almost two decades, instead of growing, average salaries decreased. Likewise, family al- lowances that had played a progressive role in the past, growing continuously

3It should be noted that, at this moment, the reforms implemented in Chile had not been proven to be effective in other contexts. Only some of them had been tested in the post-war experience in Japan and West-Germany, but just as a partial and not a uniform program. For that reason, what happened in Chile has been called the laboratory of neoliberalism [Harvey, 2007]. Later, some of these experiences were used to consolidate a political line of thought that will be replicated in the England of Thatcher and the America of Reagan in the 1980s decade. 4The banks deregulation produced a banking crisis in 1983, unleashing the collapse of the Chilean economy. As Hernan Büchi -Minister of Finance from 1985- testified, nobody was prepared to confront a crisis like that. The government was followed the rules of laissez faire but facing the bankruptcy of banks they realized the imbalance was not going to fix itself, the state must intercede. A decision having as a consequence that “the country was one step away from giving up forever to the scheme of social market economy” [Bchi, 1993, p. 176]. 64 Chilean inequalities and public reason in importance until the beginning of the 1970s, experienced persistent decline after 1974, representing, in 1989, 72% below of the 1970 level. Spending in public health, education and housing also decreased, representing only 22% of total spending in 1970, which directly affected the most vulnerable sectors of the population [Ffrench-Davis, 2001].

Economic growth recovered after the banking crisis and stabilized with the return of democracy, with a per capita GDP growth of almost threefold between 1990 and 2015, and short-lived and shallow recessions only in 1999 and 2009. More precisely, per capita GDP increased a cumulative 280 percent, or 5.3 percent per year [Vald´es,2018]. This meant that Chile went from having a per capita GDP of US $ 2.401 in 1990 to close to US $ 15.000 in 2013, as shown in Figure 2.1. An economic transformation had led Chile to have one of the highest income levels in Latin America, and this was one of the principal factors triggering the countrys label as “the Latin American Star Economy”5 [The Economist, 2001]. This economic performance meant the country began to compare more closely with the countries of southern Europe than with the rest of its own region, and this was appraised constantly in the political speeches from year 2000 onwards The GDP of Portugal has been referenced repeatedly in the public discourse as a plateau of development that Chile should reach in the near future6.

Governments of the Concertacion, the coalition of center-left parties that

5This fact is mentioned because together with the nickname “Chilean miracle” in the eighties, both pseudonyms are part of a national narrative where economic performance is permanently celebrated. So much so, that the economic performance of the country became part of the Chilean identity itself, under the ﬁgure of “Latin American jaguar”. The jaguar, Latin American feline, is used to represent itself as a hardworking, entrepreneurial and successful country. A country that joined the world after years of conﬁnement, as did the “four Asian tigers” (Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea and Taiwan) [Larran, 2001]. 6This comparison with Portugal and the Mediterranean countries in general appears in the political programs and speeches of the presidential elections from 2000 onwards [Bachelet, 2005, Piera, 2009, Bachelet, 2013]. Chilean inequalities and public reason 65

Figure 2.1: GDP per capita (current US$ 2018)

Source: own graph with data [World Bank 2018] recovered the government from the return of democracy until 2010, preserved to a large extent the foundations of the economic model developed during the dictatorship. That is, the opening of the national market to international trade, as can be observed in a series of treaties signed with the largest economies in the world, such as the USA, China, the European Union, Mex- ico, Japan and Australia. Likewise, the coalition encouraged the development of infrastructure following a model of public-private investment through a system of concessions ﬁnanced via tolls, fees and other user-charges7 [Saavedra, 2011]. However, since 2000, Chile expanded its network of social welfare policies and thus allowed the rearrangement of the welfare state that had been annulled since the dictatorship. [Larraaga, 2010b]. The most noted programs

7Through this system was developed the electricity grid, the construction of sanitary infrastructure, the telecommunication net and the natural gas service. Moreover, the public infrastructure such as roads, irrigation works, ports and airports. 66 Chilean inequalities and public reason of this period are Chile Solidario8 and Chile Crece Contigo9, which have greatly enabled decreased poverty, measured by economic income per household, from 68% in 1990 to 14.4% in 2015 [PNUD, 2017b]. Likewise, associated with the deployment of the economy and social welfare policies, other indicators changed. Life expectancy increased from 74 years in the period 1990-1995 to 79 years between 2005-2010 [MINSAL, 2004], infant mortality was reduced by half [CEPAL, 2009], and the average number of years the population spent in education increased from 9 years in 1990, to 11 years in 2015 [Ministerio de Desarrollo Social, 2016] . Other social improvements include achieving almost universal access to electricity (97 per cent in 2002), safe water sources (91 per cent) and sewage (90 per cent) [INE, 2003].

All these statistics depict the impact of economic growth on the Chilean population from the eighties onwards. However, when inequality rates are included in this series of transformations, although these have improved since 2000 along with the development of a network of social welfare policies, inequality has remained high. This is shown in Table 2.1, in which economic inequality over the last 25 years is measured via diﬀerent indicators 10.

Each one of indicators present in the table summarizes a large amount of information in one number. The Gini index, the best known indicator of all, measures the income inequality of households on a scale composed of two poles, from total equality (0) to total inequality (1). The index shows that the country has an inequality level close to 0.5 in the last 25 years: a high level when compared to the average of OECD countries (0.3 in 2014), which

8Program with ﬁnancing around US$250 million attending vulnerable persons, households and communities [DIPRES, 2017]. 9Program with ﬁnancing around US$70 million supporting the early infancy [DIPRES, 2017] 10Data was calculated for each year using the National Socioeconomic Characterization Survey (CASEN). Chilean inequalities and public reason 67 brings Chile closer to countries with high economic concentration, such as Brazil, Mexico and India [OECD, 2017]. This concentration of wealth has historically characterized the Chilean economic structure, as presented in Box 1.

Table 2.1: Income inequality from 1990 to 2015 Year Gini Palma Quintile ratio % poverty % salary woman/ D10/(D4-D1) Q5/Q1) by income) man) 1990 52,1 3,6 14,8 68,0 76,9 1996 52,2 3,6 15,2 42,1 80,9 2000 54,9 4,2 17,5 36,0 84,8 2003 52,8 3,7 15,3 35,4 84,6 2006 50,4 3,3 13,3 29,1 88,0 2009 50,0 3,2 12,8 25,3 84,3 2011 49,1 3,0 12,2 22,4 86,4 2013 48,8 3,0 11,6 14,4 84,6 2015 47,6 2,8 10,8 11,7 84,4

Box 1. A structural long-standing inequality The level of high inequality described is part of a trend of greater amplitude, which can be traced back to 1850 according to the available data [Rodrguez, 2015]. As shown in Figure 2.2, from then until recent years, taking an estimate of the Gini index as a reference, the country’s inequality has spun around an average of .53 in three centuries. Changes in trends represent the movement of various socio-political and geopolitical events in the history of the country that have influenced inequality. Among the most important, associated with the growth of inequalities, productive booms in agriculture - organized through the hacienda system (hierarchical agrarian system that regulated rural life for three centuries) - and mining production, stand out. Both productive systems allowed the elite to benefit from trade and strongly influence the Chilean political system. Also, 68 Chilean inequalities and public reason there are periods of political violence and democratic fragility, where any type of dissidence or claim against inequality was annulled. Associated with the reduction of inequalities, moments of economic crises, territorial expan- sions (wars to the north and south of the country), processes of productive diversification and periods in which the state developed a network of social welfare policies are most noteworthy.

Figure 2.2: The “best estimate” of income earners inequality in Chile, 1850- 2009. Gini coeﬃcient

Source: [Rodriguez 2015]

In Table 2.1, the Palma index, which measures the ratio between the total income obtained by the 10% of higher income and the combined income of the poorest 40%, shows the same trend as the Gini index: an increase in inequality during the 1990s that changed from 2000 onwards, showing a progressive improvement. In 2015, when the index shows the lowest numbers, the richest 10% had three times more income than the 40% of the population with fewer resources. Finally, this trend also appears in the quintile ratio in- Chilean inequalities and public reason 69 dex, which represents the proportion of average income of the 20% of highest income and 20% of lowest income. According to this indicator, in 1990 the richest 20% owned roughly 15 times more income than the poorest 20%. Considering that the income of an average Chilean citizen is defined to a large extent by the salaries they receive, one way to understand the propor- tions discussed in the table is through the wage inequalities present in the country. For example, taking data for 2016, one year after the lowest rates of inequality, a report that calculates wage inequalities in the Chilean labor market shows that only 15% of workers earn more than US$1200 per month, and 50% get salaries under US$518 per month [Durn and Kremerman, 2017]. In other words, only 15% of workers, with the income contributed by their salaries, reach the barrier of US$15000 per capita per year that Chile reached in 2013. On the contrary, the 50% of workers who have the lowest salaries only receive half of the per capita income (their annual salary is approximately US$6200 per year), which represents how wealth is concentrated in a smaller percentage of the population. According to data provided in Table 2.1, the only indicator of inequality showing a different behavior is the wage inequality between men and women11. The indicator shows that there is not a constant pattern regarding how much women earn as a percentage of what men earn. If the complete series is considered, a non-linear growth is observed, but, in general, it represents an average of 85% after 1990. In other words, men earn on average 15% more than women in the last twenty years. However, according to studies using other official surveys to measure labor differences, specifically the NESI12 survey, wage inequality between men and

11This indicator considers salaried workers between 25 and 40 years old who work 30 or more hours per week. 12The New Supplementary Survey of Income (La Nueva Encuesta Suplementaria de Ingresos - NESI) is annually raised by the National Institute of Statistics (INE). It is the 70 Chilean inequalities and public reason women can double. For example, in 2016 it is estimated that, on average, women earned 32% less than men just because they were women [Durn and Kremerman, 2018]. Likewise, this number can be complemented by differences between men and women with respect to their participation rate in the labor market. Male participation rate in the market has been around 73% since 1986 whereas the participation rate of women has been lower. In 1986 it represented 29%, in 2000 37% and in 2010 42%, which shows that the gap, although it has been decreasing, still reflects clear differences with regards to sex [INE, 2015]. By discussing all these indexes from a future perspective, according to a study that analyzes income inequality by comparing different cohorts over time [Sapelli, 2011], it can be argued that inequality rates are predicted to continue decreasing in Chile. This can be explained by the fact that among the younger generations there is less education inequality, there is a distribution of income substantially more equitable than the older generations, and new generations also experience greater social mobility and less poverty. However, it is difficult to predict the reaction that the country will have in the face of new economic crises, as the orientation of its redistributive policies and the productive transformations implies that a technological era is underway. Moreover, it is uncertain what would happen if the information with which inequality is currently measured changes. Economic inequality in Chile is measured through surveys in which individuals declare a salary. Studies on capital, the central factor of inequality in the 21st century [Piketty, 2013], has not been deeply studied, because there is no free access to information, for example, of the tax system. In this way, the 1% and the great fortunes that concentrate a big proportion main statistical source for measuring income and wages in the country because it is the only survey that regularly raises income information with representation for all regions. Chilean inequalities and public reason 71 of Chilean wealth are excluded from all these measures. Of the few studies that have managed to access data on wealth, when the richest families are incorporated into the analysis, the Gini index changes drastically. For example, while income inequality in Chile is estimated at around 0.51 in 2017, wealth inequality was 0.79 the same year [CSRI, 2017]. A level of inequality that even tends to accentuate over time, and not to diminish comparing with the Gini trends base on declared wages. Evidence shows that in 2011 the richest 20% held around 72% of national wealth, which translates to a Gini of 0.73 [Martnez and Uribe, 2017]. To put these trends in context, Table 2.2 presents the information of the highest fortunes in the country in 2017 [Forbes, 2018]. According the list, the owners of these fortunes represent approximately 0.0000005% of the population. The table highlights the value and origin of their heritage, and the place they occupy in the national and international ranking of fortunes. Of the eleven people that make up the list, one is ranked in the top 100 in the world. Their names can be reduced to nine families13, whose mega fortunes include that of the current president of the Republic, SebastiánPiñera.Of the eleven fortunes, six are constituted mainly by the exploitation of natural resources and five by activities related to the financial or commercial sector. To put their fortunes in context on a national scale, if Iris Fontbona’s fortune is compared with the Chilean minimum wage in 2018 (US$455), the ratio between extremes is close to 36 million times, and it is 19 million times when compared to the average wage14 (US$837). And if the comparison is

13The last name of these nine families is part of the “general culture” of inequalities in Chile. Their names are constantly mentioned in the media, some of them are characters that intervene daily in public opinion -one of them is president-, and this is clearly graphed in the interviews conducted during the investigation. In general, each interviewee can name around ﬁve diﬀerent surnames among the nine, which speaks not only of the power, but also of the media presence of these fortunes in the country. 14Calculated with data of 2017 [INE, 2018b]. 72 Chilean inequalities and public reason done with any members of the Matte family, the last Chilean representatives in the Forbes list, their fortunes are equivalent to about 2 million times the minimum wage, or 1 million times the average salary.

Table 2.2: Chilean billionaires Chilean World Name Net Age Source Rank Rank worth 1 80 Iris Fontbona(Luksic) $16.3 B 75 Mining 2 422 Horst Paulmann $4.8 B 83 Retail 3 422 Julio Ponce Lerou $4.8 B 72 Fertilizer 4 729 Alvaro Saieh Bendeck $3.2 B 68 Banking 5 859 Sebasti´anPi˜nera $2.8 B 68 Investments 6 887 Roberto Angelini Rossi $2.7 B 69 Forestry, mining 7 1157 Patricia Angelini Rossi $2.1 B 64 Forestry, mining 8 1447 Jean Salata $1.6 B 52 Finance 9 1477 Luis Enrique Yarur Rey $1.6 B 67 Banking 10 2124 Bernardo Matte $1 B 62 Paper 11 2124 Eliodoro Matte $1 B 72 Paper

In other terms, if we measure these economic diﬀerences in units of time, this means that to reach the fortune of one member of the Matte family, a Chilean who earns the minimum wage would have to work approximately 180.000 years (and around 3.000.000 years to reach the fortune of Iris Font- bona). And Chileans who earn the average salary would have to work approximately 100.000 years to reach the fortune of one Mate family member (and around 1.600.000 years to reach the fortune of Iris Fontbona). In any case, this is more than the entire history of humanity and, even, homo-sapiens’ life on earth.

2.1.1 Inequalities in the education system

The Chilean education system has shown accelerated growth in recent decades, along with economic growth, if compared to the trajectory it pre- Chilean inequalities and public reason 73 sented since its creation in the nineteenth century and its consolidation during the twentieth century. The weak rate of schooling that Chilean population presented during the decades that accompanied its independence practically did not change in 100 years. As the data from the 1907 census shows, at that time only three of every ten children were enrolled in the school, but only one of those three attended regularly. Moreover, the census registered a high percentage of illiter- acy among population, more than 60% at national level [Ponce de Len Atria, 2010]. These schooling rates, despite showing improvements over time, continued to reflect a low level of education in the country’s population over subsequent decades. For example, the school coverage rate came to represent 14% in 1932 and 36% in 1960 [Serrano, 2018]. During the social democratic government of Frei Montalva (1964-1970) and the socialist government of Salvador Allende (1970-1973), progress was made in basic coverage (6-14 years), reaching practically the entire child population [Cox and Jara, 1989]. However, it was after 1980, when the dictatorship government started a profound transformation of the education system in terms of funding and management, that the general tendency of rates began to change at the level of secondary and university education, too. Liberalization policies implemented in the dictatorship decentralized school administration, transferring management from the Ministry of Education to more than 300 municipalities. In addition, it introduced financing instru- ments based on the demand subsidy (subsidy per student), disaffiliated from the status of public officials to the whole faculty staff, and used legal instru- ments and market incentives to stimulate the creation and growth of private schools, with state funding competing with those of public administration for enrollment [Slachevsky, 2015]. In the entire education system (primary, 74 Chilean inequalities and public reason secondary and higher education), under the law of liberty of education, open educational establishments of a private nature were permitted. This is a central policy that the democratic governments of the 1990s onwards did not change in their structure, but instead regulated and increased their financing [Cox, 2012]. Under this new system, educational coverage expanded strongly at all levels, and the average school years of the population increased from 7.6 in 1992 to 10.02 in 2017. In addition, during this last year, women for the first time outperformed men in years of average study (10.03 years versus 10.01) [INE, 2018a]. As shown in Figure 2.3, where census data is presented comparing three moments since the return to democracy, it can be observed that the expansion of the educational network allowed to reverse the numbers of individuals with lowest and highest educational levels across time, maintaining an intermediate level as constant. Percentage of people according to educational level (25 years old or more) At the beginning of the 1990s, most of the population aged 25 and over had a basic education level (47%), representing a similar proportion of people who had reached high school. Only a small part of the Chilean population had a university degree (12%). However, over the years, the population declaring to have completed a last year of higher education has reached 30% of the population, while the individuals with a basic level did not exceed 26%. According to data from the Ministry of Education of Chile [MINEDUC, 2018], this means that while in 1992, 285,699 individuals could access higher education, in 2017 this number amounted to 1,247,746. In other words, the enrollment expansion quadrupled in approximately 25 years. According to the data provided by a Human Development Report [PNUD, 2017b], the expansion of the university system in recent decades has mainly Chilean inequalities and public reason 75

Figure 2.3: Percentage of people according to educational level (25 years old or more)

Source: own graph with data [INE, 2018a] Note: The educational level corresponds to the last year approved in the education system. Primary education goes between 6 and 13 years of education, secondary education between 14 and 17 years, and higher education from 18 years. focused on young people from the middle and lower strata, to the extent that those in the first two quintiles who entered the higher education system increased from 6% to 46%15. This process was possible thanks to the expansion of funding available to students, particularly in institutions that were not part of the group of traditional universities, as well as the massive access to scholarships and credits granted for the first time in the mid-2000s. However, whilst current policies effectively corrected a historical demand for greater access to education, the extension of the education system through the market was directly associated with a stratification in terms of quality

15Access to university of quintile three increased from 13% to 49%, quintile four from 25% to 60%, and quintile five from 50% to 76% [PNUD, 2017b]. 76 Chilean inequalities and public reason and segregation of students according to their socioeconomic group of origin. At the school system level, with the decentralization of public education and the institutionalization of a new type of financing, three types of establishments were differentiated: public (municipal administration), public- private (shared financing) and private. This differentiation was the fundamental policy that crystallized inequalities from an early age, as families were differentiated according to their payment capabilities and, among them, those who were most strongly separated from the rest were high-level socioeconomic groups associated with private establishments [Bellei, 2013, San- tos and Elacqua, 2016]. According to data from the Ministry of Educa- tion [MINEDUC, 2017b], the private sector has represented around 8% of school enrollment since the 1980s onwards, with the public and public-private system mainly absorbing the increase in the educational demand16.

Table 2.3: Type of establishment by socioeconomic group (%) Lower Lower- Middle Upper- Upper Total middle middle Public 50.1 39.7 8.7 1.5 0.0 100.0 Public-private 11.8 25.4 37.0 24.4 1.4 100.0 Private 0.0 0.0 0.5 8.0 91.4 100.0

Source: own made with data SIMCE 2013. In this survey were interviewed students of 16 years old. Note: Pearson’s Chi-squared test is signiﬁcant (p<0.01)

To depict segregation at the school level, Table 2.3 shows the percentages of students enrolled according to the socioeconomic group and the type of educational establishment. As can be seen in the classiﬁcation, the signiﬁcant

16From 2007, the enrollment of public-private establishments reached 46%, leaving public education as the second form of educational coverage [MINEDUC, 2017b]. Chilean inequalities and public reason 77 correlation between the type of educational institution and the socioeconomic group of the student marks an almost perfect correlation between the types of establishment and social origin. In public schools the popular classes are educated, in the public-private schools the middle classes and in the private schools the upper class. And this correlation, in turn, is closely linked to the academic performance of the students within each of these establishments, as shown in Figure 2.4. Figure 2.4 shows the average per establishment of language and mathemat- ics tests, the main subjects measured by SIMCE17, to students of approximately 16 years (secondary level). The ﬁgure shows that private establishments achieve higher results compared to the rest. 76% of private schools are in the highest score category. In the public-private areas the results are more heterogeneous, while in the public realm they are concentrated the highest number of establishments that, on average, obtained the lowest qualiﬁcations (51%)18. Due to the heterogeneity of courses taught in higher education, there is no standardized measure to compare academic performance in terms of types of school. However, it has been possible to establish a relationship between the family origin of students and the type of universities which they access, and the results are quite similar to those analyzed for the school system. Considering the type of university that students entered according to socioe-

17The SIMCE test is part of the evaluation system leads by the Education Quality Agency, associated with the Ministry of Education. The test is used to evaluate content and skills of the current curriculum at different levels of the school system. 18This is a trend that is observed in other measurements and at different moments in time. For example, to bring these performance differences to an international comparative level, the Human Development Report [PNUD, 2017b] analyzed the PISA test and OECD reports for the year 2002. Based on this information, it showed that the performance of private schools is at the same level average of countries with better educational standards (e.g. Finland), public-private schools are close to mid-table countries (e.g. Portugal) and public schools are located next to the countries with worst performance. 78 Chilean inequalities and public reason conomic group, it is observed that in the highest strata most of the students enter to the most prestigious universities. A relationship that tends to be inverted as one descends in stratum. For example, as has been calculated by the Human Development Report, 66% of the students with the highest socioeconomic status entered to the best qualified universities, while 9% of the lowest stratum entered in this type establishment [PNUD, 2017b].

Figure 2.4: Average score in math and language tests by type of establishment

Source: own made with data [SIMCE, 2013]. Note: The score was calculated from an average between the math and language tests for secondary students by establishment. These scores, then, were divided into four groups to highlight a scale from worst to best performance. The average minimum score is 179 and the average maximum score is 362.

The weight of these differences in the educational system marks the trajectory of inequalities in Chile, to the extent that family origin is directly connected with the fate of generations from an early age to their connection with the market labor. For example, it has been proven through statistical 2.2. INEQUALITY IN THE PUBLIC REASON 79 models and peoples experience in different moments of time that the educational establishment attended at secondary level has a greater effect on an individual career path than academic performance at the level of higher education does [Hastings et al., 2013,Zimmerman, 2016]. That happens because young people from the upper strata get greater economic benefit from the networks they manage to generate at the secondary level, which allows them to be better positioned in their jobs. Therefore, even if people of lower strata have passed through universities of elite, that is not as crucial as the fact of having completed secondary studies in certain elite schools. In summary, the analyzed data shows that the demand for greater access to education was resolved by public policies designed from the 1980s onwards. There has been a reduction of inequalities in access to education. However, over the years, another type of inequality appeared that can be called an “inequality of second generation”, as it become embedded in a solved access problem. Marking a difference with longer-term Chilean history, inequality in the education system is now defined by the segregation and the quality differences experienced after the reforms of 1980s.

2.2 Inequality in the public reason

Representations of inequality discussed in the following chapters belong to a broader discursive space characterized as public opinion. Even if individuals produce their own thoughts about inequality, as has been studied [Kluegel and Smith, 1986], they are influenced by ideologies that surround them in their daily lives and influence how they perceive and evaluate inequality. Taking into account a general definition of public opinion [Habermas, 1991], this represents the crystallization of the public sphere, an interpersonal sub- 80 Chilean inequalities and public reason jectivity different from opinions coming from individuals’ private lives. Public opinion is a source of power because it can influence social and individual life. It represents a collective message composed of reasonable ideas that embody a critical authority, a sovereign voice and a normative mandate that transfer social sense. Thus, because of the influence it has on individual subjectivities, which are the focus in subsequent chapters, in this chapter we address the role that inequality plays in public opinion, trying to highlight the place inequality holds in public debate, and what type of arguments are used to address it, for example, to defend or to denounce the legitimacy of social differences. Public opinion is a broad concept and includes speeches that appear in the press, the study of opinion polls, voices of intellectuals with broad media coverage, alongside many other actors and informative material. In order to simplify its analysis, and to observe the status of inequality in an institutional dimension, the way in which public opinion is addressed in this section of the study is through the analysis of public reason [Rawls, 1997]; another way of outlining a citizen space where the exchange of ideas takes place. Following what has been outlined by Rawls, public reason is a citizen reason; a space where different principles of justice coexist and agents are able to argue ideas and contribute towards public discourses about the state of society. The message that is crystallized in public reason is the result of a process of democratic learning [Audard, 2009], an exchange of opinions which allows that within public reason different ideologies and doctrines can converge and adapt to the functioning of a constitutional democracy. In this way, considering the diversity of reasons that compose a public political culture [Rawls, 2005] in the confrontation of different political traditions, public reason can be crystallized in various types of consensus reached by societies. Chilean inequalities and public reason 81

However, in the definition of public reason, not all discussions appearing in the public sphere are part of it, even if they belong to the field of justice and public debate. To be immersed in this sphere, discourses must belong to the political forum [Rawls, 2005], which is composed of three dimensions: (1) The discourse of judges; (2) the discourse of government officials (executive and legislators); and (3) the discourse of candidates for public office and their campaign managers. It is in these dimensions that the exchange of opinions crystallizes a sociopolitical tradition. Through interpreting history, or judicial or administrative texts, the attachment or mistrust in institutions can be determined, as well as the importance of certain key concepts in the political culture of society. Taking into account the three dimensions that embodied public reason, according to available studies in Chile the presence of inequality has been studied quantitatively - a number of times - in presidential programs and speeches from the return of democracy (1989) to the mandate of 2015 [Soto, 2016]. This strategy allows for the comparison of differences and similarities between speeches of presidential candidates and the place inequality holds in political debate. The results of the study show that over time inequality has taken a greater prominence in political speeches, especially from the first (right-wing) government of SebastiánPiñera(2010-2013). When one observes how frequent the notion of inequality appears before and during his campaign, and his during first year of government, the tendency of the concept’s utilization is low. However, after student mobilizations in 2011, inequality acquired a central place in the political sphere, reaching a maximum of repetition in 2014, when Piñeras’government ended and the second government of Michelle Bachelet began19.

19The place occupied by inequality in public discourse and its connection with the public sphere is also observed through the appearance of the concept in the main public opinion 82 Chilean inequalities and public reason

This evidence allows for a greater understanding of how inequality has not been present in the same way in Chilean public debate. The prominence of the concept is relatively recent. Nevertheless, what kind of arguments are associated with its appearance? Which are the ideas and reasons associated with the debate on inequality at the level of presidential programs and public speeches, but also those linked to other dimensions of public reason? To understand the place of inequality in Chilean public discourse and the arguments that sustain its presence in a political-institutional sphere - that is, not only “when” it appears, but also “how” it appears - three dimensions which compose the public reason are addressed. First, the discourse of candidates for public office is analysed, through the presidential programs from the election that marks the return to democracy (1989) until the election of 2013. Secondly, to address the discourse of government officials, the parliamentary discussion of an emblematic law of the period in which inequality was in the mainstream of the public agenda - during a time of educational reform - is analysed. Finally, to observe the presence of inequality in the discourse of judges, this study discussed cases in which the Constitutional Court20 intervened to resolve differences regarding the applicability of certain laws discussed in congress.

polls in the country. For example, a survey elaborated by the Centro de Estudios P´ublicos (CEP), one of the most prestigious think tanks in the country that since 1987 elaborates periodically a survey to measure political contingency issues, incorporated from 2014 the inequality to the list of problems appearing in a traditional question asking about the main problems that aﬄict Chilean society. In previous surveys inequality was never an option among the possibilities that the respondents had on a list. 20Legal institution of the Chilean State, autonomous and independent of any other authority or power, whose function is to exercise control of the constitutionality of laws. Chilean inequalities and public reason 83

2.2.1 The discourse of candidates for public oﬃce. Presidential elections since the return of democracy

The information available indicates that from the social mobilizations of 2011 and with the election of 2013, the appearance of inequality as a prominent notion marks a turning point in its presence in the political speeches of presidents [Soto, 2016]. This evidence represents the importance of inequality in the political sphere, which in this section of the thesis is analyzed in form and content from the emphasis of the political projects of diﬀerent mandates. This period goes from the social democratic governments of the Concertacion (1990-2010), passing through the right-wing government of Pi˜nera(2010- 2014), to move again to a center-left coalition with Bachelet’s second term (2014-2018).

Inequality in government programs 1989-2009

Examining the programs of candidates who reached the presidency since the return of democracy, it is observed that the first two candidates oriented their programs to the restoration of democratic institutions and the development of a growth plan that would allow Chile to lower its rates of poverty. Inequality thus has a secondary character inside these programs. For example, in the government program of the Christian Democrat Patricio Alwyn (1990-1994), the ideas moving the agenda that consolidate a governmental orientation are anchored in constitutional reforms and political laws that “facilitate the way to democracy and enable the full and sovereign expression of the Chilean people”[Aylwin, 1989, p. 1]. This is reflected in reforms to the Constitution, and the development of instances that ensure human rights or reforms to the 84 Chilean inequalities and public reason judiciary power are made to ensure their independence and become a true guarantor of public liberties. Meanwhile, the program of another Christian Democrat, Eduardo Frei (1994-2000), which was founded on the slogan “A government for the new times”[Frei Ruiz-Tagle, 1993], expressed the idea of a country that needed to consolidate a phase of economic growth to reduce the levels of poverty and maintain the public order. The military presence was still very close, so explicit in the programme’s idea is to prevent exposing Chilean society to social outbursts that could put at risk the pact of democratic transition. For this, the focus of the program was based on public-private investment in infrastructure, employment policies and the promotion of a “spirit of work and entrepreneurial vocation” that contributes towards consolidating the Chilean path initiated under Alwyn. The program spoke directly to small, medium and large business owners about the need to make the Chilean economy bigger, because everyone benefits from that growth. During both Alwyn and Frei programs, inequality occupied a secondary place. The emphasis was placed on the assurance of democracy, economic growth and the reduction of poverty. The discourse about inequalities was installed for the first time as a symbolic axis in the presidential election of 1999, with the Socialist Party candidate Ricardo Lagos (2000-2006). The slogan of his campaign was “Growth with equality”, which epitomized the central position that the concept had in his project. The defense of the Concertacion legacy appeared in the government program, combining the narrative of economic growth with a better distribution of resources. Never has Chile grown so much in its history21, said the candidate, and for this reason the possibility of building a political project against inequality was

21GDP grew around 6% per year in the governments of Aylwin and Frei [Ffrench-Davis, 2001]. Chilean inequalities and public reason 85 conceived as an opportunity after the democratic transition seems to have been consolidated, and the military presence began to move away. Likewise, while economic growth rates have been maintained, poverty has practically halved compared to the beginning of the 1990s. As can be read in Lagos’ program, the call is clear: “Ten years ago we called Chilean women and men to a great feat: the conquest of freedom, today we invite you to achieve a second conquest: progress with equality”[Lagos, 1999, p. 2]. However, the narrow struggle against the right-wing representative, Joaquin Lavin, and the need to attract voters from the center who looked with some reservation at the confrontational discourse giving so much attention to social inequalities, caused Lagos to change the emphasis of his campaign. When he confronted inequality, his public discourse was no longer orientated towards poverty but towards the small concentration of power and benefits generated in the country, producing a political confrontation that was avoided during the 1990s, so the attention given to inequality fell considerably in the second round. In this round, the message focused on equality, and a criticism of the country’s inequality practically disappeared from the campaign, and the slogan became: “Chile much better”. The program of Michelle Bachelet (2006-2010) deepened the diagnosis developed by Lagos, to the extent that after three governments and fifteen years of economic growth, conditions allowed for the discourse to move from a focus on combating poverty to a proposal of progress in the area of social welfare, broadening the spectrum of beneficiaries by the action of the state. As mentioned in her program, the dynamics of economic growth experienced by the country “have multiplied the opportunities, but at the same time increase the risks for people. Thus, is stronger the demand for a more welcoming country, capable of reducing risks and economic insecurity that 86 Chilean inequalities and public reason affect large sectors of the population, not only the poor, but also segments of the middle class”[Bachelet, 2005, p. 8]. In this project, the discourse against inequality acquired greater relevance because the advance in the institutionalization of universal rights was oriented to obtain of greater levels of social equality. In the 2009 elections, Sebastian Piñera (2010-2014) won - the first right- wing president democratically elected since 1958 - with a speech focused on criticizing the coalition that governed Chile during the four last periods. He argued that their program reflected a lack of probity in the parties composing the Concertacion, but also, above all, blamed the political leadership of the center-left for the slowdown of the Chilean economy that during the nineties was growing twice as much as during the mandate of Bachelet. In this way, the message of the program was centered on the narrative of economic reac- tivation and the overcoming of the “crisis” which the country was in. The space of social inequalities in the project was spurious. The objective of the government was focused directly on economic growth, as shown in the following extract:

We propose that by the year 2018, the bicentenary of Maipu Battle, Chile has an income per capita of more than US$ 22.000 a year and thus equalize the living conditions of southern European countries [...] For that, our commitment is to achieve an average growth rate of 6% during the period. [Piera, 2009, p. 15]. Chilean inequalities and public reason 87

Inequality in government programs in the 2013 elections

In 2013, nine candidates participated in the first round22 of the presidential elections, among which were Michelle Bachelet23 and Evelyn Matthei, the two who obtained the most votes and who got through to the second round. Although most of the first-round votes were transferred to one of the two finalist candidates, the diversity of candidates that shaped the scenario in the first instance cannot be reduced to the representation of Bachelet and Matthei alone, because none of the movements or parties represented by the seven remaining candidates generated a strategic alliance with the traditional coalition of the center-left and center-right. None of them called to vote officially for either of the two most successful candidates. However, when comparing the space that the notion of inequality won in the proposed government programs of all the candidates, a clear difference can be established between the two traditional blocks that have come to characterize Chilean politics since the return of democracy: on the one hand a conglomerate of center-left positions, and on the other the center-right. In each of these blocks, the priority that inequality occupied in the campaign discourse was considerably different. In the programs of candidates close to the Chilean left-wing or social democratic tradition, where six of the nine candidates can be located - Bachelet, Claude, Enriquez-Ominami, Jocelyn-Holt, Miranda and Sfeir - social inequalities were conceived as the main obstacle to the full realization of individuals’ lives, and the possibility of the country achieving full development. Although

22Michelle Bachelet (Socialist Party), Marcel Claude (Humanist Party), Marco Enriquez-Ominami (Progressive Party), Tomas Jocelyn-Holt (Independent), Ricardo Israel (Independent Regionalist Party), Evelyn Matthei (Independent Democratic Union), Rox- ana Miranda (Equality Party), Franco Parisi (Independent), Alfredo Sfeir (Green Ecologist Party). 23Michelle Bachelet won the second round with 62% of the votes. 88 Chilean inequalities and public reason this challenge can be used to explain the social structure of the country from its origins, here it was defined as the principal challenge delineating the contemporary national reality. For example, Roxana Miranda, one of the most radical candidates of the left-wing, described inequality as a basic structure that has allowed “daily abuse for two centuries, but with special intensity since the last forty years” [Miranda, 2013, p. 5]. She argued that this process has been a longstanding conflict, but that it has gained greater importance in recent decades because the dynamics of exploitation “of the capital, the dictatorship and the political duopoly (social-democratic and liberal parties)” have been confronted with the emergence of a popular movement of resistance. The denunciation against inequality appeared to be more moderate in programs of the candidates from the center. For them, injustices that are associated with the economic concentration and closed networks of the elite are aligned with the advancements reached by social democratic governments through social policy and human development. The decrease in poverty rates and the growth of a middle class are core parts of the discourse that highlights the progress of Chilean society. However, and as it appears in the speech of Roxana Miranda, from a centrist political position it was also argued that inequality has been the great barrier for the development of the country, and that it acquired a central status in recent years. Inequality is defined as a problem of “modern” Chile, the post-transitional society - that is, when the legacy of dictatorship was diluted - as exemplified in the program of the candidate Tomas Jocelyn-Holt when he compared inequality to the conflict with the indigenous Mapuche that has been sustained since the 19th century. In any case, both problems represent a conflict of equal importance, but they define the country’s reality in two different times. As Chilean inequalities and public reason 89 he mentioned in his program when describing Chile’s challenges:

Fiscal responsibility and government policies in recent years must be complemented by supporting a young Chile that has the tools to solve problems that we have not been able to solve. From the emblematic issue of Araucania to the modern challenge of income inequality. [Jocelyn-Holt, 2013, p. 5]

Inequality appears, then, as an injustice against the individual and society that Chileans are not willing to tolerate. And whether through the emergence of social movements, mainly the student movements of 2006 and 2011, as all the candidates in this political sector mention, or the daily expression of a “citizen opinion”, it is clear to all, as the candidate Marco Enriquez-Ominami mentions, that if “Chile changed, then, the rules must also change”[Enrquez- Ominami, 2013, p. 2]. As can be seen in the opening speech of Michelle Bachelet’s program, she returned to the diagnosis where inequality is conceived as a structural issue of Chilean society, but, above all, a problem that citizens today are aware. She announced:

The strength of the path that I propose in this program starts from the great agreement we have today as a society: Chile is intersected by many inequalities that are an obstacle for people to grow and develop, and also for the country to take advantage of all its potential and talent. [Bachelet, 2013, p. 7]

The centrality that inequality acquired in Bachelet’s discourse, then, is a representation of a citizen “sentiment” which gave legitimacy to her governmental program to launch three major reforms that sought to directly combat 90 Chilean inequalities and public reason the injustices that inequality originates from: a reform of the education system, the tax system and the Constitution. Fundamental reforms, they were called, and they would become the axis of parliamentary discussion during her four years of government. Highlighting a marked difference, right-wing programs gave a lesser significance to inequality. As a representative example, it can be observed that while in Michelle Bachelet’s program the word “inequality” appeared 41 times, and “equality” 79 times - the two faces of the redistributive problem - in Evelyn Matthei’s government program inequality appeared 5 times, while equality appeared only 9 times in a document with a similar number of pages. This trend can also be observed in the other candidates associated with the political right. In Ricardo Israel’s program, the concept of inequality appeared twice, while appeared equality 4 times. And in Franco’s Parisi, the word inequality never once appeared while the notion of equality appears 10 times. The modest occurrence of both concepts in the programs of the three right- wing candidates is a representation of how in none of them inequality is a central axis of their political proposals. The diagnosis generated from this sector places greater emphasis on other ideas, interpreting public opinion as a demand associated, mainly, with greater economic growth, the reduction of poverty and citizen security. And associated with these concepts, the qual- ifiers of excellence, efficiency and acceleration (growth) appear repeatedly, contrasting with the notions such as social rights which have been installed in the discourse of the center-left candidates, and are closely associated to the inequality issue. When inequality appears in the right-wing programs, its appearance is used to designate cultural aspects of Chilean society, as in the program of Chilean inequalities and public reason 91

Ricardo Israel, which mentions that “inequality is everywhere in the country, and the necessary advances have not been made against our main social sin which is classism”[Israel, 2013, p. 4]. Or, otherwise, it is used to denounce specific situations, such as wage differences between men and women, which led Franco Parisi to speak of equality, for example, to state that it is necessary to “protect the rights of women, on the basis of equality with human rights, to reduce wage gaps”[Parisi, 2013, p. 82]. In the case of Evelyn Matthei’s program, inequality is attached to another resource of great urgency, as can be observed when analyzing the economic system or education. In both cases, more important than focusing on the reduction of social differences is to focus political intervention on the most disadvantaged sectors. This represents the paradigm of subsidiarity on which the thinking of this program is based, different from an egalitarian criterion of universal social rights proposed from the center-left wing. Mathhei’s program has indicated that one of the focuses of his mandate would be focused, rather than advancing on universal social rights, in “reengineering the offer of social policy to optimize the results and give a more dignified treatment to the most vulnerable families”[Matthei, 2013, p. 100]. In summary, reviewing the different programs of the presidential candidates from 1989 to 2013, it is observed that the concept of inequality acquires greater force in 1999 through the message of the Lagos campaign, in which it was indicated, for the first time, as a challenge for Chilean society. How- ever, in terms of political priorities, inequality has taken a secondary level of importance, or was used to reinforce other ideas until the 2013 campaign, where it was placed at the center of the repertoire of ideas of the left-wing and social-democratic parties. In 2013, there is a consensus about the importance acquired by the concept that is closely related to the social movements 92 Chilean inequalities and public reason deployed since 2011, meaning it has thus become the central challenge of contemporary Chile.

2.2.2 The discourse of government oﬃcials. The voice of the parliament

Once elected, President Michelle Bachelet sent the fundamental reforms that had been outlined in her program to tackle inequality into congress. Among them, educational and tax reforms entered the parliament earlier24 and were approved during her term. The constitutional reform was sent to the parliament days before the end of her mandate25, and its discussion was completely annulled once SebastiánPiñeraassumed executive power for the second time (March 2018). The tax reform was approved in September 2014, six months after its entry into parliament. This shows that in a limited time, a more or less expedi- tious agreement was reached around the objectives pursued by this reform: to collect around 3% of GDP to finance the committed expenditure on education and health, and not to increase the fiscal spending. On the contrary, publication of the educational reform (Law No. 20.845), which once entered parliament was called the Law of Inclusion, was delayed thirteen months and nine days. This ended with an appendix in the Constitutional Court, which will be analyzed in the next section. It was solved in the month of April 2018. Almost four years later. During the thirteen months in which the big part of the Law of Inclusion was processed, 111 representatives of civil society passed through parliament to inform and present points of view between the first and second consti-

24The tax reform was entered on April 1, 2014 and the educational reform on May 19, 2014. 25The constitutional reform was entered on March 6, 2018. Chilean inequalities and public reason 93 tutional proceedings [Holz and Medel, 2017]. Experts, intellectuals, social leaders and agents directly associated with the education system, including owners of schools and universities, presented arguments in favor or against the reform. Likewise, the discussion of this reform had a great media im- pact26, through which the progress and obstacles of the reform in parliament were communicated to society, and where the notion of inequality frequently appeared. For this reason, in this part of the study will concentrate on the discussion of educational reform in order to analyze the discourse of government officials that are a part of public reason. The discussion of the law was carried out in parliament from four axes that make up the reform: educational quality; segregation and inclusion; universal gratuity; and an end to profiteering throughout the education system (from kindergarten to university). Among these subjects, the moments in which there was more tension in the political debate, and when positions were more clearly differentiated in the repertoire of arguments, was when the discussion of the law sought to prohibit the selection of students, finishing with the shared financing of school (public-private financing) and profit in education. There was a mixture of points at which inequality appeared in the speeches of government officials. It subsequently became crystallised in the domain of public reason.

26A study conducted between March 2014 and May 2015 analyzed the treatment of the law by diﬀerent medias [Molina, 2017]. National newspapers, news magazines, radio stations, internet news sites and television news were analyzed. With the aim of gauging the presence of the discussion on the law, the study analyzed concepts associated with the Educational Reform such as inclusion, proﬁt or co-payment, which were the messages with the greatest presence in the parliamentary debate. Among all the media analyzed, 30.687 items related to the educational reform were counted, the majority concentrated between the months of July, August and September 2014. Of this total, 6.170 exclusive news about the Law of Inclusion were reached. 94 Chilean inequalities and public reason

Inequality in the educational reform

When President Bachelet introduced the reform project to parliament, in her presentation speech she characterized it as a “fundamental and indispensable reform to reduce social inequalities in the country”. This was a decision that represented a citizen mandate, according to the interpretation made by the political sector and to the way it resonated in the public sphere of social movements. It was speciﬁed that:

Chilean society has demanded to the Government a deep change of paradigm concerning the educational system that allows forgetting the idea of education as a consumer good traded in the market. A change based on the conviction that education is a social right [BCN, 2018, p. 4].

Considering education as a social right, the project sought to invert the orientation that the education system had taken since reforms under the dictatorship. The main idea was to abolish the restrictions and discriminations that were appearing year-on-year through market action in the Chilean educational system. To achieve this objective, although the reform did not affect private education (approximately 8% of all enrollment in secondary education), one of the measures incorporated to advance the assurance of public education was the abolishment of co-payment, representing the public-private financing of education fees. To eliminate this type of shared financing was a strategic objective because a majority of secondary students study in public- private establishments. Likewise, the project made it explicit that any institution receiving public funds could not select its students, either by way of religious ideologies or of personal background. Finally, the project also indicated that in estab- Chilean inequalities and public reason 95 lishments under public financing, profit would be prohibited in any of its forms, ensuring that all the money invested by the State in education, even if administered by private agents, should be invested in education27. The government’s position, and that of parties supportive of the reform that appeared in the discussion given in parliament, is that shared financing and selection promotes social segregation, since schools and their students end up differentiating according to parents’ availability to pay, or arbitrary selection established by establishments (e.g. selecting by marital status of parents, parents’ CV, etc.). The new reform, in that sense, must guarantee equality between those who are educated in the public system, because inequalities that Chile has experienced in this sphere of social life is interpreted as a social fracture. On the contrary, individuals who opposed the reform, principally representatives of right-wing parties and different groups of civil society which administrate educational establishments, such as various religious groups, defended the education system currently operating in the country. They argued during the parliamentary debate that eliminating the possibility of parents to participate in financing the education of their children would have a negative impact because the state would take on a very heavy public expenditure. In this way, in the name of the fight against inequality, an important part of the national budget that could be invested in the most disadvantaged sectors will be invested in families that can afford a regulated amount of money. In addition, they argued, the reform eliminates a legitimate mechanism through which the commitment of parents to the education of their children is manifested. Basically, the criticism was that by integrating the

27It should be noted that one of the reasons that triggered this reform was the realization that many of the public resources delivered by the State to public-private establishments were being withdrawn as profits by the administrators. After the publication of the law, this procedure is illegal. 96 Chilean inequalities and public reason public-private system into the public education system, the parents’ freedom to choose the establishment they consider best for their children is directly affected, as is the ability of the educational system to reward the effort and sacrifice that families make for the education of their children. To justify each of these positions, for example, voices from the sector that supported the reforms pointed out that international evidence and experience from developed countries, especially from the Nordic countries, has shown that inclusive education systems that promote equality between students generate better students, but also better citizens and stronger democratic societies, as appears in the voices of two deputies:

We know well that education is not just content. Education understood as a right is called upon to fulfill a significant purpose with regard to equity, cohesion and social diversity. Indeed, as UNESCO puts it - in the committee we also had the opportunity to listen to their representatives - the states are called not only to ensure a quality education for all citizens, but to encourage the integration of students from different socio-cultural environment, because it is a tool for the human development of the countries and the pillars to the construction of a just and democratic society. Quality is not dissociated from equity or inclusion. The main mobilizing tool is education through inclusion and social equity. Deputy Camila Vallejo, Communist Party [BCN, 2018, p. 363].

If we really want to have a good education for our children, it is important to think about what those (developed) countries have done to achieve it. Again, it’s not just a resource problem, it also has to do with the educational model that is built. If I ask anyone here if they agree with the apartheid policy applied in South Chilean inequalities and public reason 97

Africa, with the separation of white children from black children when it came to go to school, to take a bus, to be treated in a medical oﬃce, probably everyone is going to tell me no, that it is horrible and that how white children could be separated from blacks. Well, in our current educational system we separate children, the rich with the rich, the poor with the poor and the middle class with the middle class. This is what the system has done in our country. Everyone says that to have a good educational system we must mix in order to have a good society. Deputy Cristina Girardi, Party for Democracy [BCN, 2018, p. 360]

Likewise, emphasis has been focused on the discriminatory nature of selection, as a representative mechanism of the educational system focused on segregation and the exclusion of the poorest. It has also been posed that the model of competition established by the reforms at the school level starts from a false assumption, because the selection over equal opportunities is not real. In an unequal society like Chile, selection is simply a mechanism of institutionalization of exclusion, a reproduction of diﬀerences, as we can read in the words of a Senator:

I believe that when selection mechanisms are established taking into account performance, it is assumed that all children are equal and that they come from the same conditions, in circumstances in which it is known that in this society some start from the middle up and others from the subsoil. In addition, the parent’s cultural and professional education as well as the environment in which they perform are crucial in the educational performance. In short, poor children, subjected to a process of selection for academic performance, are screwed! Are they intellectually limited? 98 Chilean inequalities and public reason

No, they are not! They have an economic problem more than a personal one. Senator Alejandro Navarro, Party Broad Social Movement [BCN, 2018, p. 1484]

From the right-wing it is argued that measures outlined by the Law of Inclusion will not end the segregation problem but, on the contrary, will exacerbate existing differences within the education system. This, because eliminating shared financing will produce a natural migration of families that can pay into the private system, will encourage in turn the development of the educational market and further exacerbate inequalities between the public and private sectors. From this perspective, the law is not interpreted as a contribution towards greater equality, but as a punishment, above all, to the middle class. First, because it restricts it from significant state aid to finance a fixed expenditure of its domestic budget and, secondly, that budget cuts restrict the ability of families to choose. Several representatives have said that freedom is restricted and the leveling is towards “mediocrity. The reform, instead of contributing to improve the educational system, ends up making it worse, as can be seen in the following citations:

The reason why more inclusion will not be achieved is because what this reform will do, unfortunately, will be to increase paid private schools. This means that the middle class, which can now have access to a subsidized private school, will not be able to do more when that school changes and stops receiving the State subsidy. Deputy Felipe Kast, Evopoli Party [BCN, 2018, p. 357]

The measures do not aim to improve education; they directly affect the middle class because they restrict their freedom. The middle class will be irreversibly harmed by the project because Chilean inequalities and public reason 99

it limits the educational freedom and the diversity of educational projects, and increases the state’s supremacy in education, under the illusion that a greater state provision necessarily means a better education. The project threatens the participation of families, which will necessarily aﬀect the quality of education for middle class children and, as I said, the most vulnerable. The purpose of the selection ends with the right of parents to choose the education they want for their children. Deputy Issa Kort, Independent Democratic Union Party [BCN, 2018, p. 373]

From this sector there are voices that accept certain items of the reform, such as the end of the selection and the need to establish equality among all students, but this type of criteria is considered beneficial only to a certain degree. In the first cycle, up to approximately twelve years, the criterion of non-selection can be understood to level the conditions of students, but from then onwards, to insist on that same criterion becomes a limitation to the meritocratic spirit that should stimulate the education system. It is argued that an egalitarian system does not permit the valuation of personal effort, as has been mentioned by a senator of the republic:

It seems to me coherent that until before the twelve years old there is no possibility of selection. But I believe, at the same time, that from this moment the law should allow the existence of educational projects focused on the talents, merit, eﬀort, such as sports and academic schools, enabling the establishments to select their students based on such parameters. This is part of the freedom of the people: of the students, of the parents. Senator Lily Perez, Party Amplitude [BCN, 2018, p. 850] 100 Chilean inequalities and public reason

Through the presented arguments, a political discussion that encompasses a great diversity of nuances in ways of understanding and confronting inequality within the education sphere has been resumed, through discourses are conﬁgured by a repertoire of arguments that are present in public reason, and that have resonance in public opinion. In general, these arguments are associated with the principles of justice with which left and right currents have traditionally been identiﬁed. On the one hand, the left currents align with equality and, on the other, the right aligns with the principle of freedom. From the left-wing perspective, equality is seen as a horizon of rights and conditions to be achieved, which is manifested in concepts such as integration, inclusion and social cohesion. From the discourses collected, these concepts are the basis for reducing social inequalities and building a more just democratic society. And from the right, although the diagnosis of the problem that entails the current state of inequalities in the education system is shared, the normative horizon of equality generates distrust because of the restrictions it implies on individuals’ freedom. For this reason, a greater tolerance for inequalities is expressed, while concepts used to argue this position are those such as: the autonomy of the people, the need to safeguard the meritocratic character present in the Chilean educational model, a rejection of the state, and the need to protect the availability of individuals to make decisions on their own (predominantly the middle class sectors).

2.2.3 The discourse of judges. The voice of the Con- stitutional Court

The Constitutional Court is a legal institution of the State of Chile, autonomous and independent of any other authority or power, whose function is to exercise control of the constitutionality of laws. Founded in 1970, its ex- Chilean inequalities and public reason 101 ercise was interrupted at the beginning of the dictatorship and was restored in 1980, with the establishment of the Constitution that governs Chilean society until today28. The function of guarantor of the constitutionality exercised by the court validating laws and reforms decided in congress has been criticized and valued repeatedly since its inception, but with special emphasis in recent decades. On the one hand, it is considered that its action is undemocratic, since a law approved by a parliamentary majority can be revoked if the Constitu- tional Court considers this law contrary to the norms and principles that the constitution, created in a dictatorship, protects. On the other hand, its role is valued because laws implemented by majorities may put the fundamental rights of minorities in danger. In addition, it should be emphasized that this is not a particular Chilean institution created by the dictatorship to protect the implemented changes, but an institution created in democracy, as in multiple other countries, to protect the institutional order [Alvear et al., 2016,OPCC, 2017]. According to constitutional rules, the President of the Republic and representatives of congress (senators and Deputies) can raise the unconstitutionality of a law to the court. Thus, for example, among the emblematic cases where the Constitutional Court has acted in recent times, there was an emblematic process in 2008, when a group of parliamentarians from right-wing parties made an injunction against certain rules proposed by a bloc of the center-left to modify the existing fertility control system, and validate the

28The Constitutional Court has not always been the same, it has experienced a series of reforms over time. In 2005 the Constitutional Court was subjected to a series of reforms, among which the increase in the number of judges or ministers, from 7 to 10: In case of a tie vote gives the president the function of resolving the cause. Likewise, the participation of the army forces and the National Security Council in the election of its members was eliminated. 102 Chilean inequalities and public reason sale of the morning-after pill that was previously prohibited. On that occasion, the court ruled and prohibited the distribution of the morning-after pill in the public system, even though the distribution was approved by congress. According to most of the court, the pill could not be distributed because the abortifacient nature of the pill could not be demonstrated in the process, which obliged to prioritize the constitutional guarantee of protection of the right to life above other considerations. During the government of Michelle Bachelet (2014-2018) a series of reforms were deployed under the justification that it was necessary to incorporate changes in the body of Chilean law to contribute to the fight against inequality. However, once some of these were approved in parliament, they were submitted to the Constitutional Court at the request of the right-wing with the aim of invalidating them. The claims were founded on the basis that reforms imply transformations that could risk the political and institutional order of the country. In this way, when requirements were introduced into the Constitutional Court, the discussion concerning inequalities went beyond the political realm to also address the legal sphere. Inequality was installed in the whole conceptual repertoire of public reason, taking a central space in the programmatic discussion, at the level of the executive and the parliamentarians discourses, as well as the argumentative body of the judges. For example, in April 2014, the government entered a project proposing to replace the parliamentary electoral system that prevailed in the country, known as the Binominal electoral system29. This system had been widely criticized by the center and left parties because in practice it did not reflect the decision of the majority. This generated the exclusion of small-scale

29The binominal system is an electoral system established in Chile during the military dictatorship to regulate the parliamentary elections that were held in 1989 and thereafter with the return of democracy. Basically, the system allows the election of two positions by district or district, which in general represent the two major political coalitions. Chilean inequalities and public reason 103 parties, reduced the impact of the vote, and consolidated two political blocks of the center without much competition. Also, this electoral system was criticised for having been designed at the end of the dictatorship to ensure the presence of the right-wing actors in power. It was accused that the two sides of parliament were practically equal in forces in each election, which did not allow for the generation of structural reforms that needed a majority quorum (established in the constitution created in dictatorship). These criticisms were collected and were the ones that shaped electoral reform, which had as a priority objectives to reduce the inequality of the vote along with allowing the representation and inclusion of all signiﬁcant political currents in parliament [BCN, 2015]. On January 24, 2015, right-wing parliamentarians opposed the law and submitted a request to the Constitutional Court to invalidate the reform that had already been approved by the majority. However, in January of that same year the Court delivered a response, rejecting the request in all its parts, and the law was approved. Another law, that was entered into parliament in 2014 to reform the labor system and give more power to unions, went through the same process. In her entry into government, the president indicated that “as long as we do not advance in the strengthening of collective labor rights, the structural conditions for the reproduction of inequality will remain, undermining the eﬀorts that are being made in other areas to make from Chile, a more just and co- hesive country”[BCN, 2014, p. 5]. The law was approved by parliament, but members of the right-wing parties presented a request to the Constitutional Court so that the project was discarded. However, in August 2016, the Court issued a judgment, partially accepting the claim30.

30The majority of the reform was approved, declaring as unconstitutional only the union ownership and the extension of beneﬁts acquired by law for new union members [BCN, 104 Chilean inequalities and public reason

Finally, the educational reform was also contested by those on the right, which brought inequality into the judicial realm once again. In comparison with other laws, the Law of Inclusion was more controversial, and remained for more time in process, which placed arguments for or against the project more into the public debate. For example, in January 2015, right-wing parliamentarians presented legal claim because their objective of eliminating selection and shared ﬁnancing, among other points, went against the principle of freedom of individuals and freedom of education outlined in the constitution. However, in May of the same year, the Court rejected the claim, stating that such claims are not considered valid because “the set of objec- tions formulated does not concern the rules of constitutional organic laws subject to control”[BCN, 2018, p. 2098] . The court considered that the law represented the sovereign will, arguing in the project that:

An inclusive education can only be understood as an expression of the duty of the State to promote the harmonious integration of all sectors of the Nation and ensure the right of people to participate with equal opportunities in national life [BCN, 2018, p. 2100].

The approval of the law, under those arguments, gave reason for a citizen’s will to be represented in parliament that opposed the inequalities present in the educational system. However, the discussion did not end there. That same year, in November 2015, parliamentarians from the right coalition filed a lawsuit against the Court on the unconstitutionality of the national financing budget of 2016, because they did not consider some points outlined around financing in education legitimate. Specifically, the organization of the budget was accused of being discriminatory, since the government established certain

2014]. Chilean inequalities and public reason 105 requirements31 to finance the university education of the students of the first five deciles with which the gratuity would begin. The law was not egalitarian, but instead promoted inequality, and therefore violated one of the basic principles inscribed in the constitution. The claim maintained that the gratuity of university education should be annulled. The ruling of the Constitutional Court partially upheld the claim, since it considered that, in effect, the requirements were discriminatory because they excluded individuals from the same socioeconomic group who were enrolled, or could enroll, in universities that do not reach the requirements. The court understood, then, that the gratuity is not in doubt, as long as there is no type of requirement that discriminates against the students of the first five quintiles. This implied that the state was obliged to finance students from institutions without any certification because, as can be seen in the ruling, if they did not do so, they were perpetuating the inequality and exclusion of these young people, instead of generating equal opportunities. The court communicated:

These criteria of diﬀerentiation argued in the document, instead of ensuring equality before the law and equal opportunities for all those students, impose conditions that make impossible to exercise these principles for some, leaving them in a situation of evident exclusion, not only because their social condition, but, now, for their belonging to a certain institutions that cannot reach the established criteria. Consequently, to belong to an institution that could not reach these criteria will constitute another stigma

31The requirements included in the budget law were that the institution receiving students had to be accredited by the Ministry of Education for four years, not have related companies that could proﬁt with the public beneﬁt and had to have an institutional framework that would allow a minimum internal participation. 106 Chilean inequalities and public reason

for these vulnerable young people, and the beneﬁts of gratuity will be a mere illusion or chimera. Therefore, the lack of reasonableness of criteria of diﬀerentiation refuted is causing exclusion and arbitrary discrimination. [Tribunal Constitucional, 2015, p. 95]

The discussion about the constitutionality of the education reform in the constitutional court can be followed until 2018, when it was declared in April of that year that the state cannot prohibit legal entities, even if they want to proﬁt from the system, as a result of being controllers of an institution of higher education, because it goes against the principle of liberty [Tribunal Constitucional, 2018]. In each of these verdicts the Law of Inclusion appeared in the media alongside the conceptual substrate that articulated the educational reform, and other reforms such as those presented previously, such as the labor reform or the binominal system. Thus, since 2013, when the government program was presented and can be situated the origin of these projects, the concept of inequality was present in public discussion, and in the repertoire of arguments used by a great diversity of actors present in the three dimensions that give shape to public reason.

2.3 Summary

Throughout this chapter, two ways in which inequality is expressed in the country have been discussed in order to constitute a general context that individuals constantly refer to throughout the study. First, there has been a discussion about the “objective” inequalities of income and education, which structure to a large extent the system of inequalities. Second, the notion of inequality present in public reason was identified as an institutional space of public opinion where there is an exchange of ideas that are associated with Chilean inequalities and public reason 107 the notion of inequality. According to the discussion about income inequality, from the transformation of Chile into a “market society” in the 1980s, and the consolidation of the economic model throughout subsequent democratic governments, it has been noted that the country has experienced a process of constant economic growth across time. This has led it to sharply reduce its poverty rates and increase the level of development measured through material changes and the quality of life of its population. However, these transformations did not have the same impact on the reduction of inequalities, which have remained high since the 19th century. Following a trend of cyclical movements, during which inequality increased and decreased at different times throughout history, different indicators confirm that until 2000, income inequality grew. From that year forward, associated with the development of social welfare policies, inequality began to decrease steadily, but its decline is still part of the historical pattern of broader inequalities within the country. This makes Chile, even in the period after 2000, one of the countries with the worst index of wealth concentration. The education system was also part of the liberalization process experienced by Chilean society since the dictatorship. This meant that coverage in primary education, but especially in secondary and higher education, has reached historical levels. Whilst observing figures which relate to the expansion of educational enrollment, it is verified that inequalities at the level of access diminished considerably across time. However, the data indicates that inequalities that we can call of “second generation” appeared, because they were not on the radar of original demands for greater coverage. Second-generation inequalities are expressed in the processes of segregation that have been isolating the groups that concentrate greater economic 108 Chilean inequalities and public reason resources from the rest of society. Through analyzing different levels within the education system, this chapter shows how education operates as a structural part of the system of inequalities in Chile. This is produced from an early age in close correlation with the family origin of the students, the type of establishment they attend, and their academic performance. The second part of the chapter addressed the presence of the notion of inequality in public reason, which is composed of the exchange of ideas present in political campaigns, government representatives and parliamentarians’ speeches, as well as the discourse present in the judicial sphere. The discussion of documentation linked to executive, legislative and judicial power allows us to observe that inequality, as a problem or object of public discussion, has acquired greater connotation in a recent period. This is especially true since the presidential elections of 2013. The use of the concept is mainly associated with left-wing and social-democratic parties, who justify their use of it as a response to a citizen mandate. In this sense, the importance that the concept has gained in public opinion is directly linked to the social mobilizations led by the student movement, which began in 2006 and intensified in 2011. In parliamentary discussion, it is appreciated that the use of the notion of inequality is present in the main laws that were discussed in the period that began in 2014. As a result of educational reform there has been an exchange of ideas, and arguments from different positions have put inequality at the center of the dispute, giving greater density to the repertoire of reasons associated with inequality in public reason. A discussion of the relevant laws allows for the differentiation of two ways of addressing inequality, both of which are conditioned by the traditional division of Chilean politics. From the social-democratic and left-wing current, equality is seen as a hori- Chilean inequalities and public reason 109 zon of rights and conditions to be achieved, which is manifested in concepts such as integration, inclusion and social cohesion. Based on the discourses collected, these concepts are the justification for diminishing social inequalities and building a more just democratic society. And from the right, although the diagnosis is shared about problems associated with the level of inequality in Chilean society, the concept of a normative horizon of equality generates distrust because of the restrictions it implies on the freedom of individuals. For this reason, greater tolerance is expressed regarding existing inequalities. Thus, inequality is not thought of as an enemy, but rather as a condition of the autonomy of people and the meritocratic sense to which society must orient itself. Finally, the discussion regarding the constitutionality of the laws given in the constitutional court shows that inequality permeated the three dimensions of public reason. The verdicts do not follow a regular argumentative pattern, as happens when observing the political line of the government programs, or the reasons given for or against laws in parliament. But, as was the case in the two previous points regarding the media exposure of the debates, each of the verdicts handed down by the court attracted the attention of the media and actors involved. This represents the centrality that the concept of inequality acquired in Chilean society at the level of public institutional debate. 110 Chilean inequalities and public reason Chapter 3

Perceptions about inequality

In the previous chapter the structure of inequalities present in contemporary Chile was analyzed. Among the diﬀerent dimensions explored, a stability of high and long-standing socioeconomic inequalities can be seen. However, since 2000, a decrease in this trend can be observed1. And when this tendency is connected with the discourse of inequalities in public opinion, speciﬁcally in the realm of public reason, a kind of paradox appears: at the same time that the data shows a decrease in socio-economic inequalities, in the public sphere the discourse about inequality rates present in Chilean society gained greater prominence. In light of these results, this chapter addresses the question of how much inequality Chileans perceive, from their own perspective, and what factors determine this perception of inequality. The objective is to investigate whether the opinions of individuals are consistent with the public discourse present in an executive, legislative and judicial sphere, and to understand the factors that determine the variability of these opinions. We consider it important to address a descriptive dimension of views on

1See chapter 2 and trends on: Gini index; Palma index; Quintile ratio.

111 112 Perceptions about inequality inequality to generate an approximation in response to the question of what individuals are talking about when they refer to inequality. As has been pointed out in an essay in which is discussed the way people perceive and interpret poverty, understanding how individuals “name things” is one of the fundamental challenges of social science [Cortina, 2017]. This process represents how societies themselves interpret their environment through history in a broad sense, because this can be in terms of concrete objects but, above all, captures sentiments such as xenophobia, racism or the rejection of the poor, which are more insidious in form. This is a consideration that can be extended to experiences that represent social inequality. But how do people talk about such an abstract concept? This part of the study seeks to understand how individuals comprehend their environment and codify events and situations representing social differences that are considered unfair. In this part of the study, is addressed one of the challenges proposed by Agustin Squella [2014] for social research in Chile, when he discuss the new status acquired by the discussion about social inequalities in Chile. After the great student mobilizations that helped to put the debate in the public opinion, or at least a main topic in academic circles, a fundamental question appeared. What do individuals refer to when they speak about this concept? What is the content of the discourse of inequality at the level of ordinary life? How do people interpret the great slogans and phrases that go around the world on a human scale? As has been discussed [Paugam and Selz, 2005, Paugam, 2016], the study of perceptions has traditionally been associated with the analysis of factors such as social class, gender, age, individual trajectories, and the effect of individuals’ specific situations. However, it is also necessary to include aspects that may be associated with an anthropological scope in the study of per- 3.1. PERCEIVED INCOME DIFFERENCES 113 ceptions, because these integrate factors that are part of the social context, and mechanisms of individuals’ interaction with one another, that may be affected by historical junctures. From this perspective, and in the conjunction of both dimensions, this chapter addresses perceptions from a link between structural processes and individuals’ life experiences. In the first part, representations of inequality are analyzed through quantitative material and the way in which individuals perceive the wage gap between occupational categories that represent different extremes of the social structure. From this source of data, which represents a period between 1999 and 2014, the impact that factors such as social status have on the perception of inequalities is analyzed. Have the structural transformations that Chilean society has experienced in recent decades had impact on perceptions of social inequalities? Is it possible to detect trends relating to this over time? Subsequently, the material provided draws from interviews to make up a map of inequalities within the country. How are social inequalities named? What kind of experiences compose a map of inequalities within Chilean society from the perspective of individuals? In what type of concepts or metaphors do these experiences appear?

3.1 Perceived income diﬀerences

3.1.1 Theoretical discussion and hypothesis

In this study, perceptions are considered as a first level in the representation of social inequalities, whose meaning in social science literature is related to a dimension of views on inequality where the consciousness of individuals is differentiated from real social differences within society [Norton and Ariely, 2011]. In this way, once the perceptions are addressed, it is possible to analyze 114 Perceptions about inequality in a second instance whether these views on the state of society are connected to processes of legitimating inequalities [Trump, 2013]; whether they connect with the political preferences of individuals [Meltzer and Richard, 1981]; or whether they link to policy preferences that are consolidated in concrete actions, such as redistributive or investment policies in projects related, for example, to social insurance and the regulation of markets [Bublitz, 2016, Mccall and Kenworthy, 2009]. As was discussed more precisely in the methodological chapter, there are different ways of measuring perceptions of inequality. In this study, the methodology used is one developed in empirical social justice research [Jasso, 1978, Jasso and Wegener, 1997], where the perceived wages of two occupational categories are compared to symbolize the extremes of the social scale within a society. On the one hand we consider the salary of the chairman of a national company. On the other we consider the salary of an unskilled worker2. Studies analyzing views of inequality in a general way indicate that there is no a clear trend between the levels of inequality in a society and the way individuals perceive it [Chauvel, 2003, Townsend, 1979]. Throughout a given period of history there may be no change in the actual inequalities of wealth or income, and yet social perceptions of those inequalities may vary. Alternatively, substantial changes in the structure of incomes in society may occur without any corresponding perception that such changes are taking place. In that sense, it can be established that perceptions form more a distorted image than a mirror of social reality. A second type of theoretical background described by the literature shows

2In the methodological chapter, the equation that summarizes this way of measuring perceptions of inequality is discussed and descriptive statistics are delivered in each year analyzed. Perceptions about inequality 115 that there is an established tendency between the social status of individuals and their perceptions of inequality. People with higher social status perceive more inequality [Fors´eet al., 2013, Gijsberts, 2002, Trump, 2013, Wegener, 1987,Wegener, 1990,Wegener, 1992]. In other words, the capacity to distinguish salaries between high and low status decrease according to individuals’ education level and socioeconomic group. This implies that people who are more aﬀected by inequality - those at the bottom of society - perceive less inequality, breaking with the idea that the most exploited or less privileged groups are more aware or represent in a more marked way the social distances that make up the society in which they live. In Chile, the studies about perceptions of inequality are not numerous, and for that reason it is interesting to deepen knowledge about them, particularly in terms of how they are shaped through time, to understand what the tendency that this dimension of representations of social inequality presents in a period where the discourse on inequalities has gained more prominence. As it has been analyzed in the previous chapter, after various cases of social mobilization, inequality has taken greater importance in public reason. But what happens with individuals’ perceptions? By comparing perceptions of economic inequality between 1999 and 2009, with the same indicator used in this study - the wage gap between occupations that represent the extremes of the social scale - Castillo [2012] shows that perceptions are stable, and there is even a small decrease between both periods. A second study dealing with the same problem across time, but through other types of questions3, observes that this initial tendency - of

3This study uses as a dependent variable a question that invites respondents to choose the image that best represents inequality in Chilean society. Among ﬁve possibilities, as an example, you can choose a perfect pyramidal society, where the rich represent the upper and the poor the lower. This question do not ask about representations of economic inequality, but general social inequalities. 116 Perceptions about inequality a decrease in perceived inequality - is maintained over time when perceptions are compared between years 2000, 2009, 2012 and 2013 [Segovia and Gamboa, 2016]. Considering that there are no other studies using quantitative data in Chile, and that perceptions of general inequality connect with a decrease in “objective” economic inequality during the same period, the hypothesis should be focused on testing a decrease in perceived economic inequality that is observed at a general level through the indicator formed by the wage gap. However, this interpretation does not include, in in terms of perceived inequality, the transformations, or the eﬀect of those transformations, in the rate of schooling and economic changes that the country has experienced. As discussed previously, international evidence shows that perceived wage inequality is sensitive to social status, a situation that has been demonstrated for the Chilean case [Castillo, 2009,Castillo, 2012,Castillo et al., 2012]. Therefore, it is worth asking what impact these structural transformations have on individuals’ perceptions. There is no existing evidence in response to this problem. In a theoretical sense, in considering the link between social status and the amount of inequality perceived, and contradicting the results of Segovia and Gamboa [2016] regarding general inequality, based on the increase of educational levels in the country during the last 25 years, individuals should tend to perceive greater economic inequality as time has passed. With this background, the following hypotheses are established to be tested between the years of 1999, 2009, 2013 and 2014, using the index of perceived inequality:

• Hypothesis 1: The higher the social status, the greater the amount of inequality that is perceived. Perceptions about inequality 117

• Hypothesis 2: The level of perceived wage inequality has increased over time due to social transformations experienced by the country.

3.1.2 Descriptive analysis

Perceived inequality index

The trend of perceived economic inequality over time is shown in Figure 3.1. The values in the y-axis represent the median4 number of times that the salary of a chairman of a national company is separated from an unskilled worker in individuals’ perceptions. Thus, in 1999 the ratio between both occupations had a value of 33 times. This equates to individuals’ views that for an unskilled worker to reach the salary of a chairman of a national company he must earn 33 times his current salary. A gap quite close to that was perceived in 2009, which estimated that the salary of a chairman is equivalent to 31 times the salary of an unskilled worker. This stability breaks in 2013 when the perceived gap rose to 40 times, and then 50 times in 2014. This change in perceptions presents 2009 as a demarcation point separating two eras, one before, one after. Changes across time are analyzed in greater detail in Figure 3.2. This ﬁgure graphically shows the answer of respondents for each of the questions relating to the index of perceived inequality. That is, the perceived wage of a chairman of a national company and an unskilled worked (details of the values are attached in the appendix). Once the salaries have been standardized according to the value of the national currency in 2014, it is observed that perceptions salaries of chairmen have progressively increased across time, while perceived unskilled workers’ salaries have kept relatively stable.

4As explained with more detail in the methodological chapter, the median is used as an analysis value because the mean is very sensitive to extreme values. 118 Perceptions about inequality

Figure 3.1: Perceived wage inequality across time (median)

Note. Questions: ”How much do you think a chairman of a national company/unskilled worker in a factory earns?”.

Figure 3.2: Perceived chairman and unskilled worker salary across time (median)

Note: For comparing salaries, values for years 1999, 2009 and 2013 have been adjusted according to the variation of the Consumer Price Index in 2014. Perceptions about inequality 119

Comparing the wage trends of both occupations across time, this shows that changes in perceptions of economic inequality are mainly due to changes in the perceived salaries of chairmen. Particularly after 2009, Chileans’ perceptions of wages associated with this occupation have strongly growth, while perceptions about unskilled workers’ salaries barely shifted. Comparing the salaries associated to both occupations, if we consider as a reference the wages values in 1999, on the one hand, the increase in the salary of unskilled workers between 1999 and 2014 corresponds to 48% of the reference value. On the other hand, the salary increase of the chairman of a national company corresponds to 180% of the reference value.

Social status and perceived inequality

Figures 3.3 and 3.4 plot the evolution of perceptions of economic inequality associated to individuals’ social status, composed of educational level and socioeconomic group. In both cases, it is observed that perceptions vary according to the position of individuals in a significant way, confirming hypothesis 1. The higher the educational level, or greater the socioeconomic group, the greater the wage gap or economic inequality perceived. Comparing both figures by the size of the gap, it is noticeable that individuals discriminate more about inequality according to their educational level than according to their socio-economic group. When the perceived gaps between occupations representing the two extremes of the social structure are compared, the highest education level perceive gaps of around 60 times (median), while the highest quintile discriminates gaps of maximum 50 times. Finally, following the general trend of the perceived inequality index, practically all categories featured within the educational variable and the socioeconomic group perceive more inequality across time. However, differences 120 Perceptions about inequality between categories of educational levels and perceived inequality does not seem to change over time. Although the perception of inequality increases in general terms across time, differences between categories are maintained each year if we leave aside the category of those individuals who have not completed all years of university. On the contrary, differences in perceptions tend to become closer when we compare them by socio-economic group, until they converge on practically the same amount of inequality in 2014, which shows that the educational level is a more effective predictor of economic inequality than the income level.

Figure 3.3: Perceived inequality (median) gap by education level.

Note: Polyserial correlations are signiﬁcant all years (p<0.01). Perceptions about inequality 121

Figure 3.4: Perceived inequality gap by income quintile.

Note: Polyserial correlations are signiﬁcant all years (p<0.01).

3.1.3 The weight of factors in individuals’ perceptions about inequality

OLS models. Social status inﬂuence on perceived inequality

To analyze the regularity of the effects of social status on perceptions of inequality, in this section the dependent variable is regressed and controlled by sociodemographic and other variables representing the status of occupation, religion and subjective status of the respondents. The objective is to recognize the influence of independent variables whilst analyzing the perceived economic inequality, all other things being equal. Following the trend of bivariate analysis developed in previous sections, results in Table 3.1 show that the relationship between education level and the dependent variable, except in 2013, is significant and tends to grow upwards according to category. That is, higher categories perceive more inequality than lower categories. The relationship between socio-economic status mea- 122 Perceptions about inequality sured by income quintile does not present any significant association with perceived inequality, except in 1999. However, in the last model, when all cases are merged, the relationship becomes significant and there is a tendency similar to that between perceptions of economic inequality and the educational level. That is, higher quintiles tend to perceived higher levels of inequality. The models also show that the relationship between perceived inequality and control variables differs in each case. On the one hand, age variable is positive and significantly correlated each year. That means that older generations perceived more inequality consistently over time. Also, religion shows a significant relationship with the outcome variable. People who identify with a religion perceive less inequality than those who declare not to belong to one. On the other hand, neither sex, occupational status or the subjective position of individuals into the social scale significantly influence perceptions about economic inequality. Finally, compared with the year of reference (1999), differences are positive and significant from 2013, which demarcate a point of difference between two periods. On the one hand, a period of stable perceived inequality took place between 1999 and 2009, and on the other, a period in which perceived economic inequality grew considerably took place from 2013 to 2014. Perceptions about inequality 123

Table 3.1: OLS regression models of perceived economic inequality on social status and control variables. Unstandardized coeﬃcients. ISSP1999 ISSP2009 SJCP2013 COES2014 All Intercept 2.62∗∗∗ 3.24∗∗∗ 3.25∗∗∗ 3.26∗∗∗ 2.96∗∗∗ (0.21) (0.18) (0.21) (0.18) (0.09) Basic complete (ref.No education) 0.08 0.16 0.12 0.33∗∗ 0.18∗∗ (0.13) (0.10) (0.15) (0.13) (0.06) Intermediate incomplete 0.32∗∗ 0.26∗ 0.12 0.35∗∗ 0.28∗∗∗ (0.12) (0.10) (0.14) (0.12) (0.06) Intermediate complete 0.41∗∗∗ 0.34∗∗∗ 0.23 0.48∗∗∗ 0.38∗∗∗ (0.11) (0.09) (0.13) (0.11) (0.05) University incomplete 0.57∗∗∗ 0.60∗∗∗ 0.18 0.64∗∗∗ 0.53∗∗∗ (0.14) (0.16) (0.16) (0.14) (0.07) University complete 0.52∗∗ 0.69∗∗∗ 0.27 0.72∗∗∗ 0.57∗∗∗ (0.17) (0.13) (0.16) (0.14) (0.07) Quintil2 (ref.Quintil1) 0.26∗ 0.05 0.07 0.08 0.10∗ (0.12) (0.09) (0.11) (0.08) (0.05) Quintil3 0.16 0.05 0.13 0.13 0.11∗ (0.13) (0.10) (0.11) (0.09) (0.05) Quintil4 0.38∗∗ 0.14 0.17 0.09 0.17∗∗ (0.12) (0.10) (0.11) (0.09) (0.05) Quintil5 0.51∗∗∗ 0.19 0.03 0.05 0.16∗∗ (0.13) (0.11) (0.12) (0.09) (0.05) Female (ref.Male) −0.15∗ −0.07 −0.02 −0.03 −0.05 (0.07) (0.06) (0.07) (0.05) (0.03) Age 0.01∗∗ 0.01∗∗ 0.01∗∗ 0.00∗ 0.01∗∗∗ (0.00) (0.00) (0.00) (0.00) (0.00) Religion (ref.No religion) −0.04 −0.24∗ −0.19∗ −0.20∗∗ −0.18∗∗∗ (0.14) (0.11) (0.09) (0.07) (0.04) Unemployed (ref.Employed) −0.08 0.01 −0.02 −0.03 −0.03 (0.08) (0.07) (0.07) (0.06) (0.03) Subjective position 0.00 −0.05∗ 0.00 0.01 −0.00 (0.02) (0.02) (0.02) (0.02) (0.01) ISSP 2009 (ref.ISSP1999) 0.02 (0.04) SJCP 2013 0.16∗∗ (0.05) COES 2014 0.32∗∗∗ (0.05) R2 0.11 0.06 0.02 0.05 0.08 Adj. R2 0.10 0.05 0.01 0.04 0.08 Num. obs. 758 1003 826 1271 3858 ∗∗∗p < 0.001, ∗∗p < 0.01, ∗p < 0.05

OLS interaction models. The diﬀerentiation of two periods of time on perceived inequality.

Considering diﬀerences between years, two periods of time are diﬀerentiated to generate interactions to capture transformations in social status variables. 124 Perceptions about inequality

One merges years 1999 and 2009 (=0), and a second period merges 2013 and 2014 (=1). Likewise, considering the inﬂuence of education level, two categories are diﬀerentiated: individuals declaring an education level of university either incomplete or complete (=1), from the rest of population (=0).

Table 3.2: OLS interaction models. The diﬀerentiation of two periods of time on perceived inequality.

Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4 Intercept 3.21∗∗∗ 3.21∗∗∗ 3.10∗∗∗ 3.12∗∗∗ (0.08) (0.08) (0.08) (0.08) University (ref.No university) 0.19∗∗∗ 0.35∗∗∗ 0.19∗∗∗ 0.30∗∗∗ (0.04) (0.06) (0.04) (0.07) Quintil 0.06∗∗∗ 0.06∗∗∗ 0.10∗∗∗ 0.09∗∗∗ (0.01) (0.01) (0.02) (0.02) Female (ref.Male) −0.05 −0.05 −0.05 −0.05 (0.03) (0.03) (0.03) (0.03) Age 0.00∗∗∗ 0.00∗∗∗ 0.00∗∗∗ 0.00∗∗ (0.00) (0.00) (0.00) (0.00) Religion (ref.No religion) −0.18∗∗∗ −0.18∗∗∗ −0.18∗∗∗ −0.18∗∗∗ (0.05) (0.05) (0.05) (0.05) Unemployed (ref.Employed) −0.05 −0.05 −0.05 −0.05 (0.03) (0.03) (0.03) (0.03) Subjective position 0.01 0.01 0.01 0.01 (0.01) (0.01) (0.01) (0.01) Year 0.30∗∗∗ 0.35∗∗∗ 0.55∗∗∗ 0.53∗∗∗ (0.03) (0.03) (0.07) (0.08) University*Year −0.26∗∗∗ −0.18∗ (0.08) (0.08) Quintil*Year −0.08∗∗∗ −0.06∗∗ (0.02) (0.02) R2 0.06 0.06 0.07 0.07 Adj. R2 0.06 0.06 0.06 0.06 Num. obs. 3858 3858 3858 3858 ∗∗∗p < 0.001, ∗∗p < 0.01, ∗p < 0.05

The results of interactions are shown in Table 3.2. Model 1 show that factors which make-up social status are positively and significantly corre- Perceptions about inequality 125 lated with perceptions of inequality, confirming precedent results. When interactions are introduced, in model 2 and 3 a negative correlation between university level and year, and between quintile (numeric variable) and year, can be observed, thus introducing new and valuable information to the study. Although the effect across 4 years indicates that individuals representing higher social status perceive more inequality than individuals of an inferior level, the negative correlations of interactions presented in the models indicate that perceptions of the gap between the respective salaries of the chairman of a national company and that of an unskilled worker grew more rapidly among individuals of lower social status over time. This is an effect that is maintained when both interactions are included, as well as the effect of the rest of the independent variables. Figures 3.5 and 3.6 represent the interactions between social status variables and perceived inequality to show changes captured over time. Figure 3.5 shows the interactions between two periods and the individuals grouped according to their level of study, while Figure 3.6 shows the interaction between both periods and the individuals differentiated according to their income quintile. Figure 3.5 shows how people with a university degree (1) perceive greater inequality than the rest of the population in both periods, following what international studies have tested, and has also been proven for the Chilean case. However, represented by the slope of the broken line that approaches the continuous blue line, it is observed that the perception of inequality of individuals with a lower educational level (0) grows more strongly over time. In Figure 3.6, the plot is composed of three lines because the quintile variable has been converted into a numeric variable. By comparing the lines between the two periods, it can be observed that a higher variation of per- 126 Perceptions about inequality ceptions is present in the first period (0). This happens because quintiles are much more differentiated in years 1999 and 2009, but then tend to converge with perceptions of higher quintiles across time, decreasing the variability of perceptions. As has been described in Figure 3.4, this process is produced principally by the growth of perceptions from lower quintiles across time.

Figure 3.5: Interaction between perceived inequality and education level.

Note: The plot is composed by two lines: “0” represents those people who do not have a university degree; “1” those who have a university degree (complete or incomplete). People with a university degree, complete or incomplete, perceive greater inequality than the rest of the population in both periods. However, perceptions of inequality by individuals with lower educational level grows more strongly over time.

These results show that changes in the educational structure and those associated with individuals’ income can be associated with perceived inequality, which allows us to conﬁrm hypothesis 2. The level of perceived wage inequality has increased over time due to social transformations experienced in the country. Perceptions about inequality 127

Figure 3.6: Interaction between perceived inequality and income quintile

Note: the graph is composed of three lines 1 standard deviation above and below the mean and the mean itself. Comparing lines between the two periods, it is observed that a higher variation of perceptions is present in the ﬁrst period (1999-2009).

3.1.4 Discussion

The results provided by the descriptive statistics and models allow us to observe that perceptions of wage inequality in Chile have increased over time, especially after 2009. The data provides information that is different from that described in another study interested in the evolution of perceptions of inequality in a similar period of time [Segovia and Gamboa, 2016], where it is concluded that, over time, individuals perceive Chile as a less unequal society. Likewise, results show a contrary effect to that presented by “objective” economic inequality which, although still high, has shown a tendency to decrease since 2000. The difference regarding the other index of perceived inequality can be explained by the way in which both indexes are measured and what that 128 Perceptions about inequality measure represents. As mentioned in a study that analyzes different ways of measuring perceptions of income inequality in the United States [Chambers et al., 2013] or the Chilean case [Castillo et al., 2012]: “the method matters”. Each question is associated with a particular dimension of inequality, which directly influences the type of results and the interpretation that is made of them. In the case of the study of Segovia and Gamboa, as mentioned in the above theoretical discussion, its study is based on the interpretation of figures that represent the structure of inequalities of Chilean society in general. On the contrary, the method used in this study focuses specifically on economic inequality, measured from the wage gap between occupational categories representing the top and bottom of the social structure. A question that interrogates individuals directly about inequalities which structure society in general, includes at the same time the evaluation of respondents’ own position in that structure, which can influence the type of response they give. In this context, considering changes experienced at the economic level, as well as the level of wellbeing of the population, for example, throughout a period in which there has been a constant reduction of poverty, the opinions of the interviewees about the state of the inequality can be influenced. This is because the reduction of poverty might mean a better general distribution of opportunities, but not necessarily a better economic distribution5. In this way, when economic inequality is measured indirectly, since individuals only respond to the salary received from two specific occupations, and not their own occupation, it can be assumed that their position in the general evaluation remains in the background. This allows us to consider both interpretations as non-exclusive possibilities. At a general level there may be

5This idea is further developed in the next chapter, when it is analyzed how inequality assessments are weighted according to individuals’ biographies. Perceptions about inequality 129 the perception that in Chile there is greater equality of opportunity, but in an economic sphere, especially when it comes to the salaries of the categories that represent the most privileged sectors, it is found that these inequalities remain strong in the opinion of individuals, and that even these differences have increased over time. At a general level there may be the perception that in Chile there is greater equality of opportunity, but in an economic sphere, especially when it comes to the salaries of the categories that represent the most privileged sectors, it is found that these inequalities remain strong in the opinion of individuals. And compared with data measured by the same indicator between years 1999 and 2009 [Castillo, 2012], where a stability of perceived inequality is observed, results show that after 2009 this constant is broken and that perceived inequality has significantly growth until 2014. Results of the analysis about economic inequality measured through the wage gap also show that the positive and significant correlation between the social status of individuals and how much inequality they perceive is consistent over time. Likewise, the information indicates that following educational level permits the detection of greater inequality over time than the socioeconomic group of the individuals. This implies that educational level is a more accurate predictor for perceived inequality in the Chilean case, in contrast to what has been observed for other countries, where the size of income position has been considered a better explicative variable [Bublitz, 2016]. The evidence obtained from Chile brings new information to the general discussion about which components of social status determine perceptions about inequality to the greatest extent. When variables representing individuals’ social status interact with the temporal factor, results shows that, over time, it is people with the lowest educational level and belonging to the lowest socioeconomic group whose 130 Perceptions about inequality perceptions of economic inequality within the country have increased in the greatest proportion. This is important to highlight because it introduces empirical evidence about the movement of perceptions over time and its causes, for which no information is found in existing scientific literature. Changes experienced at the socioeconomic level are not obvious to observe when comparing quintiles because each of the categories represents the same 20% each year. In this way, the changes are observed in the delimitation of the cuts of each quintile, which effectively leads it to be approximate. It is clearer to see the growth of perceived economic inequality by observing lower educational levels since, as it is observed in the methodological chapter, when comparing educational levels in the four databases used in this study, it can be seen that the percentage of individuals with lower levels have been progressively decreasing over time, while intermediate levels have increased. The data has a correlation with national rates analyzed in chapter two, which highlights that the enrollment on educational system has growth progressively, especially in upper secondary education. At this level, in an international context, rates of graduation are very high from 2005, reaching the OECD average (83%) in 2011 [OECD, 2013]. Therefore, data analyzed shows that changes experienced by Chilean society at an economic and educational level are at the center of the explanation of the transformations in perceptions of economic inequality. As the level of income improved and the educational level of the population changed, individuals were able to identify greater wage differences, either because of an access to more information to the knowledge of wages in the labor market, or other reasons triggered by the new social reality. Associated with the indicators used in this study, this is responsive to the fact that the salaries of chairmen across the nation came to be perceived as higher over time, since 3.2. SOCIAL INEQUALITY IN INDIVIDUALS’ NARRATIVES 131 salaries of unskilled workers remained stable.

3.2 Social inequality in individuals’ narratives

This section will analyze how individuals perceive social inequalities, and it will do so through opinions that are gathered in interviews. The questions that guided the discussions were oriented to understand what kind of images, metaphors and examples best describe and represent social inequality in Chilean society. From a theoretical approach, through these descriptive processes, argumentative repertoires are drawn that allow actors to construct symbolic barriers they identify with and differentiate between, thus integrating a sociocultural dimension to a debate that often tends to be anchored in the analysis of structural aspects [Cortina, 2017, Lamont and Molnr, 2002, Lamont et al., 2014, Swidler, 1986]. After an initial analysis of the quantitative material available, and a visualization of the influence of factors such as education and socioeconomic group, this section of the chapter explores which semantic fields the discourses of the interviewees belong to. What are the inequalities that appear most strongly in these discourses? What kind of injustices represent the named inequalities? Is it possible to appreciate the influence of factors which move individuals to fix their gaze on social inequalities more than other kinds of problems? From the analysis of the interviews, it is observed that individuals rely on multiple images to talk about social inequalities. Some of them are highly spread in the media, such as the super-rich or “the 1%”. Now, as these types of general images are developed, there are three dimensions of perceptions of 132 Perceptions about inequality inequality that strongly structure individuals’ discourses, beyond the heterogeneity of actors and their experiences, from which this section of the study is predominantly organized. The first dimension represents a field where interviewees analyze distributive social inequalities, which crystallize in processes of social segregation and the differentiated growth of wealth between the elite and the rest of Chilean society. That is, a process of differentiation between an exclusive group and the rest of the national population leads the interviewees to consider that the rich are in a process of decoupling from society; that they no longer belong to Chilean society. The second dimension represents a field that specifically addresses inequalities of treatment as another expression of social inequalities, which are processed as experiences of discrimination, abuse or disrespect, and that prevent individuals feeling like equals. In particular, two processes acquire special strength in this area: the experience of inequality of treatment that is experienced in the form of social disqualification, and the experience of these types of inequalities in terms of how they are registered in institutional spaces. Finally, the third dimension focuses on how interviewees conceive of factors that are associated with the interest in the subject of social inequalities. They regard social inequalities to have gained more space in public discussion, largely associating its rise to three factors: the role played by the media and access to more information, the consequences of a series of judicial cases to which the political and economic elite has been subjected in recent years, and the effect of the critical discourse deployed by social movements. Perceptions about inequality 133

3.2.1 The rich are out of reach

A first level in the discourse of social inequalities that appears recurrently in the speech of the interviewees are the socioeconomic differences that have been sharpened between those who possess a concentration of the country’s wealth and the rest of society. It is the metaphor of the 1% vs 99% that, as Edmundo mentions, shows that the problem in Chile is “that there are very few people who have a lot of money in this country, and many people who have nothing, or very little”. When interviewees describe their daily lives, or recall anecdotes and conversations with friends and family members, they observe that the contrast between the living conditions of the richest sectors and the standards that determine the lives of the rest of society is evident, and yet unknown. Evi- dent, because different forms of media bombard them with images that give detailed information about the lives of millionaires that makes them aware of the distance between them and those lives. But at the same time it is unknown because despite that information, the lives of these groups showed in the media makes them seem like ethereal beings, completely separated from the history of a common citizenship. In other words, their lives represent a different society, closer to the lives of celebrities and millionaires in other countries than to individuals who inhabit the same territory. That is why it is considered that the rich are out of reach, as several interviewees remark, because they are conceived as if they have detached themselves from Chilean society. The rich are part of a continuum of wealth that involves many more high- wealth families than simply those of the 1%. In general, they are described as a high-income group of citizens who inhabit certain neighborhoods, send their children to similar schools, share hobbies and go on vacation to specific 134 Perceptions about inequality regions. However, beyond the details that are used to describe the economic power or the privileges this group possesses, in the discourse of the interviewees two processes that have led this group to dissociate themselves from the national reality are recognized. First is a process of social segregation in which groups with greater resources have gradually become isolated from the rest of society, which has given them a new status, different from the one they formerly had. Second is a process of enrichment, on the part of the groups who have greater resources, that has allowed them to take advantage of the economic growth that has marked the recent history of Chilean society and thus deepen the sense of distance between both segments.

Segregation: new status of rich groups comparing with the past

A first element which appears to be central in the way individuals describe social inequality, and the idea of an elite that has escaped the standards of Chilean society, is the perception of a progressive distancing from the daily contact between the elite and the rest of the citizens. This sentiment can be understood as a process of social segregation, one of the many ways in which inequality is crystallized, rendering even the most abstract of social differences to be more concrete [Dubet, 2014]. In individuals’ discourses, segregation is observed mainly in the educational system, which conditions the processes of socialization within the country, the way in which opportunities are distributed, and, subsequently, the way in which cities are organized. In Santiago and other regions, the withdrawal of the upper classes is observed, which directly influences the dynamics of contact and interaction that occur in cities. In each of these dimensions, it is perceived that in recent decades the processes of segregation that the country has experienced have accelerated, and this trend has led the the Perceptions about inequality 135 higher classes to have disassociated more and more from the rest of society. Regarding the educational system, in the speeches of the interviewees who are part of a generation prior to the return of democracy (1990), either of those who in the past lived in Santiago or other regions, the segregation process is detectable in a comparison between the profile of an educational system where there was a greater degree of interaction between the groups at the top of the social scale and the rest of the citizens. And it seems that this sentiment is not merely anchored in nostalgia. In fact, when interviewees speak about changes to their quality of life and Chilean society in general, the idea that “the past is always better” does not appear. Interviewees are aware of how social transformations have influenced their wellbeing, and a vast majority are in no doubt that Chileans have a better life in the present day compared to before. The differences in education between different social groups are conceived as less marked in an earlier period, however, because, despite social inequalities that have structured Chilean society over time, the way in which the Chilean educational system was organized back then allowed for a greater flow of exchanges between social strata. Studies about transformations in the Chilean education system over time confirm this. Analyzing the evolution of the educational system during the twentieth century, Serrano [Serrano, 2018] mentions that the model, before the reforms integrated by the dictatorship, had the public school as a central reference point, which allowed the elite and middle class sectors to converge. The coverage of secondary education, which in 1932 reached 14% and 36% in 1960, was still deficient, however, the great revolution that generated the public education of those years would give access to a larger number of students to the chance to become part of a new elite; one that was wider and more 136 Perceptions about inequality diverse than ever before. This process triggered the development of a re- publican and meritocratic ethos that had not existed in the country. Before public education, Chile still lived under the implicit norms of the hacienda6, where elite families were hegemonic in all circles. Public education did not achieve total equality, but through a mixture of different social groups, for the first time the construction of a new Chilean society that transformed its democratic project and marked the economic development of the country was promoted. Public education was key, in addition, to activating the in- corporation of women into the public sector. In 1950 the number of women enrolled in educational establishments exceeded men. The image of this educational system appears, for example, in the speech of Roberto - a 55 year old investor in finance and ex-owner of a national bank - and Ricardo - a 59 year old professional who works in the state copper company CODELCO. Roberto recognizes himself as a member of a privileged class from the beginning. Roberto, on the contrary, was the first member of his family to finish secondary education. In both cases the image of the public school appears, and with it the image of a greater diversity of students, alluding to the presence of increased social integration. Their judgment certainly arises from the story of their own pasts, but above all, it comes from when they compare their experiences with the current educational system, in which their children have studied.

Back in my day, when I was a kid, we lived diﬀerently. I came from a family with a good economic situation, but we lived without the showiness you see today. I went to school with classmates who worked in La Vega7! I mean, it was just diﬀerent. I went to

6Hierarchical agrarian system that regulated rural life for three centuries. 7Traditional farmers market in downtown Santiago. A place where mostly middle and working class converge. Perceptions about inequality 137

a public school! Totally free! What happened man? Where did we lose our country? Nowadays, within the people I can relate to, no one has their kids in public schools. To be honest, I wouldn’t either. No way! I know how contradictory it is, but Chile has changed. (Roberto, Manager)

I will say that we were more similar back then. There have always been big diﬀerences. You get it, right? Back then, when I was in school, a public school, I had classmates who worked at the farmers market during the weekend because their parents worked there selling vegetables. That was their job. However, there were also kids with parents who were professionals, even doctors. Nowadays, that’s hard to imagine. Look, my two children have studied in private schools where most of parents had a university diploma. Today you can see how neighborhoods are segregated. Back then, it was more of a mixture and that was very normal. You had neighborhoods somehow poorer than others, but segregation was not as strong as today. You could see that in your school. (Ricardo, professional)

The period described by the interviewees was prior to the education reforms carried out during the dictatorship, where the decentralization of public- school education was established, and a new type of education financing was institutionalized (public, public-private and private). This process had as a consequence, as different studies have shown [Bellei, 2013][Santos and Elacqua, 2016], the gestation of a segregation process where families were differentiated according to their payment capabilities and, among them, high- level socio-economic groups, associated with private sector schools, were most distinctly separated from the rest. 138 Perceptions about inequality

One of the elements most highlighted in speeches like those of Roberto and Patricio was the relationship that existed between the highest social strata and the rest of Chilean society. Roberto studied in a public school like many of his family and friends, which did not nullify the existing inequalities in the country, but played a significant role in terms of affecting how social segregation was perceived. On the contrary, this experience of rapprochement between the extremes of society, or at least the middle classes, does not appear in the discourse of those who entered the educational system in a more recent period. On the contrary, descriptions they give are marked by images of high social fragmentation, where the groups to whom the most resources belong do not practically appear because nothing is known about them. Paula, who has just finished high school, mentions that the phrase “tell me where you studied and I will tell you who you are” is the key to understanding Chilean society. It is a phrase that was repeated many times in different interviews, by those belonging to older and younger generations. She used it because, in her view, the type of establishments people attend define the places they frequent, how they dress, what shops they will spend their money, and the places they visit on their vacations. And in this classification, whilst comparing the opinions of different interviewees, the sector of the richest schools always appears as disconnected from the rest, whether in other regions or in the capital. For Paula, who attended a private school, but who defined herself as “middle class”, knows practically nothing about the richest people in society. Even though she has virtually no contact with them, she knows something about people from public schools because she recognizes them on the street, in the market or in the mall. But the richest in the city have another, completely different circuit, as she says: Perceptions about inequality 139

In Curicóeveryone hangs out with their high school friends. You can see the ones with lower incomes in the shopping center or the farmers market, but it’s hard to know what the rich ones do. I believe they hang out in their houses. Some of them go to some coffee shops, but not the shopping center. Sometimes they go to the supermarket inside the shopping center, but no, they don’t come to downtown. They go to lake Vichuquénor Santiago. It’s really hard to see them or to know what they do. You know who they are, but I have never talked to them. We don’t move that much either but, for example, I met many different guys from public schools by the end of high school, while preparing the PSU8. Also, in downtown Curicóor the shopping center you can always run into someone from a public school. (Paula, college student).

And in terms of residential patterns, something similar happens. Wealth has always existed in the country, but in the past it is perceived that groups with greater resources were more integrated because they participated in common spaces where there was greater daily interaction. Or at least they lived closer to those common spaces. As Marcia mentions, this was based on the fact that communes and neighborhoods had a little more heterogeneity than what is observed today, which forced the wealthy to interact with other types of individuals in public life, such as in markets, public transport or schools, as has been described before. Likewise, interviewees speak about a greater dynamism within cities, as a result of commuting introduced by jobs in more central locations, as Andrea says: “every good lawyer had an oﬃce in the center of the city”. But with the passing of time, the most aﬄuent sectors

8National exam to apply to the university. 140 Perceptions about inequality were cloistered in speciﬁc neighborhoods far from the historic center, which contained all the necessary services to avoid having to leave. As Patricia comments:

When I was a child, in our neighborhood, you could find people like us, my parents were both professionals. Living right in front of our house was Ms. Margarita, who did our laundry twice a week. She had seven children. They didn’t go to my school. I went to a private school and they went to a public one, but we all played together. Ms. Margarita would bake some bread and invite us over, and we went and ate bread. My mom baked pies and they came and ate pie. There was more interaction, so we would exchange our customs. You had the possibility to interact with everyone. We were upper class and were friends with the children of the man who fixed our shoes, who lived half a block away from us. We were friends with the kids of a violinist and a Russian cel- list who had run away from Russia. Both played in the university symphonic orchestra. Everyone lived in the same neighborhood. [] Compared to what we see today, it was definitely a more diverse world. Nowadays everything is more enclosed, and I include myself, so differences are enhanced. (Patricia, manager).

In this type of memory, Patricia and the other interviewees highlight that levels of social integration were diﬀerent from the present. It started to change in the period of economic growth experienced by the country in the 1990s. As in the case of the education system, literature about urban policies has also pointed out that the phenomenon of segregation accelerated at this point, after reforms carried out during the dictatorship. From this period onwards, the market became the main regulator of how urban land Perceptions about inequality 141 was allocated, producing a deepening of inequalities and an increase in social segregation in most Chilean cities [Rasse, 2016]. In the case of Santiago, this resulted in a concentration of the richest groups in municipalities that make up the so-called “Barrio Alto”9, a territory which contributes most towards economic and social segregation in the capital, even when compared with certain highly homogeneous poverty-stricken social groups [Agostini et al., 2016]. From the perspective of the interviewees, the residential and educational concentration of the upper classes in certain municipalities generate practically self-suﬃcient poles, with their own labor market and services connected by modern highways that made the separation of this segment from the rest of society even more evident. This process describes a kind of autarchy which allowed them to produce the most basic needs as well as the most complex ones without the need for others, as Edmundo, a newspaper photographer, who also works as a carpenter and gardener, put it. In his interview, he details how the city has evolved over time, and through this process shifted ways of inhabiting the space, the tastes, and especially the needs of the richest groups in the city.

[How the city and practices of the richest groups changed]. Rich people left, they started buying houses uphill. They bought the whole hill, even built a school so they didn’t have to leave that place. And we are talking about huge houses, not regular ones. They are country houses, like the ones you see in the movies. I’ve worked in many of those houses, you go in through the kitchen and have to walk through a long corridor to get to the living

9For the geographical organization of Santiago, the municipalities of the “Barrio Alto” (high neighborhoods) are the closest to the Andes mountain, so they are related to the upper class and are located also in the upper part of the city. 142 Perceptions about inequality

room. Twenty foot square kitchens, the size of a house. And they don’t have just one swimming pool, they have two, even three. That didn’t happen before in Curic´o. Rich people lived in Avenida Espa˜na,you could get there by bike or walking for a few minutes. Not today. Today, there’s even an area where people get there by helicopter. We are talking about very, very rich people. (Edmundo, technician and associate professional).

Manuel’s opinion represents how the isolation of the wealthy families outside the city transformed the dynamics of interaction within the cities themselves, meaning that there now seem to be different cities within the same territory (see box 2). This is something that also confirms the latest report on human development in Chile [PNUD, 2017b], when it points out that social segregation between socioeconomic groups in Chilean society has been reduced to a minimum, generating differentiated cultural patterns that hinder empathy between people of different groups. Manuel does not know how to explain what happens in those houses and neighborhoods that he describes in the interview, but it is clear that it is not related to the old wealth of Avenida España,where the old rich families of Curicólived in a way that any inhabitant of that city knew. The new neighborhoods are inhabited by strangers, even if they were born and grew up in the same city. This is the narrative of the decoupling of the richest sectors; a representation of social inequality that Roberto’s interview, the only interviewee who surely belongs to the wealthiest groups in the country, articulates in contrast from the other side of the inequality relationship. He mentions that both he and his family and acquaintances are aware of this sentiment of separation. The space between him and the rest of society is radical, he comments, and he does not need any other proof to verify this than to be aware of the place Perceptions about inequality 143 where we conducted the interview, he says. Whilst overlooking a panoramic view of Santiago in front of a garden, and listening to the song of the birds, he insists several times that he is aware that what surrounds him is not Chile:

Look at this country, look at this city. Look at where we are, this is not Chile. These birds, this oﬃce I know it’s not Chile. I’m conscious of that. (Roberto, manager)

Box 2. How many cities there are inside Santiago? I’m sitting in the Juan Valdez coffee shop, at the intersection of Vitacura with Alfonzo de Cordoba, one of the richest neighborhoods of Santiago, in the eastside of the city. While I am drinking a coffee waiting for my next interviewee, a manager of a paper company, behind me a group of businessmen are discussing the future of Chilean football. According what I read this morning in the newspaper, the sale and complete privatization of the Chilean football channel is evaluated in US$55 billion, which will be distributed between 32 football teams. The Turner group, BeinSports, ESPN and FOX are participating in the offer. Behind me, one of the companies is fine-tuning their proposal and I cannot avoid listening them. In front of me, there is the Parroquia de la Inmaculada Concepcion, a Catholic church where every day some of the richest members of society come to mass. Now, its green grass is surrounded by families celebrating a baptism. I feel the color of this part of the city is different, and all people around me look happy. This place is completely different from where I was few hours ago, doing an interview in the other side of the city, the westside. I was interviewing a 67 year old woman who takes care of an elderly man with mental problems in the middle of Franklyn neighborhood, and just the travel in public transport from there to this coffee would be a thesis in itself. I crossed the city with all its citizens 144 Perceptions about inequality inside the bus. The context where I met her, and her life, completely opposes where I am sitting now. In the interview appeared several images, from her early childhood innocence to dramatic events of her life. Dramatic, but at the same time romantic, because of the way she narrated them. Episodes of hunger, violence, with her naked feet running behind a cow, and a big party with potato chips, wine and chicharrones. Then we spoke about the present, and she described a city where, once the sun goes down, everyone should be locked in their houses, as she is. She has visited only few neighborhoods of Santiago and described with very open eyes the time she visited Las Condes, another rich area of the city not far away from I am writing now. She was there late, and lots of people were outside, people walking on the street and children playing on the squares. She did not understand how it was possible. How many cities are inside Santiago? (December 29, 2015. 13h. Notes from the field diary)

Diﬀerences between the economic growth of the elite and Chilean society

Among interviewees there is a broad consensus on the changes experienced by Chilean society in recent decades, where the improvement of material conditions is also associated with a new status of individuals within society. In most of the interviews it is mentioned that the life situation of people is better than that of their parents. This is an interpretation of their trajectories that confirms a tendency already outlined by studies on social mobility in Chile [Torche and Wormald, 2004]. However, in the discourse of the interviewees it is noted that the progressive improvement of welfare is not a linear path, because it is composed of a Perceptions about inequality 145 series of ups and downs, opportunities and failures, that end with a positive weighting. And in this balance, when individuals compare their biographies with the groups of highest social status in the country, the value of transformations tends to be reevaluated, evidencing in another way that there is a history of transformations that belongs to a common Chile and another that corresponds to the elite. The latter is totally unconnected to the average Chilean reality. First, this is because in individuals’ perceptions an important part of groups with greater privilege seems to be that they have not tended to participate in processes of social mobility that have been deployed in recent decades. For them, groups in which economic resources are concentrated have always been part of a group of privileges and opportunities, even if they have not always had fortunes like those that are known today. Second, this is because the rate of economic growth of these groups is uneven to the rest of the population. It is perceived that the Chilean economy has grown, but not in by the same factor in all social groups. In this way, individuals clearly differ in their discourses between understanding concepts of economic growth, which does not go hand in hand with a process of greater social equality. The opinion of Daniela, who is a 30 year old, retail worker in Santiago, provides a good example of how the effect of social mobility processes are perceived in different ways. She comes from a poor rural family from the Chilean south. She is among the first generation to finish secondary school, and the first one who studied at university, although she could not finish her studies for financial reasons. When she describes her life, a dynamic biography appears marked by a passage spent across different regions of the country until her final period spent in Santiago at her sister’s house. In her story, episodes of precariousness, economic hardship, indebtedness 146 Perceptions about inequality and poorly paid jobs appear, until she found a position as a saleswoman in a gourmet store. Since then, with a stable income - higher than in all previous jobs - she managed to significantly improve her living conditions. She lowered her levels of indebtedness, she has more free time to dedicate herself to her hobbies, and she has even opened a savings account to apply for a state subsidy to reach definitive independence. She says that this was an unthinkable situation a few years ago, but today it leads her to think, with certainty, that she is in a better position than her parents. Daniela considers that her trajectory represents the life of Chileans in general: a path of progress driven by effort, and a life of self-improvement, although not without pressure during her life, is the current moment in which she defines herself. She describes that now she needs to be more active than ever to maintain the standard of living that she managed to achieve. She is aware that if she loses her job or mismanages her domestic finances, she may lose everything she has achieved. Her change of status in the social scale is not a permanent position, but a daily battle which synthesizes the idea of a positional inconsistency already used to describe Chilean society [Araujo and Martuccelli, 2011]; in other words, the idea that Chileans do not have a stable position in the social structure, because there are no institutional conditions or channels of support that allow them to secure what has been achieved. In a system where expectations are focused on private health care, education, transport and housing, everything depends on their jobs. And in a process that is perceived as transversal to the Chileans, Daniela integrates a distinction that returns to the idea that the richest groups are off the radar where these stories are present and converge, because they are not part of the social mobility story. As she mentions in the interview:

I believe that there’s more growth than before, more social mo- Perceptions about inequality 147

bility. If I compare it with the time of my parents, the son of a farmer doesn’t necessarily have to be a farmer now. The son of a construction worker doesn’t have to be a construction worker. I believe there’s more mobility, there’s more of us studying now. Nevertheless, there is always going to be inequality. These huge diﬀerences we see every day, because rich people don’t care. This history of mobility means nothing to them. If you compare my income with theirs, the people living in those big buildings up there (upper class neighborhoods), it’s nothing. (Daniela, services and sales worker)

When Daniela’s achievements are compared with the Chilean elite’s standards, the changes in her life take on another value. Marta’s life changed, but her path of social mobility seems neutralized when she weighs her life against the top of Chilean society. This reflects a kind of limited mobility, or a mobility that does not touch inequality rates, which is not far away from what has been shown in scientific literature. As has been argued [Torche, 2005], an image that has consistently characterized Chilean reality as a country “unequal, but fluid”. That is, a country presenting high mobility patterns and very low barriers across non-elite classes, but a significant barrier to down- ward mobility from the elite, which has been understood as a high “elite closure”. The interviewees are aware of those barriers that separate a large majority of Chileans from the elite, by a distance that at some point seems irreversible due to the differences that it generates between the two groups, and that gives cohesion to whichever group is compared with the richest segment of society. For example, as it has been analyzed [Espinoza, 2012], if the richest deciles within Chilean society are not considered, the country becomes a 148 Perceptions about inequality highly egalitarian one. When the GINI index is calculated without the 10% of biggest incomes, the index decreases from .51 to an amount of around .35. That is, Chile becomes one of the more equal countries in the world. In this case it would become a fairer country from the point of view of Daniela, as the process of social mobility would have another value, when it is not overshadowed by a privileged group that is affected by history in a different way. In the interviewees’ opinions, groups of greater privilege are benefited by conditions that go beyond personal effort and the ups and downs of economic policies of the country. This does not mean that the rich are seen as individuals without effort, because it is recognized that they work to maintain their investments and projects. But changes, for example, in policies of education, health or pension systems do not practically affect them as much as the normal citizen. They are seen as immune to social changes. They move in other standards, in unequal conditions and opportunities with respect to the rest of Chileans. For that reason, “the history of social mobility does not count for them”, as Daniela says. Likewise, in the distinction between these two social groups, the economic elite and the rest of the Chilean population, individuals also differ in rates of economic growth. The processes of social mobility of an average Chilean are perceived as oscillating, although ascending, which is different from the processes of growth and wealth accumulation experienced by the elite in these same decades, which are perceived as constant and vertiginous. A different rate of growth between the two groups can be seen in the words of Miguel and Luis, interviewees who belong to two disparate worlds, but represent a common reading that hints, although in a subtle way, that the growth rates between members of Chilean society are also perceived as unequal, Perceptions about inequality 149 representing two opposing worlds.

Let’s differentiate what it means to be rich. The rich, let’s call it that, are the people who own companies. After them, you have the executives, or something like that, and finally everyone else, the workers, etc. The executive is just another employee of the businessman, who has all the money. An employee that may have a better situation than the worker, but in the global, it’s still and employee. The executive can always get fired and will have debts like all of us. So, there’s people who, of course, have a better situation, who make good money, but it’s not the same to earn money than to have money. There’s a big difference. (Miguel, Elementary occupation)

I believe in Chile there has been an evolution towards a more meritocratic structure, but it’s still limited. Nowadays, the people controlling the country are the same that always have. I see this in the lawyers’ world. The idea that the main objective in a law ﬁrm is to be named partner is still deeply established. You will work a lot, that’s true, but you will have a steady job, you will be recognized within a certain category, and from there the money you start making skyrockets. If we are talking about money, big money is at the partner level. But as I was telling you, it’s still rooted in the system that partners aren’t necessarily the ones who work better, but the ones who can bring new clients, are good at networking and have nice contacts. Those are the sons of someone who’s well-known in the ﬁeld, with a nice last name. So, money stays within the same people. (Luis, professional) 150 Perceptions about inequality

Miguel, a public bus driver in Santiago, comments that to understand the behavior of economic differences within society it is necessary to make a distinction between those who earn money, including those who earn a lot of money, such as executives and managers, and those who have money and are the owners of the country’s capital. The first ones, although they may have many economic differences between them, belong to the same group of people who, among other peculiarities, are mostly vulnerable to fluctuations of the economy because they depend mainly on their salary. The latter, those who really have money, belong to another lineage: that of the surnames which control the country, as Luis says. The interviewees this group as independent from the processes of social mobility and the broader national reality. In one way or another, respondents tend to recognize these two types of social and economic categories within Chilean society. And, as Luis says, in addition to the social closure which operates strongly as a result of surname, it is perceived that once inside that group, the rate of return on work varies considerably - “from there the money you make skyrockets” says Luis. That is, what is gained responds to patterns other than the effort and merit usually cited to explain the processes of social mobility. This time, processes of growth are more linked to the capital of those who “have money”, different from those who “earn money”, as Miguel says. The group placed at the top of society is different; its trajectory goes beyond monthly salary because, as has been discussed by Piketty [2013], the return on capital ownership is greater than that of salaries in the labor market. As mentioned in the first chapter, there is not much information regarding the concentration of wealth in Chile, which is one of the main sources of inequality if we take up Piketty’s thesis. But some available data show that interviewees’ perceptions regarding the growth of the economy at different Perceptions about inequality 151 rates is not so far from the reality. For example, while GDP growth per capita since 2000 grew at an average rate of 2.9%, per capita wealth in Chile grew at a rate of 7.7% per year since that same year [CSRI, 2017]. Finally, the elements discussed here, such as the social closure of privileged groups and differences of economic growth in Chile, can be extrapolated to the national level when the results of the survey SJCP 2013 are analyzed. As shown in Figure 3.7, among various factors that explain the wealth in the country, the answer that has greatest representation is that which considers wealth as explained mainly by the greater opportunities that individuals who come from rich families have. 83% of Chileans believe that greater wealth is always, or almost always, associated with better opportunities that come from belonging to one of the richest families in society. The failures of the economic and educational system are seen strongly de- terministic of the Chilean wealth (around 60% of individuals interviewed consider this to be true for both categories), which implies that individuals are aware of the limitations of the system of opportunities within the country, insofar as there is a social group taking greater economic benefits from these failures. These categories include a general criticism that does not identify specific actors, principles or responsibilities, but places at the center of attention the rejection of the functioning of those systems and their limitations to generate an equality of conditions. Among the answers, it is also observed that respondents consider that aspects such as hard work (58%) and talent (46%) partially explain wealth. As we mentioned earlier, whilst analyzing the opinions of the interviewees, this is explained to a large extent because individuals consider these traits not to be completely opposed to the benefits the upper class has inherited. However, the effort and responsibility that individuals with greater resources can put 152 Perceptions about inequality

Figure 3.7: Prevalence of reasons explaining the cause of wealth in Chile

Source: SJCP survey, 2013. Note. Question: How often could the following reasons are the cause of wealth in Chile? in their work does not transform them directly into meritocratic subjects, because as can be seen in the interviews and the percentages that the survey gives, the rich “are not made only by themselves”. The main cause of the wealth and status of groups of greater privilege is a result of the comparative advantage that they possess, which are associated with coming from families of high economic concentration. This distances them from a story of strife and eﬀort to achieve social mobility that composes the biography of most Chileans who say “do not owe anything to anyone”10.

3.2.2 Equals but treated diﬀerently

A second aspect observed in the discourse on social inequality is inequality of treatment. This is a type of inequality that, according to Richard Sennett [Sennett, 2003] has been positioned as central to explaining human relations

10This last point will be explored in more detail in chapter four, when are analyzed the beliefs about inequality. Perceptions about inequality 153 of modern societies due to the growth of the experience of disrespect and the lack of dignity among individuals. Associated with a theory which takes into account recognition, this implies, for example, that poverty should be considered as a source of injustice, not only of deprivation but also disrespect, because there is an unequal treatment of individuals [Honneth, 1996, Fraser and Honneth, 2003]. The recognition dimension is part of the history of injustice in general, but read through the prism of inequality, in Chilean society it appears more strongly in the post-dictatorship period. As has been discussed [Araujo, 2015], once freedom was assured, military returned to their barracks, and the economic indicators showed new levels of economic growth and poverty. The fight for rights during recent decades started to be associated with a greater institutional recognition of citizen rights and sociability. This led to a claim for equal treatment among genders, races, generations or classes, which can be also read it as a demand for horizontality in the social bond [Araujo, 2013]. In a context of democratization and the expansion of rights, the claims for respect and equal treatment also gained importance because the codes that traditionally sustained social interactions in Chile seemed exhausted. The figure of the hacienda and the paterfamilias as a source of authority that moves from the agrarian world to the city, the labor or organizational sphere in public and private spheres, is a figure that has normatively begun to be assimilated with a previous Chile, but in practice has not disappeared completely. The literature on the subject describes this moment of Chilean history as a period in which a traditional Chile has not finished dying, and a modern Chile has not finished being born [Bengoa, 1996]. And when social life is compared with the agenda of neoliberal reforms that were carried out 154 Perceptions about inequality during the 1980s, there seems to be an uncoupling between cultural and economic dimensions, which has also been understood as a society where the construction of a homo-economicus is an unfinished project [Araujo and Martuccelli, 2012a]. From the perspective of individuals, this discussion, where the country is dissociated as economically developed and extremely liberal, but culturally conservative and traditionalist, is present in each of the interviews. Inter- viewees wonder how it is possible that in a highly globalized country with higher rates of education there are still openly racist, classist or homophobic legitimate behaviors in public and private spaces, without major restrictions or censored by society itself. This is conceived as a critical knot that confronts Chilean society on its path to development, equal to or even more important than inequalities that can be observed at an economic level. As Pablo mentions:

What really strikes me is the difference between a globalized Chile, with internet, that when you travel around you realize is not that different from what you see in Europe or USA, when comparing with the buildings, cars and shops that you can find in Santiago. It’s shocking to see the difference between that Chile and the way we treat each other. We call ourselves ro- tos11, cuicos12, flaites13, indians, blacks, fags there are millions of words. You can hear this every day, and normally, no one says anything. Even more, they are still a big part of everyday jokes. Is that growth? I know that in developed countries they still refer

11A popular social class person without formal education. 12A high-class person. 13A popular social class person, who has an extravagant behavior and appearance, who is generally linked to a criminal model (Jordana 2018). Perceptions about inequality 155

to people as blacks or Arabs, but not so openly. There is a moral sanction if you say that in the subway. (Pablo, professional)

In Chile, this type of criticism of inequalities of treatment has been approached from an empirical perspective from different angles at the ordinary level. For example, a study has shown that perceptions of inequalities are strongly associated with a widespread denunciation of the verticality of social interactions and a sentiment of abuse; a structure of social relations appearing in certain types of logic which organize social relations [Araujo, 2013]. Other studies have analyzed how the middle class defines an elite by the way it treats the rest of society [Mac-Clure and Barozet, 2016], or how the stereo- types that are used to define the upper and lower classes (cuicos and flaites) are reproduced based on discriminatory practices [Jordana, 2018]. Likewise, studies highlight where disrespect experiences are systematized, either as situations of abuse, mistreatment or discrimination [Zilveti, 2016]. All these forms appear in the discourses of our interviewees. However, in the treatment of interviews, the categories described above often tend to be superimposed and ordered based on other types of criteria that are developed in this section. The first takes treatment inequalities as an experience of social disqualification, from which individuals feel excluded from society. The second takes it as an experience of abuse and mistreatment anchored at an institutional level, which implies the demarcation of another type of discriminating agent.

Inequalities of treatment as social disqualiﬁcation

In the discourse of individuals there is a kind of paradox. Inequalities of treatment, which we can associate with a dimension of “subjectivities”, are perceived as more “real” than economic inequalities, even when individuals 156 Perceptions about inequality are aware of income or wealth differences that structure Chilean society. This happens to a great extent because individuals, taking as a reference the previous section of analysis where it is described that rich people are disconnected from Chilean society, sometimes become indifferent to economic inequalities, although they can become excessive for many interviewees because they are so wide. The life of groups who own the most wealth in society may seem unfair when it is compared with a vast majority of the country, but this level of awareness does not have the same intensity as the experiences of daily abuse or discrimination to which the interviewees refer. As reflected in the words of Gabriel:

When I think about social diﬀerences or inequalities the ﬁrst thing that comes to my mind are the Mapuche14 people, even before thinking about money. The way we have always seen Mapuches as a society. Why do we look down on them? We have always looked down on them. Always. Their culture, we call them ugly, we call them drunk. Here we are, in 2016, and we still look down on the Mapuches. And it’s exactly the same when we say that people from the south are huasos15, from the north are cholos16 and now we are talking trash about black people arriving to Chile. I believe we Chileans are like that, we see people that way. Look at what happens with women as well. They have always been discriminated. There are new laws that discourage this behaviour, but nothing is really changing. It is the other way round, society

14Indigenous group that inhabitates south-central Chile. 15Rural area inhabitants from central-south Chile. They lack a formal education and have a particular accent that diﬀers from the one found in Santiago. In addition, they have their own traditions and customs. 16Derogatory term used to refer to Peruvian people, and as a result of their closeness, inhabitants of the north of Chile as well. Perceptions about inequality 157

keeps punishing the poorer ones and the ones who look diﬀerent or dress diﬀerent. (Gabriel, technician and associate professional)

Despite the laws that have been created17, even though a democratic discourse of equal rights and opportunities is strengthened, from the perspective of individuals, if the practices of discrimination and mistreatment are not neutralized at the level of inter-individual and institutional relations, it is difficult for them to imagine a more fair and equal society. In different ways, the description of these processes appear as disabling experiences, as a process of social disqualification, to use the concept used by Serge Paugam [Paugam, 2012]. This is to the extent that the disrespect, as in its original version associated with unemployment, makes individuals feel discriminated against and like objects of abuse, which takes away their recognition as equals and weakens their relationship with society. Society punishes them, says Antonio, which can be translated, according to the interviewees, into a condition that makes them feel different, like minorities, or decoupled from society with an intensity that does not appear when economic inequalities are interpreted. Edmundo describes this feeling of forced detachment from society when he remembers a long period living in poverty. Symbolically, he describes this stage of poverty, “like when in the countryside farmers mark a pig. A

17The discussion of two laws reveals how the demand for equal treatment has been acquiring a new status in Chilean society. The first is the discussion of the article 365 of the Criminal Code of Chile, drafted in 1874, which classified sodomy as a crime and associated prison sentences of around three years of imprisonment for those who consummated the act. This law was always conceived as a law against homosexuality, and only in 1999 was it possible to reach an agreement to eliminate the character of crime of this type of sexual practices, equalizing the rights of people regardless of their sexual orientation. The second case is the enactment of the anti-discrimination law - Law 20.609 or the Zamudio Law - in 2012. Until then, there was no law in the country to regulate discrimination and disqualification due to issues related to religion, gender, class or race. The law was promulgated with urgency as a result of the protests that were generated from the case of torture suffered by Daniel Zamudio, a young homosexual who was tortured for six hours by a neo-Nazi group that finally ended with his life. 158 Perceptions about inequality wound that is never erased in life, that always accompanies you and reminds you what you have lived”. And when throughout the interview he develops what that wound consists of, he does not associate the central part of that experience with the lack of resources or the precariousness in which he lived before “having gone ahead”. It was not the hunger or violence, but the sense of abandonment and a deep sense of discrimination to which he was subjected by his environment. He describes this stage as a traumatic experience of exclusion and loneliness, which also appears on other levels, as it appears in the speeches of Mario and Sofia:

In Chile, people are disqualiﬁed a lot. And I’m telling you, here (the neighborhood where he lives) people fear the rich. Rejection, among everything. It is scary to think that our children will go to play with a rich kid and that he could reject them, push away as they have done with us. That their parents will say “no, don’t play with him”, or look at them with mistrust. It’s tough, but it’s the truth. As I was saying before, that’s the reason we don’t go to the same beaches. No one here will go to Renaca. What for? So we get rejected for being poor? (Mario, elementary occupation)

I’ve been in a relationship for about three years, and my boyfriend comes from a diﬀerent world. From neighborhoods that are down there18, from areas that I’ve never seen before. When we started dating, sometimes we would meet his friends, and it was painful when they stigmatized me as cuica19. They say that I’ve never been there before and make fun of me. They really saw my life

18As explained in relation to the “high neighborhoods”, Santiago is organized between the upper classes located at the top of the city, the east side and near the mountains, and the lower classes in the valley, west side of the city. 19Before deﬁned as Chilean word to deﬁne a person of high-class. Perceptions about inequality 159

as if I was from a different world and didn’t let me be a part of their world. And that was painful, and frustrating. It shocked me because I never wanted that, it’s not a label for me, for anyone. I talk about this during therapy with my psychologist, how much it hurt to be labeled as cuica. Their Friends, even his brother. Once his brother asked me why I went to their house, if I was cuica. He practically kicked me out of their home. It shocked me to see the way they saw my life, and being stigmatized as cuica, because I speak differently, I’m blonde and I dress differently. (Sofia, university student).

Mario and Sofia represent two different positions the experience of social disqualification. Mario lives in an occupied land in the highest area of a hill in Viñadel Mar, without access to electricity or potable water. On the contrary, Sofia lives in one of the most exclusive sectors of Santiago and is part of a family with a longstanding tradition in the history of the country. In both cases, practices of disrespect lead them to represent these experiences as a process of exclusion and detachment from society that makes them lose security and self-esteem, and retreat into themselves. On the one hand, Mario says that he and people in his neighborhood stopped going to the best beaches on the coast for fear of their children being discriminated, which synthesizes a long list of systematic discriminations that he describes in his visits to the supermarket, on public transport, or when he goes to more affluent neighborhoods in search of work. On the other hand, Sofia describes the criticism she received from her partner’s environment destabilized her, especially because she felt expelled from a world she wanted to know, but to which the doors were closed. In both cases, experiences relayed by individuals are situations showing 160 Perceptions about inequality them that they do not relate to the rest of society in equal terms. And although there are cases in which it is observed that these same differences are sometimes used as arguments that trigger processes of self-affirmation to protect individual autonomy (see Box 3), situations of disrespect are perceived as a clear manifestation of inequalities within the country that excludes those who are treated differently.

Box 3. Climbing the hill listening to salsa Today, I went to do an interview in the primary health center Las Palmas, in Forestal Alto, Viñadel Mar. I took a colectivo (a shared taxi) in downtown, with three more people. Listening to salsa, and sat very close one to each other in the back of the car, after a few minutes we started climbing the hill. At the beginning the route was slightly inclined, but after some meters the slope became acute. From the city-center to the top of the hill, one cross all the socio-economic stratigraphy of the city: from an accommodated middle class in the lower areas of the hill and close to the beach, surrounded by all kinds of commercial centers, bars and restaurants, to the lower classes living at the top, where it is only possible to find little commercial shops and bakeries. The hill is a labyrinth, composed of several narrow passages which are sometimes just one-way. If people pay some more, and users agree, the shared taxi becomes a private taxi for some minutes, and in general the driver leaves the main route to bring the client to their own houses. After that, the taxi recovers its normal route. Each time the car became higher, and behind me the view of the city-center went away and the sea appeared clearly on the horizon. It was beautiful. I was the only passenger in the taxi and I shared my thought with the driver. He completely agreed, and he said this is a characteristic of Viñadel Mar and especially of Valpara´ıso: Perceptions about inequality 161 the highest zones are the poorest areas, and the poorest areas have the most wonderful views of the city. He spoke proudly, such as several interviewees speaking about the same subject on these days. The views are a source of identity producing self-respect for those living in the upper side of the city. A source of dignity, a treasure which belongs to them and allows them to feel, although in one aspect not discriminated by their social position, but rather the opposite. (January 19, 2016. Notes from the field diary)

Inequalities of treatment at an institutional level

From individuals’ perspectives, the experiences of disrespect and unequal treatment also appear to be strongly associated with institutions. That is, as an effect of an organizational culture. This level represents certain institutions where disrespectful practices are not associated with specific individuals, but with the type of relationships that structure an organization as a whole. It appears, for example, when interviewees refer to the public health system and the relationships that are established within hospitals. It also appears when individuals refer to the social dynamics that take place inside banks, which include actors of different rank, from banking executives to guards, or what happens around the public transport service, where they include the drivers, but also the users. In these spaces, those who generate the affront can be different agents within the same system that are perceived systematically as discriminant or abusive, marking asymmetric, unjust relationships between agents of an organization and individuals interacting with it. When individuals approach these institutions or make use of their services, this is translated into an anticipation of a climate of tension, because they 162 Perceptions about inequality know that they are subjects that can become objects of disrespectful practices. Interviewees recognize that in certain contexts they are in a disadvantaged positions from the beginning, because they cannot do much more than follow the instructions given or the will of those responsible. When people are subject to disrespect in these spaces, the situation may be mediated by factors such as gender, ethnicity, social class or age, but the heterogeneity of the individuals who talk about it makes the prevailing criticism the verticality with which social relations are structured in these institutions. And it is not just about receiving instructions but the tone in which those instructions are delivered that puts them in a position of inferiority. That is why they describe these spaces as hierarchical and non-reflective organizations, because they do not have the mechanisms to integrate criticism or comments, “even though there is a customer service department or a book of claims in every single place in this country”, as Alberto mentions. This sentiment is echoed in the Carmen and Federico opinions:

I hope that one day there will be a good public hospital. Look, when you see things, you compare them. You go to a public hospital and the service is terrible, they don’t give you all the information you need. Starting with the secretary all the way up to the doctor. They make it hard to get an appointment and once you get it they will say, OK, you have to bring this and that. And you say, what for? Where can I get that paper? You have no idea. On the other hand, you go to a private doctor and damn, they will say “hi” with a kiss on your cheek, ask you to take a seat, they will be very loving, but not in a public hospital. Look, in a hospital you can get a similar service, they will get you better, but I can assure you that you will have a nurse treating Perceptions about inequality 163

you badly. Hospitals should be a place where you are treated as a human being, not so brutally. You cannot even ask a question, you can’t ask a doctor anything, it is that simple. You feel like a little girl. And it cannot be like that if we are all people, we need to be treated equally. (Carmen, services and sales worker).

The other day I was on the bus listening to music, we were in the outer lane and another bus drove in front of us. The driver went out furiously with a screwdriver and scratched the other bus. After that, they started fighting, just with their fists. All because one of them gave the other a bad look, or something like that. [What did the passengers do?] That’s the thing, nothing at all, what could we do? These guys choose the music, they drive as they please, they do what they want. And no one does a thing, everyone is in their own world. See, after the fight the driver came back, and drove covered in blood [So the passengers didn’t get out of the bus?] No, why would they? You need to get to work. Things like this happen regularly. Chile works like this. (Federico, professional)

The problem is not the secretaries, the nurses, the doctors or the bus drivers. It is how the public health system works when compared to the private one; individuals feel that they have few tools to anticipate and avoid practices of abuse, because they systematically see themselves as subjects of lower status. And in the case of the transportation system, the most obvious example is the power of the bus driver, who can stop in the middle of the route, get down to ﬁght and then continue on his journey. But criticisms of abuse, where individuals feel asymmetric whilst using public transport, also appear when describing the relationships between users themselves. When 164 Perceptions about inequality

Federico says about users of public transport that “everyone is on their own world”, this is part of another series of situations that describe everyday episodes of disrespect, like people who listen to music at high volume, or those who speak at a volume that is considered annoying. In general, when these disrespectful practices are described, individuals feel inferior, but not because of their class, gender or color, because most of the time those who comment on the grievances are perceived as equals, but rather because of the rules that organize the relationships in those spaces that favor the classification of first and second order status. In this way, in different interviews these spaces are described as spaces that go against the dignity of people, because they annul their autonomy and any democratic discourse is diluted when people are not treated as equals. In summary, when experiences of abuse or discrimination appear in the confrontation between individuals and some institutions, interviewees highlight the contradiction they perceive between levels of development and democratization that the country has achieved against the daily treatment of particular individuals. This is a situation that appears as the reverse of the thesis published by Anibal Pinto towards the middle of the 20th century, at a time before the neoliberal revolution, and which represents another social “moment”. In his book Chile. A case of frustrated development [Pinto, 1959], the author describes how at that time the country possessed the political and cultural conditions to achieve development, because citizen expectations were accompanied by a democratic deepening that had never been achieved in the territory. Pinto mentions that the political system of that time managed to give greater representation to historically excluded social groups, and thus achieve greater horizontality and symmetry between them and other groups. However, even though these groups achieved greater institutional recogni- Perceptions about inequality 165 tion, they were still excluded from the few benefits generated by a stagnant economy. In contemporary Chile it seems to be the opposite to what Pinto described. From the opinion of the interviewees, the economic system of the country is described as a free and open system, and, although imperfect, at the same time manages to direct benefits for the most excluded sectors. However, performance at the economic level does not seem to correlate with the level of sociability. In a global era, Chilean society is characterized by its rigidity, and anchored in traditional relationships that do not allow individuals to interact under equal conditions.

3.2.3 Factors moving perceptions of inequality

A third dimension that makes up the discourse regarding the perception of inequalities are the factors that, from individuals’ opinions, have strongly influenced the way that social inequalities have become present in public discussion. There are three recurrent factors in their opinions: (1) The role played by the internet and social media in the access and dissemination of information with regards to economic differences; (2) The effects of a series of civil and criminal trials in which the Chilean economic and political elite has been involved in recent years, evidencing the distance that exists between these groups and the rest of the Chilean population based on the economic amounts that are under discussion and the systematic abuses committed; (3) The effect of the social movements that have been linked since the return of democracy, marked at their climax with the student mobilizations on 2011, which denounce the socioeconomic and treatment inequalities present in Chilean society. These factors are presented as catalysts of perceptions; that is, as elements 166 Perceptions about inequality that have progressively accelerated the critical way in which individuals perceive inequalities, whether at a level of distributive or treatment justice. And although the information does not have a representative character, such as the one that comes from the statistical analysis carried out in the previous section, in a general way it allows us to discuss reasons behind changes in the perceptions of inequality, integrating new dimensions that are not present in opinion polls.

Role of social medias and information in modern societies

There is general agreement amongst interviewees that one of the major reasons which explains changes in perceptions about inequality has been the amount of information to which they have had access since the widespread availability of the internet across Chile and, closely associated, the growth of social media. As has been discussed, people tend to assess the relative importance of issues by the ease with which they are retrieved from memory, and this is largely determined by the extent of coverage in the media [Kahneman, 2011]. Thus, regardless of their political ideology, sex, age or social status, interviewees consider that available information directly inﬂuences what people perceive. Perceptions are unconsciously formed via phenomena such as television programs, or through exposure to the lives of celebrities they follow on social media, who remind them of the distance that separates normal citizens from someone living in luxury. This is a panorama of information that they did not have access to just a few years ago, as Carmen and Roberto mention:

[Changes in perceptions about inequality] It has a lot to do with access to internet and technology we have today. Now you can be informed of everything that’s going on. In the past, people Perceptions about inequality 167

listened to the radio, if you were lucky you had a TV, because not everyone was lucky enough to have one. I remember that we used to look through our neighbors’ windows to watch TV. I mean, we didn’t have access to anything. Now you do, you can ﬁnd out about everything, and that’s a good thing. It’s good to be informed and to ﬁnd out about what’s happening with the country and the world, it helps us to see things we didn’t know existed. (Carmen, services and sales worker).

I think that social media is behind all of this. Take a look at the Arab Spring. It gives the impression that there were injustices in the world, situations whose severity that in another time people were not conscious about, and today people are saying no more. Because they have information, they have power. Same thing happened in Chile. It is my personal opinion from what I read, but what happened here is part of a general phenomenon. Once the internet appeared, a lot of people said that a change will take place in society. The Economist, for example, knew about this since 2000. They were already saying in the year 2000 that the world, democracy, was going to change. In Chile, it took a little bit longer, but it happened. (Roberto, manager)

Both quotes, which represent interviewees in quite opposed social positions, show how among interviewees internet marks a line separating before and after in the recent history of the country, in terms of the level of information that individuals can access. And if we take into consideration the second interview extract, when Roberto mentions The Economist magazine, the date he uses as a reference is close to the moment when the Internet begins to expand in the country with great intensity. In 1999, 1.6 in every 100 168 Perceptions about inequality inhabitants had access to the internet [Bchi, 2002], while in 2015 this number was 72.4 in every 100 inhabitants [SUBTEL, 2016]. Over almost 20 years the country had lived through a revolution of communications. This period is associated with another phenomenon that interviewees highlight. In addition to recognizing a change in access to information, respondents also recognize a change in the sources from which this information comes. Before the internet, the interviewees are aware that the information they had come mostly from the traditional media, television, radio or the printed media, which in Chile have historically been characterized by their high levels of market concentration [Colegio de Periodistas de Chile, 2016]20. These levels of concentration not only complicated the emergence of independent media, which have quickly been absorbed by those of greater weight, but also narrowed the editorial line in each of these chains, strongly restrict- ing the plurality of ideas. In this context, the interviewees point out that with access to the internet and thus to social networks21, they were able to access other sources of information, whether national or international, that integrated a greater amount of data on the issue of inequalities. The interviewees mention that social differences that configure the country are a social problem whose existence has always been known, but not its specificities or

20As the report carried out by the Chilean Journalists Association (2016) indicates, the concentration of the media is observed at television stations, radios and newspapers. On television, four groups concentrate the majority of the audience (91%) and advertising (87%). Among these four groups, only one is public, which represents 20% of the audience and 25% of advertising investment. In none of the other types of media the State have a similar presence. Among radio stations, ﬁve private groups are the most representative, with one conglomerate controlling almost half of the market. Finally, in the printed media, two private groups control 82% of the readership and 84% of the advertising in the sector. 21To put internet use and social medias in perspective with the region, in Chile there are around 10 million Facebook users per month, among which 76% used the social media daily. This data put Chile as the ﬁrst country in the region in terms of daily connection, followed by Argentina with a 72%, and Brazil with 69,8% users visiting everyday this social media [iab.trends, 2015]. Perceptions about inequality 169 the details to which they have access today. As Javier and Daniel mention:

There was not as much information before. It was all the same, radio, newspapers or television, and during the dictatorship it was better not to speak. People weren’t informed, because it was hard to get out of that cycle. Instead, today you can ﬁnd out about everything because there’s more information. Now we know for the better about those who have and those who have not. Tell me, how much time can you spend on your phone reading about new stuﬀ? You can spend a whole day. (Javier, services and sales worker)

Everything changed with technology. There has always been inequality in Chile, but now that there’s more access to information so people ﬁnd out about other things as well, like corruption. There has always been people that had it all. Bubbles of people that were really powerful and wealthy. But now there’s more data, we know how they use that power. I want to believe that no one can hide something as important as those corruption networks that have been appearing lately, not even the richest groups. (Daniel, profesional)

From the perspective of the interviewees, the control of information that existed in the country until the end of the dictatorship was linked to a highly concentrated market of communications, which generated a limited information space. The emergence of the internet and social networks weakened this monopoly. This change allowed for a greater circulation of previously restricted information, at the same time that the oﬀer of programs and new trends made public the private life of groups in which the greatest privileges 170 Perceptions about inequality are concentrated. With the internet, subjects such as the tastes and the tourist destinations of the famous, whether from the local scene or international superstars, were integrated into the daily discussion. Platforms such as Facebook and Instagram increased the repertoire of information that was available to groups with greater economic power, which also generated an even greater contrast with the life of a normal citizen. And this “uncover- ing” of the information even allowed for the exposure of cases of corruption associated with the elite, as Daniel mentions, which in contexts of greater control of information would have been impossible to exploit. This factor was used by interviewees to explain why greater inequality is perceived today.

The prosecuted elite

With the liberalization of information associated with the turn to an information society [Castells, 2009], a characteristic that can be seen in diﬀerent parts of the world is an emergence of several political and economic scandals in public opinion, considered one of the principal factors undermining the trust citizens have in positions of institutional power. This is a situation quite close to that observed in the speeches of the interviewees and Chilean society in general, that has been depicted by the media, even beyond Chile, wondering in one case why Chileans dislike business leaders [The Economist, 2017]. Across the interviews, individuals mention that social media has helped to disclose several cases of illegality associated with the economic and political elite in the recent judicial history of the country. Starting with the MOP-GATE22 case, the most emblematic cases cited by individuals are the

22The MOP-GATE case is one of the first events to appear in the interviewees’ speech about the state of corruption in Chile. The event occurred in the government of Ricardo Lagos (2000-2006) and involved the Ministerio de Obras Publicas with a private environ- Perceptions about inequality 171 unilateral reprising of debts by La Polar and the Banco Estado23, the judgments where different ISAPRES have had to reimburse money for abusive charges24, the collusion of big companies to regulate the price of everyday products25, the processing of two big societies (PENTA and SQM groups) for illegal financing of political parties and fiscal evasion26, and the CAVAL case27, which involved President Bachelet’ son and daughter-in-law impli- mental management company (GATE S.A.). Between a series of Ministry’ agents and the private company were executed a large number of contracts where were made unjustified payments (bonuses) in the framework of projects on public works (highways mainly). 23The cases of La Polar and Banco Estado are emblematic because the two entities were outside the radar of institutions that could generate abuse against their clients. The first is a multi-store focused on the middle and lower segments, which for years was a model in the Santiago Stock Exchange for its business model. The second case is a bank owned by the State of Chile, also oriented to the lower strata that supposedly (but not in its statutes) distanced itself from the classic image through which banks operate (usury, profit, etc.). However, the two institutions were tried and fined for the abuse committed against their clients (2011 and 2012 respectively), as the two organizations renegotiate unilaterally debt payments, taking advantage to add excessive interests. 24A series of collective lawsuits against the ISAPRES have been presented to the The Office of the Superintendent of Health (Superintendencia de Salud) by the increase of the coverage plans value. For example, in the year 2014, from January to September, the National Consumer Service (SERNAC) received more than 2.300 claims for health-related matters, 42.4% of which were claims against the ISAPRES (SERNAC 2014). 25A series of collusion cases between companies to self-regulate the price market appears in the interviewees’ speech. The most cited cases are the Collusion of Chickens in 2011 (Colusion de los Pollos), which involves the three largest poultry companies in the country (Agrosuper, Ariztia and Don Pollo); the Collusion of the Diapers (Colusion de los Pañales), involving the two main firms in the country (Kimberly Clark and CMPC) between 2002 and 2009; And the collusion of the Pharmacies, which involves the three main pharmacy chains in Chile (Ahumada, Cruz Verde and Salcobrand) between 2007 and 2008. In all three cases, given the nature of the products consumed and the magnitude of the profits subtracted against the principle of freedom of the markets (billions of dollars), the processes had a strong media impact. 26PENTA and Sociedad Quimica y Minera de Chile (SQM) are two private companies that were processed in 2014 and 2015 respectively, for diverting funds to different politicians in Chile. The judgments, in both cases, include tax fraud and violations of political campaign laws. Both cases have had a public impact because different persons, either politicians or their advisers or even family members, created fake invoices which societies then paid to finance politicians from the whole politic threshold. 27The CAVAL case is a political scandal in early 2015 that refers to the alleged traffic of influence exercised by SebastiánDávalos, the son of ex-President Bachelet, and Natalia Compagnon, wife of Dávalos, through the company Exportadora y Gestion Caval to obtain a credit for more than US $10 million days before his mother won the presidential election. The credit was used to buy land in a rural area near Santiago, which months later would 172 Perceptions about inequality cated in a conflict of interests. This series of economic crimes and financing of the policy even led, associated with this second dimension, to the creation by presidential mandate of a special commission28 to fight corruption cases because it was estimated that there is an institutionalised culture of irregular, and sometimes illegal, funding of politics [CAC, 2015]. Describing all these judicial processes, individuals indicate that they have been exposed to a series of events showing not only situations of corruption that they did not know about, but also the flagrant differences between the power of the elite and that of the rest of society The amount of money in these cases adds up to millions of dollars in profits for the companies involved. For example, it is estimated that pharmacy chains, who control 90% of the supply market, by colluding to increase the price of 222 medicines enjoyed benefits in the range of US$ 10 and US$ 20.2 million per year [Vergara, 2008]. These illegal benefits, which were achieved by colluding entreprises, are questioned by the interviewees for the amount of money they represent, but above all because they highlight the treatment of the elite towards Chilean society. In each of the interviews, the feeling of abuse was clearly observed, which transformed not only the perceptions that individuals had of the elite, but the country as a whole. Not long ago, Chile was considered to fall outside of the practices of corruption traditionally associated to the Latin-American region29. Now, as is observed in interviews, participants express their in- dramatically increase its value for a change in the regulatory plan (becoming for urban use). 28Presidential advisory council against conflicts of interest, influence peddling and corruption. 29This idea of Chile as a non-corrupt country is based on the comparison of the country with the regional context. In general, the interviewees use data provided by the national press as reference, which in turn cite reports from international agencies where Chile appears with Uruguay as the least corrupt countries in the region [Transparency Inter- national, 2018]. These data have not changed much when comparing the reports over Perceptions about inequality 173 dignation with the current situation because despite the development that the national economy could have experienced all these years, the cases of collusion and corruption show that groups in which power is concentrated benefited illegally and at the expense of all Chileans. The discovery of abuse equates to the realization that the discourse defending the free market, held above all by businessmen, is simply a disingenuous image to take advantage of consumer citizens. In addition, it shows the ability of the elite to modify the rules of the game, which leads individuals to perceive greater differences between themselves and the elite than they previously thought, as well as higher levels of injustice. As Luis articulates:

I may sound a little bit stupid, but at least until three or four years ago you could understand that Chile, or at least we thought that Chile, was a country without corruption. I mean, the Fin- land of South America. Now, suddenly we realized that all our political and economic class, equally, the ones that have represented the interests of the country’s most dominant families and those representing traditionally the popular classes, they all have been stealing from us. They are all corrupt, they have all abused their power. So, the perception of inequality is bigger now, because I would say that it is not only that they are rich, but they also steal and abuse. There’s a wider spectrum now, because you used to think that only a few were stealing, but now it’s everyone. So, I feel like this inﬂuences the way we see the elite. All this shows how the rich have a power that was unknown to us. And that increases the feeling of injustice. (Luis, professional) time, contrary to perceptions regarding the country’s corruption when considering the judgments of the Chilean elite that have appeared in recent years. 174 Perceptions about inequality

The heterogeneity of the cases involves practically the entire political spectrum of Chilean society. From left-wing to right-wing, but also from Catholic- conservative groups to progressives, and from the more prosperous classes to representatives of more popular sectors. For interviewees, the problem seems to be associated with the power itself, which has been co-opted by the economic system. The high concentration of wealth has meant that as a result of business and politics mixing without any restriction, deep suspicions about the real sovereignty of citizen decisions, and their status in the face of justice, have arisen. Across the interviews, individuals express that the way in which these cases of illegal practice have been concluded have simply reinforced the idea of there being a great distance between the elite and the rest of society. In general, when they have arrived at a judicial step, these cases have been penalized with domiciliary arrests, the payment of fines representing just a percentage of the money stolen, or the impossibility to work in the public sector30. For example, the PENTA case, one of the most controversial cases in public discussion due to the participation of the group in the irregular financing of policy (from right and left wing) and tax evasion, was resolved with a fine of US$1.2 million for each of the entrepreneurs. This corresponds to a penalty of 50% of the value of the evaded taxes. Likewise, their jail sentences of four years were reduced by probationary sentences and the obligation to attend business ethics classes [Toro, 2018]. For the interviewees, these penalties seem not to be enough. They indicate that judicial cases finish with soft penalties because individuals involved have the economic resources and the social networks to intercede and put pressure on the judicial system. This is something that they would not be able to

30For detailed information, the sentences can be followed in the web site of the National Economic Prosecutor’s Office (http://www.fne.gob.cl/) Perceptions about inequality 175 afford. Thus, there is an imbalance produced in the resolution of conflict, because in front of the law individuals are equals in principle, but not in reality. As one interviewee exemplified in a personal case, not being able to afford the cost of a better lawyer had direct consequences on results of her son’s life, which made her distrust the impartiality of judicial power in the face of influence from society’s most powerful groups. To explain this, Veronica remembers the Larrain case, where the son of a well-known Chilean politician of the right-wing was set free despite killing someone whilst driving drunk. He did not spend one day in a normal prison. She argues her position is exactly the opposite. Her son and a friend of his ended up in jail after being involved in a street fight that finished with a death. Without more resources to hire a better lawyer, he spent two years in jail, and his friend spent eleven. As a result of this type of experience, Gloria notes great differences between the elite and other citizens. She explains:

[Speaking about the Larrain case] I found it totally unfair, because he had the money. He bought the witnesses, bought that lady so she would drop the charges, and his dad used all his in- ﬂuences. To me, that is the power of money. Instead, in my case, I’m not saying that what my son and his friend did was any good, but my son was shot, he was just defending himself. You get it? It was personal defense because it was my son and his friend or them. Anyway, we couldn’t aﬀord a good lawyer and my son spent two years in prison. His friend was sentenced to eleven years, eleven years! A kid that is only 20 years old and was just defending himself from a felon with a huge criminal record, who used to sell drugs. (Gloria, Elementary occupation) 176 Perceptions about inequality

Social movements

Since the return of democracy, the recent history of Chile has been marked by a series of social movements that have been more active in recent years. In- deed, in 2000 there were about 150 demonstrations scheduled in the country, while in 2011 there were more than 600 [MINEDUC, 2017a]. The messages of these movements have been multitudinous: student protests demanding a greater commitment of the state in public education, movements for the indigenous cause, women’s rights, workers’ rights, the environment, the cost of medicines, pensions, universal marriage, abortion, among other causes. And for many of these examples there have been movements championing the opposite cause: for example, demonstrations against public education, universal marriage or abortion. This social effervescence has led to characterize these years as a period of politicization in Chilean society [PNUD, 2015], in a sense that in this new stage everything is susceptible to be questioned and problematized, allowing citizens to imagine horizons of change that before were impossible for Chilean society. The first instance in this sequence of manifestations can be considered to be the first national strike convocated in 2003 [Doran, 2016], where all the experience gained from the 1980s (movements against dictatorship) was symbolically transferred to a new generation once the democracy was assured at the end of 1990s. And among all the demonstrations following this, in the literature that has studied social movements in the recent period, there is an agreement around two major milestones that marked this period. First, the student mobilizations of 2006 (led by secondary students) and then those of 2011 (led by university students), which articulated a unitary movement at a national level, achieving broad citizen support. In both cases, the critics managed to introduce into the public discussion a questioning of the Chilean Perceptions about inequality 177 neoliberal model [Bellei et al., 2014,Donoso, 2013,Ruiz, 2015]. As represented in the voice of the following interviewees, the criticisms posited by the student movements focused on the weakening of public education, the marked differences between public and private establishments, and the profiteering on the part of the economic groups that manage the education market. These elements were both echoed in other systems and administered in a similar way due to the strength that the private sector has in the distribution of services, such as health or pensions. This scenario influenced the discussion regarding the state of social inequalities in Chilean society, as Natalia and Ricardo mention.

I think that the students were an example to many adults. They showed how you could stand up and fight for your rights, for a worthy education, for having the possibility to talk about public education and the end of profits in education. And abuses, generally speaking. What’s happening with our health care system, how expensive public transportation has become. People didn’t speak openly about that. I think many of us were quiet after the dictatorship, as a result of fear, and also because we got used to this model of society. These young people opened our eyes. From all around Chile, they started protesting and paralyzed the country. I haven’t seen anything like that since the eighties. During the dictatorship you couldn’t talk about anything. People were scared, those were terrible years. Instead, if a cop treats you bad today, you can file a report. That used to be impossible. Peo- ple woke up, they realized that there are huge differences in our country, and started understanding their rights and how they can demand some things. (Natalia, Craft and related trades workers). 178 Perceptions about inequality

The students set a precedent for discussions, of being able to talk about diﬀerent things. I mean, I believe that before that no one talked about what was happening with public schools, what was happening with private schools subsidized by the government, where the people in charge of the schools were getting rich while the classrooms had water leaks. All of this while the fan- ciest schools were travelling to Europe as an curricular activity. But then again, we also didn’t talk about the diﬀerences in the payments of our retirement system, the misery that our elderly have to deal with in this country. To be honest, we didn’t talk about anything. The students made this possible, they brought all these topics for discussion. And I believe that set a precedent, they opened up the discussion. (Ricardo, manager).

It is highlighted, then, that social movements helped articulate a debate at a national level that went beyond the sectoral limits of education, and incorporated concepts that appeared in the public sphere in relation to inequalities such as, for example, social rights, or the classic dispute between focused or universal rights. For this reason, acknowledging the first transition as a historical reference point which deals with the political agreements that opened the way from dictatorship to democracy, student movements are associated with the beginning of a second transition of Chilean society [Stipicic and Barra, 2017], which supposes a transformation, or at least the adjustment of the relations between the state, the market and the citizenship, to procure the development of the country. From the perspective of the interviewees, in this new scenario there are intolerable inequalities that were not previously perceived, such as differences in the opportunities present, especially in the area of health, and others in which new disputes are opened, such as differ- Perceptions about inequality 179 ences around the pension system. These issues will be discussed in the last chapter. Likewise, the debate that was generated by the emergence of the demonstrations put the inequalities of treatment in the public debate. Natalia says that if a policeman commits abuses today, it can be denounced, and this applies not only to them, but any kind of citizen. This means that there are no more untouchable types of citizen. According to interviewees, this was something unthinkable a few decades ago. This implies not only that there is greater control held by institutions and people in formal terms, a requisite for a modern democracy, but that there is also a demand for a new type of treatment between individuals. This is observed in the criticisms around the naturalized practices of abuse against the minorities, gender discrimination or the need to renew the rigid structures of political representation which appear as anachronistic to the new moment to which Chilean society is transitioning. As Pablo mentions:

The students took the microphone and the political authorities took the ideas. That’s why we are now talking about inequality more than ever. But also, there’s one other thing that the students brought up for discussion, and that was a new way of organizing. You can see that in the last protests, they no longer work as political parties, with a vertical logic. The students are organized through assemblies where they are all equals. Spokes- people don’t have as much power as a political representative, because they are constantly replacing them as a way of staying close to the bases. Today you can also see more women and fewer men in front of the microphone. It’s very diﬀerent to the politics we used to have. (Pablo, Professional) 180 Perceptions about inequality

Through demands to improve the education system, and the questioning of the segmentation of society by the primacy that the logic of market has in the daily decisions of individuals, it appears from the perception of those interviewed that social movements installed the problem of inequalities as a bigger concern within Chilean society. Also, new forms of organization appeared in the protests which, in practice, questioned ways of interaction between individuals that were not challenged with the same impetus previously. In this way, it can be gleaned from the interviews that the wave of mobilizations has inﬂuenced Chilean society to face old and new practices that make them reﬂect on the moral limits of the market, and the way in which Chilean society has been constituted traditionally.

3.3 Summary

The objective of this chapter was to recognize how Chileans perceive inequality and what factors determine the variability of these perceptions. The idea was to investigate whether the opinions of individuals about the state of social inequalities in the country was consistent with a discourse on inequalities present at an institutional level, where it is is realized that, as time has passed, the inequality problem has been acquiring greater prominence. Likewise, we sought to generate a map of the social inequalities that individuals consider the most relevant, identifying the way in which they name critical points, as well as the factors that they associate with the movement of perceptions of inequality over time. To answer these questions, the chapter analyzed information from two sources. First, it looked at a comparison of representative surveys at a national level between 1999 and 2014, with the aim of establishing general Perceptions about inequality 181 trends over time in the interpretation of data. Second, it analysed forty interviews conducted with a diverse group of social actors, in order to broaden the repertoire of perceptions of inequalities. And on the map of perceived inequalities that is constructed from these sources, two levels are distinguished. On the one hand is a level that represents how individuals perceive and characterize different forms of social inequality, and on the other another is a level that represents causes associated with the variability of those perceptions over time. From the first level, where the forms of social inequality are characterized, the results that the quantitative material analysis provides show that Chileans perceive greater economic inequality over time, specifically after 2009. If these results are compared with the evidence observed in a study conducted by Segovia and Gamboa [2016], the only one that exists for the Chilean case in which perceptions of inequality are compared in more than two periods of time, these results may seem contradictory. This is because when the authors compare the perceptions of the images of inequality in Chile, they note that there is a gradual, but significant, transition of perceptions over time towards a more egalitarian or less unequal society in its general structure. However, the results of the Segovia and Gamboa study compared with the results of this chapter, although they are opposed, are not contradictory. Both sets of results enrich how the panorama of social inequalities perceived by Chileans is drawn. In a more general view of Chilean society, there is also space for criticism when analyzing economic inequalities. The perceptions that outline a decrease of social inequality in general because the advancements that Chile has reached in areas such education enrollment, or the expansion of health care coverage, are not mutually exclusive of individuals’ 182 Perceptions about inequality perceptions where economic inequality is considered higher in recent years. Perceptions that outline a decrease in inequality in areas representing civic rights or basic services also include critical components, such as those that focus on wage gaps. As the results of the quantitative analysis also indicate, the increase in perceived economic inequality is mainly due to a sustained increase in perceptions of the salaries of the chairmen of a national company, accompanied by stable wages for unskilled workers. Following one of the ways in which this type of index of inequality has been analyzed - comprised of wage gaps - wages represent not only a specific occupation, but also a social group that in this case represents very high- and low-paying occupations and, also, the top and the bottom of the social structure [Bublitz, 2016, Kenworthy and McCall, 2008]. Considering this, the perception of an accelerated increase in inequality after 2009 connects with one of the main lines in which the discourse of individuals was projected from a qualitative dimension, where it is perceived that groups with greater economic resources have escaped from Chilean society; that is, they are out of reach. In this last point there is a clear connection between the results of quantitative and qualitative analysis, as the increase in perceived wage gaps also translates into the perception that groups which hold the greatest portion of resources have been separated from the rest of Chilean society. First is in regards to where it is conceived that the processes of social segregation have sharpened over time, mainly at an educational and urban level, from which the groups in which the most privileges are concentrated have decoupled from the rest of Chilean society. Second, it is from the perception of a contrasting rate of economic development experienced between groups of greater power and the rest of society, which marks, in a different way, the experience of Perceptions about inequality 183 economic development that Chile has experienced during recent decades. And as a last component regarding the ways in which social inequality is represented, in the perceptions that are outlined from the information provided by the qualitative material, inequalities of treatment and conflicts over the recognition of people as equals appear, not only as subjects of law, but also in the different spaces of daily life. The effect of experiencing unjustified differences of treatment in daily life means that for individuals this dimension may have more centrality than economic inequalities. To the extent that systematic practices of discrimination or abuse are reproduced in individual interactions, or in certain institutional spaces, these experiences trigger processes of social disqualification, since people see their autonomy limited and feel expelled from social spaces due to the fear of suffering new episodes of disrespect. From a second level, which represents the causes associated with the variability of perceptions of inequality over time, causes associated with quantitative and qualitative material were developed. First, the statistical results confirm a trend over time that has been sketched from other empirical studies. The perception of economic inequality measured in terms of the wage gap is correlated positively and closely with the social status of individuals. This evidence, contrasted through time in Chilean society, is shown as a consistent trend, and emphasizes that the most disadvantaged categories are not those that perceive greater inequalities. These results contribute to support the differentiation of the representations of inequality between a descriptive and an evaluative component, because an intuitive interpretation of which the most disadvantaged individuals should perceive at the same time more inequality is not observed. On the contrary, the results show that the main factors that influence the amount 184 Perceptions about inequality of perceived economic inequality are educational level or the socioeconomic position of individuals. Both factors allow people to gather more information, for example, either by experience acquired in the labor market or their knowledge of the salary differences within it. In addition, the results show that structural transformations in education and income are at the center of perceptions of economic inequality. This means that when analyzing data over time, it is observed that the increase in perceived inequality is directly linked to an increase in the educational levels of Chilean society and better income distribution, although this last point has to be evaluated with caution because the survey uses salary ranges as reference. From the analysis of the qualitative material, the results allow for the inclusion of a contextual factor that cannot be incorporated by the statistical analysis due to the limitations of the information of the surveys. The contextual factor acquires importance in the view of the interviewees, because it introduces, from another perspective to the analysis, a situation that is already appreciated in the second chapter of this study, when it is observed that the topic of social inequality has been gaining space in the public discussion of political institutions. Interviewees agree that social inequalities, including distributive or treatment differences, are more present in public discourse, and to a large extent this is the result of three major factors. First, which appears crucial, is the progressively greater access to information through different types of media that have emerged with the explosion of the internet. There has been a digital revolution that began in 1999, associated with a small elite, but that in approximately twenty years managed to cover three quarters of the national population who are now connected on daily basis to various forms of social media. From the perspective of the Perceptions about inequality 185 interviewees, this allowed people to be more aware of social differences, since the large amount of information circulating in the networks makes previously unknown details of the lives of the super-rich, such as television stars or the great sportsmen, available to all. When these images are compared with the lives of normal individuals, the feeling of distance only grows. Also, through these various channels of information, individuals can be more aware of abusive practices by groups who hold most power in the country. This happens, for example, with the announcement of news that has typically accompanied judgments in which the Chilean political and economic elite has been involved in recent years. Following the narrative on interviewees’ speeches, the legal processes that have been opened for reasons of corruption, collusion, influence peddling, or agreements between large companies to evade free market rules put the Chilean elite at the center of public debate. And as a result, the mobilised sense in society that there has been excessive enrichment enacted by those groups who already own large sums of money, and the practices of abuse that are associated with the exploitation of the sectors with fewer resources, exacerbates the ever-present distance between the Chilean elite and the rest of society. Likewise, the perception of low penalties and reduced legal costs for crimes and illegal practices committed makes people feel like social inequality can also be extrapolated to the legal system, where networks of influence unbalance the principle of equality before the law. Finally, the effect of social mobilizations appears as the last of the catalysts that have meant social inequalities have gained notoriety in the national debate. In particular, as framed in the student mobilizations of 2011, the politicization of Chilean society in recent years is seen to have opened a black box of problems that have until then been stifled. The social movements 186 Perceptions about inequality did not resolve those issues, but they helped to uncover them, and thus extended the repertoire of public discussion. Society was thus imbued to speak of concepts that were traditionally anchored in spaces of academic exchange or political-institutional domain, such as newspaper columns or debates organized by the media featuring political representatives. With the influence of the protests, notions such as social rights, profit and state guarantees were installed in the private discussion of Chilean society. Social inequality was subsequently planted at the center of the debate regarding the construction of a more just society in Chile. Chapter 4

Beliefs about inequality

This chapter addresses beliefs about inequality, which are directly associated with the problem of the legitimacy of social diﬀerences composing a social order. This is a longstanding question that is engraved in the discussion, where it is argued that at the base of any modern society, there is an agreement in which human beings submit their individual will to a perpetual sovereign power [Hobbes, 2008]; a power which would be unable to reproduce solely via violence. Indeed, the validation of any social order needs norms and obedi- ence [Rousseau, 1966]. A similar claim is made in classical sociology [Weber, 1978], when it is argued that norms sustaining social relations cannot be understood only from the perspective of domination and submission. The construction of a social order must be understood in its complementarity with processes of acceptance and justiﬁcation inscribed in the legitimacy to which all social systems tend. A question of legitimacy is at the core of studies and research about social inequalities. Here, as has been highlighted [Duru-Bellat, 2011], an explanatory framework is constructed based on a system of interactions between micro and macro approaches that have traditionally been associated with

187 188 Beliefs about inequality social psychology and sociology. Among the most important factors influencing individuals’ judgments, studies tend to converge in the role played by an individual position in the social structure, the simultaneous affiliations people have to various social groups, and the influence of ideologies and social narratives over people’s beliefs. Within the framework of dimensions already analyzed, and with an important influence in this field of study, a series of studies grouped under the concept of justification system theory argues that regardless of the context in which individuals are situated, or their position on the social scale, people tend to believe that their environment is a fair and relatively orderly place where people usually get what they deserve [Lerner and Miller, 1978]. In other words, it is argued that the presence of an adaptive principle under- lying societies influences the evaluation of social inequalities and produces the reconciliation of beliefs and expectations of justice with the conditions that determine people’ life. From this perspective, then, social actors do not represent themselves as exploited individuals, subject to the will of external forces, nor as a privileged exploiter. On the contrary, people represent themselves rather as autonomous subjects responsible for their fate, and understand their own lives based on their personal efforts and capabilities. Some authors have used this theoretical interpretation as a functional narrative to describe any kind of existing social order, which are, at least in part, responsible for the internalization of inferiority among the most disadvantaged members of society [Jost et al., 2004]. This kind of thought might serve as a palliative against everyday injustice [Jost and Hunyady, 2002], and contrary to what might be expected from an optimization of political rationality or maximization of personal interest, this view of reality would explain why individuals most directly affected by the status quo are the same ones Beliefs about inequality 189 that justify the balance of the system in general terms. However, although this perspective can become totalizing, because it reduces the space in which individuals manifest their disagreement with the conditions of reality, and makes it difficult to introduce the possibility of social change into any sociological interpretation, in studies about beliefs about inequality, it has been also remarked that processes of legitimation are not linear across time. Societies and individuals are permanently updating the ideas that structure their social order, and sometimes the legitimacy associated to inequality conditions may break [Chauvel, 2003]. The objective and subjective dimensions of inequality - that is, the real conditions and the representations that individuals make of them - couple or dissociate depending on historical moments. This has consequences for beliefs that social actors have about inequality. Under certain circumstances, individuals can sometimes justify social differences, but under others they can strongly condemn them, which can put the legitimacy of a given social regime at stake. The way in which social inequalities are present in the public discourse of Chilean society, as has been analyzed in chapter two, and in the perceptions of individuals, as has been analyzed in chapter three, shows that during the symbolic period of social mobilization in 2011, representations of social inequality changed. In an institutional, political space, or one of public reason, it can be observed that the reference to social inequality has gained an important place in public discussion. Likewise, at a level of individuals’ representations of inequality, it can be observed that Chileans perceive that social inequalities have increased, or have been accentuated, over time. In light of this framework of discussion, this part of the study will ask what has happened to beliefs about inequality over time. How is inequality condemned and rationalized in Chilean society, and why? Can changes be 190 Beliefs about inequality observed over time? How is a fair or legitimate amount of inequality conceived across time in Chile? Which kind of factors and mechanisms influence people to tolerate more or less inequality? And what types of narratives, principles and reasons do individuals use to justify an (un)equal world? To analyze beliefs about inequality, this chapter uses different concepts that must be interpreted in a unified way. Ideal, tolerable, fair or justified inequalities are used to depict how individuals construct a threshold of legitimate inequality, a level of distribution of resources which people consider (un)fair. According this focus, for example, this chapter considers what the ideal wage gap would be, inequalities that are considered more tolerable or fair, and social differences that are not considered unfair because, from the viewpoint of individuals in society, they are justified. The first part of the chapter focuses on recognizing ideal economic inequality from the quantitative material already presented. Here, through the comparison of wages of different social status, the ideal distance between occupations that individuals consider fair is discussed by comparing them with individuals’ perceptions analyzed in the previous chapter. Likewise, the relationship of this ideal inequality index with social status and control variables is analyzed to explore the variables’ influence upon ideal inequality trends across time. In the second part, from the material gathered in interviews, individuals’ experiences are introduced into the analysis, exploring the relationship between their experience with beliefs about inequality in different moments of time, and the development of different narratives explaining current social inequalities in Chilean society. 4.1. IDEAL INEQUALITY. TOLERABLE INCOME DIFFERENCES 191 4.1 Ideal inequality. Tolerable income differences

4.1.1 Theoretical discussion and hypothesis

Studies concerned with beliefs about inequality have emphasized a longstanding agreement that low-status occupations - that is, ordinary jobs - receive lower wages than high-status occupations [Kelley and Evans, 1993, Osberg and Smeeding, 2006]. In other words, there is a consensus on the legitimacy of income differences, where a hierarchy of value can be established between occupations. Then, the problem lies not in the question of whether or not wage differences should exist, but rather how much differences between occupations should be [Piketty, 2003]. This explains why this gap is also thought of as an ideal or tolerable form of income inequality. To address this problem, the way in which the discussion about the tolerated wage difference is conceptualized in this study is coupled with the construction of the perceived inequality index described in the previous chapter. That is, by taking the findings of studies associated with empirical social justice research [Jasso, 1978,Jasso and Wegener, 1997], it is conceived that it is possible to represent ideal inequality from the comparison between the ideal wages between two occupational categories that each symbolize, respectively, the extremes of the social scale within a society1. On the one hand is the salary of an unskilled worker, and on the other hand is the salary of chairman of a national company, as has already been explained in the methodological chapter.

1While to measure perceptions about inequality questions used are “How much do you think an unskilled worker/chairman earns?”, with the ideal inequality index the questions used are “How much do you think an unskilled worker/chairman in a factory should earn?”. 192 Beliefs about inequality

From the analysis of this index, we seek to identify which level of economic inequality Chileans accept as tolerable. How is ideal inequality structured over time? What factors determine the stability or variability of this belief? The literature shows that several factors converge to explain the ideal inequality, among which social status and subjective aspects of social justice are the strongest predictors for explaining its trends. As it has been observed, the position that individuals occupy in the social structure is positively associated with the amount of inequality justified by those individuals. In other words, the higher the socioeconomic or educational level, the greater the level of legitimized inequality [Bublitz, 2016,Forsé et al., 2013, Gijsberts, 2002, Kelley and Evans, 1993, Verwiebe and Wegener, 2000]. This is a tendency that can be related to the investment hypothesis proposed to describe how educational levels are related to the justification of economic inequality [Baer and Lambert, 1982]. This perspective argues that individuals with higher levels of education tend to be more tolerant of socioeconomic differences because they tend to justify the benefits they obtain in the labor market from the effort invested during their years of study. It is a form of legitimizing inequalities that opposes other ways of understanding the effect of education on individuals, such as a process of enlightenment given by educational instruction, from which more educated agents would criticize normal distribution in society because they would be aware of circumstances in which the most disadvantaged live, and how unequal conditions determine their lives. In the Chilean case, the main trends described above have been verified through a study comparing two periods of time, between 1999 and 2009 [Castillo, 2012]. This study proves that social status is positively associated with the amount of inequality justified. We wonder, then, what Beliefs about inequality 193 happens to the legitimacy of economic inequality in Chile for later periods, especially when the most recent periods of contemporary Chilean history are included. As was discussed in the previous chapter, the transformations in the social structure of the country, especially a growth in the number of people with intermediate educational levels, and a decrease in those with the lowest grades, are associated with an increase of perceived inequality. Is it possible to observe this same tendency at the level of ideal inequality? Taking as reference the theoretical background and available empirical material, it can be stated as hypothesis that ideal inequality should replicate the changes presented in perceived inequality. That is, people in the highest socioeconomic groups, who have higher educational levels, justify a higher level of ideal inequality, but the principal changes are observed in the intermediate groups where the most important social transformations have been developed during recent decades. Closely related to this first dimension of the analysis, according to subjective aspects of social justice, literature shows that there is a strong and positive relationship between perceived inequality and the inequality considered fair, or in other words, what has also been understood as an ideal level of inequality [Alwin et al., 1995,Gijsberts, 2002,Osberg and Smeeding, 2006,Trump, 2013,Verwiebe and Wegener, 2000]. It is important to highlight this correlation because, as has also been remarked, it is in the distance of both concepts, perceived and ideal inequality, where the sentiment of justice emerges [Forséand Parodi, 2007, Forséand Parodi, 2011]. Sentiments of justice relating to inequality do not depend on isolated perceptions or beliefs about wage inequality. They depend upon the relationship that can be established between these perceptions and the levels of desired inequality. For the Chilean case, this tendency has been proven in the same study that 194 Beliefs about inequality is cited above [Castillo, 2012]. Comparing years 1999 and 2009, it has been shown that perceived and ideal inequality are highly correlated, and their relationship is quite stable across time. The levels of inequality observed and desired do not seem to change across the ten years, which leads to conclusion that there is a consensus among Chileans regarding the ideal level of economic inequality. From this background, it can be hypothesized that individuals think about ideal inequality in relation to the perceptions of inequality, so if perceived inequality changes across time, the ideal gap between salaries should also change. Drawing from this background, the following hypotheses are to be tested when data is compared between years 1999, 2009, 2013 and 2014:

• Hypothesis 1: The higher the social status, the greater the level of ideal inequality.

• Hypothesis 2: The level of ideal inequality has increased over time principally due to social transformations experienced by groups of middle and lower social status.

• Hypothesis 3: Ideal inequality is positively correlated with perceived inequality, so people perceiving more inequality tolerate more inequality.

4.1.2 Descriptive analysis

Ideal inequality index

Figure 4.1 depicts the values composing the ideal inequality index, and to characterize its trend across time, the index is compared with perceived inequality examined in the previous chapter. To interpret the ﬁgure, it should Beliefs about inequality 195 be considered that the larger the gap between the chairman and the unskilled worker, the greater the perceived or ideal wage gap. On the contrary, if the gap is smaller, the perceived or ideal economic inequality is also smaller.

Figure 4.1: Perceived and ideal inequality across time (median)

Note: Questions used to compose the perceived inequality index are: “How much do you think a chairman of national company/unskilled worker earns?”. Questions used to conform the ideal inequality index are: “How much do you think a chairman of national company/unskilled worker should earn?”

As is represented in Figure 4.1, the perception index shows a signiﬁcant break in its trend after 2009, which implies a sustained growth of perceived inequality amongst the Chilean population. However, when compared with ideal inequality, it is observed that changes in trends in this last index do not present the same level of growth. In 2013 there is growth in the desired gap between occupations representing high and low social status, that in 2014 tend to reverse. It can therefore be observed that while perceived inequality 196 Beliefs about inequality increases, ideal inequality remains quite stable across 15 years2. Table 4.1 shows the values of salaries composing the ideal inequality index, in order to see in more detail what varies within the indices. To have a value of reference in the interpretation of the data, the salaries analyzed in the previous chapter have been also added into the table. As has been discussed in the previous chapter, the variation in the perceived inequality index is mainly due to a change in the salary appreciation of the chairmen of a national company, which is accentuated over time. On the contrary, ideal salaries for both unskilled workers and chairmen do not present a big variation, and instead show stability over time.

Table 4.1: Perceived and ideal salaries according to occupation (median values) Unskilled worker Chairman of a national company Year Perceived Ideal Perceived Ideal 1999 149.800 333.000 4.995.000 3.330.000 2009 188.600 353.700 5.895.000 3.537.000 2013 210.000 400.000 10.000.000 5.000.000 2014 221.000 500.000 14.000.000 5.000.000

Note: Values in Chilean pesos; For comparing, the salaries for the years 1999, 2009 and 2013 have been adjusted according to the variation of the Consumer Price Index in 2014.

Likewise, the information integrated in Table 4.1 shows that comparing the values of the perceived and ideal wages by each occupation, the ideal inequality adapts according to the growth of perceptions. The same happens

2Measured by the median, the gap between occupation is 10 times in 1999 and 2009, 15 times in 2013 and 13 times in 2014. In other terms, people believe to reach an ideal inequality, gap salaries should decrease 70% in 1999, 68% in 2009, 63% in 2013, and 75% in 2014. Beliefs about inequality 197 if we compare occupations, except for the year 2014. The consistent relationship results in a signiﬁcant positive correlation of both indexes, as shown in the plots attached in the appendix. For each year, the correlation between perceived and ideal inequality is equal to or greater than 0.5 (p <0.05).

Social status and ideal inequality

Figures 4.2 and 4.3 show that ideal inequality maintains a positive and significant relationship with social status across time, similar to what was observed with the perceived inequality index. In the same way, the education variable allows us to diﬀerentiate higher levels of inequality than the socioeconomic group in general, which allows higher levels of tolerated inequality to be associated with the educational level than the socioeconomic group of the person.

Figure 4.2: Ideal inequality index by education level.

Note: Polyserial correlations are signiﬁcant all years (p<0.01).

However, the trends over time present irregular and diﬀerent characteristics to those observed in the case of perceived inequality. In the case of education, 198 Beliefs about inequality

Figure 4.3: Ideal inequality index by income quintile.

Note: Polyserial correlations are significant all years (p<0.01). the trend is especially irregular when the different categories are compared in 2013. This is both at in terms of educational level and socioeconomic group, unlike those observed for perceived inequality, where there is no a convergence trend between high and low social status categories. As can be seen in both graphs, over time the higher status categories consistently show a difference in the tolerated inequality to the lower status categories, which puts into question the hypothesis of the effect of the transformations in the social structure of ideal inequality. This relationship is explored in greater depth in the regression models developed in the next section.

4.1.3 The weight of factors on individuals’ beliefs about inequality

OLS models. Social status inﬂuence on ideal inequality

To analyze the regularity of the effects of social status on ideal inequality, in this section the independent variable is regressed by education and socioeconomic group, as well as control variables used in the preceding chapter. The Beliefs about inequality 199 objective is to recognize the influence of the dependent variables, all other things being equal. In Table 4.2, OLS models show that the effect of independent variables over ideal inequality is not as stable as when the perception of inequality was the outcome variable. However, among regularities across time, when the influence of social status is analyzed, it can be verified that education level presents an important influence over ideal inequality. Except for 1999, a higher education level is associated with a higher tolerated economic gap; a tendency which is confirmed for almost all categories when all databases are merged. Socio-economic position seems not to be an accurate factor to explain ideal inequality in each one of its categories, except for higher quintiles when we merge all databases and the number of cases rise. Therefore, hypothesis 1, which predicted a positive effect of social status on the amount of inequality considered fair across time, is only partially verified. The positive association between social status and ideal inequality appears clearly for education and higher quintiles when all databases are merged - that is, when we introduce the factor of time - whereas there is more irregularity when we disaggregate the information in terms of years. To analyze the temporal influence in interaction with social status, the results of the models that do not present significant relationships in the appendix are added, which falsifies the hypothesis 2. This means that, although a significant relationship between the education and income levels with ideal inequality is verified, there is no significant change in the intermediate categories within these variables over time, unlike what happens with perceived inequality. In other words, changes in the Chilean social structure do not have an impact on beliefs about economic inequality. 200 Beliefs about inequality

Table 4.2: OLS regression models of ideal economic inequality on social status and control variables. Unstandardized coeﬃcients. ISSP1999 ISSP2009 SJCP2013 COES2014 All Intercept 1.77∗∗∗ 1.90∗∗∗ 1.68∗∗∗ 1.49∗∗∗ 1.74∗∗∗ (0.22) (0.20) (0.24) (0.20) (0.10) Basic complete (ref.No education) 0.08 0.07 0.19 0.21 0.13 (0.14) (0.11) (0.18) (0.15) (0.07) Intermediate incomplete 0.02 0.22 0.23 0.25 0.18∗∗ (0.12) (0.12) (0.16) (0.14) (0.07) Intermediate complete 0.12 0.34∗∗∗ 0.37∗ 0.32∗ 0.28∗∗∗ (0.12) (0.10) (0.15) (0.12) (0.06) University incomplete 0.12 0.88∗∗∗ 0.43∗ 0.31 0.37∗∗∗ (0.14) (0.18) (0.19) (0.16) (0.08) University complete 0.13 0.75∗∗∗ 0.45∗ 0.55∗∗∗ 0.49∗∗∗ (0.18) (0.15) (0.18) (0.16) (0.08) Quintil2 (ref.Quintil1) 0.08 0.13 0.07 0.08 0.09 (0.13) (0.11) (0.12) (0.10) (0.06) Quintil3 0.17 0.07 0.12 0.10 0.10 (0.13) (0.11) (0.13) (0.10) (0.06) Quintil4 0.35∗∗ 0.20 0.22 0.17 0.21∗∗∗ (0.13) (0.11) (0.13) (0.10) (0.06) Quintil5 0.41∗∗ 0.27∗ 0.07 0.26∗ 0.23∗∗∗ (0.14) (0.13) (0.14) (0.11) (0.06) Female (ref.Male) −0.23∗∗ −0.31∗∗∗ −0.09 −0.17∗∗ −0.20∗∗∗ (0.08) (0.07) (0.08) (0.06) (0.04) Age 0.01∗ 0.01∗∗ 0.01∗∗∗ 0.01∗∗ 0.01∗∗∗ (0.00) (0.00) (0.00) (0.00) (0.00) Religion (ref.No religion) 0.21 0.05 0.01 −0.19∗ −0.05 (0.13) (0.12) (0.10) (0.08) (0.05) Unemployed (ref.Employed) −0.14 0.07 −0.01 0.09 0.02 (0.08) (0.07) (0.09) (0.07) (0.04) Subjective position 0.02 −0.03 0.05 0.09∗∗∗ 0.04∗∗ (0.02) (0.02) (0.03) (0.02) (0.01) ISSP 2009 −0.01 (0.05) SJCP 2013 0.25∗∗∗ (0.06) COES 2014 −0.08 (0.05) R2 0.07 0.09 0.04 0.06 0.07 Adj. R2 0.06 0.08 0.02 0.05 0.06 Num. obs. 744 1029 805 1355 3933 ∗∗∗p < 0.001, ∗∗p < 0.01, ∗p < 0.05 Beliefs about inequality 201

According to the effect of control variables, sex is an influential and stable factor across time, showing that females justify less inequality than males. The age variable has similar effects over beliefs as it does over perceptions: the greater the age, the greater inequality is justified. The effects of religion and employment are not related to beliefs about economic inequality. However, subjective positioning - where individuals self-identify in the social scale - is significant and positively correlated to beliefs about economic inequality when all cases are merged. In other words, people who self-identify with higher social positions tolerate higher degrees of inequality across time. When time variables are analyzed, taking year 1999 as a reference point, only 2013 shows up as significant. As we observed in Figure 4.1, this is explained because when compared with 1999, values for 2009 do not change, and 2014 shows just a small growth. Likewise, if Figures 4.2 and 4.3 are observed, only in 2013 the representation of ideal inequality presents a different trend when it is crossed with social status.

OLS models. Perceived inequality inﬂuences on ideal inequality

Table 4.3 shows the influence of perceived over ideal inequality. We know from descriptive analysis that both factors are positively correlated: the greater the amount of inequality perceived, the more inequality is legitimated. Now, models for each year confirm these results, and by controlling for social status and socio-demographic variables, they also verify the regularity of the relationships between both indexes. Similar effects are observed in 1999 (b=0.50), 2009 (b=0.63), 2013 (b=0.60) and 2014 (b=0.58), and when all years are merged (b=0.58). Likewise, results in Table 4.3 shows that R2 values increase considerably, from 6% to around 30% in general, which represents how perceived inequality 202 Beliefs about inequality

Table 4.3: OLS regression models of ideal economic inequality on perceived inequality. Unstandardized coefficients. ISSP1999 ISSP2009 SJCP2013 COES2014 All Intercept 0.47∗ −0.18 −0.27 −0.27 0.03 (0.21) (0.19) (0.23) (0.21) (0.10) Basic complete (ref.No education) 0.07 −0.03 0.13 −0.07 0.02 (0.12) (0.09) (0.15) (0.13) (0.06) Intermediate incomplete −0.14 0.11 0.15 −0.02 0.03 (0.11) (0.09) (0.14) (0.12) (0.06) Intermediate complete −0.07 0.10 0.22 0.01 0.06 (0.10) (0.08) (0.12) (0.11) (0.05) University incomplete −0.18 0.43∗∗ 0.29 −0.13 0.04 (0.13) (0.15) (0.16) (0.15) (0.07) University complete −0.03 0.31∗ 0.31∗ 0.06 0.17∗ (0.16) (0.12) (0.15) (0.14) (0.07) Quintil2 (ref.Quintil1) −0.09 0.12 −0.00 0.02 0.02 (0.11) (0.08) (0.10) (0.09) (0.05) Quintil3 0.02 0.05 0.01 −0.01 0.01 (0.12) (0.09) (0.11) (0.09) (0.05) Quintil4 0.08 0.18 0.10 0.10 0.10∗ (0.11) (0.09) (0.11) (0.09) (0.05) Quintil5 0.05 0.22∗ 0.01 0.16 0.10 (0.12) (0.10) (0.12) (0.09) (0.05) Female (ref.Male) −0.13∗ −0.26∗∗∗ −0.10 −0.18∗∗ −0.18∗∗∗ (0.07) (0.06) (0.07) (0.06) (0.03) Age 0.00 0.00 0.01∗∗ 0.00∗ 0.00∗∗∗ (0.00) (0.00) (0.00) (0.00) (0.00) Religion (ref.No religion) 0.25∗ 0.20∗ 0.11 −0.11 0.04 (0.12) (0.10) (0.08) (0.07) (0.04) Unemployed (ref.Employed) −0.16∗ 0.06 0.03 0.08 0.02 (0.07) (0.06) (0.07) (0.06) (0.03) Subjective position 0.01 −0.00 0.04 0.07∗∗∗ 0.03∗∗∗ (0.02) (0.02) (0.02) (0.02) (0.01) ISSP 2009 0.50∗∗∗ 0.63∗∗∗ 0.60∗∗∗ 0.58∗∗∗ 0.58∗∗∗ (0.03) (0.03) (0.03) (0.03) (0.02) SJCP 2013 −0.02 (0.04) COES 2014 0.16∗∗∗ (0.05) Perceived inequality −0.25∗∗∗ (0.04) R2 0.31 0.40 0.32 0.29 0.32 Adj. R2 0.29 0.39 0.31 0.28 0.32 Num. obs. 667 979 760 1229 3635 ∗∗∗p < 0.001, ∗∗p < 0.01, ∗p < 0.05 Beliefs about inequality 203 accounts for around 24% of the variability of ideal inequality. Based on this information, hypothesis 3 is confirmed across time. The results presented in Table 4.3 show that control variables are still significant like in the precedent models. Women justify less inequality than men and, on the contrary, age and subjective positioning in the social scale contribute to explain why people tolerate more inequality. However, the effect of variables composing of the social status factor over the outcome variable diminish in their influence to practically disappear. Only the higher categories still show a significant correlation, which implies that perceived inequality acts as a mediator in the effect of social status over beliefs about inequality. This interpretation comes from the mediation dynamic expressed in regression models, such as those that have been detailed in previous stud- ies3 [Baron and Kenny, 1986]. It is summarized in Figure 4.4 and details of the results are presented in Table 4.4. As can be seen, the indirect effect of social status on the outcome variable is significant and greater than the direct effect4. This implies, in formal terms, that there was significant information and influences that were being omitted by the model developed in Table 4.2, when perceived inequality had not been

3According to Baron and Kenny [1986], to consider an association between variables as a mediation, three conditions must be hold. Firstly, that the independent variable affects the mediator in a first equation. This relation has been already tested in the precedent chapter of perceptions about inequality, when social status showed a positive and significant correlation with perceptions of inequality. Secondly, the independent variable (social status) must be shown to affect the dependent variable in a second equation. A significant relationship that has been observed on models of table 2, when all years are considered. Then, the mediator (perceived inequality) must affect the dependent variable in the third equation, as we verify consistently through all models in table 3. Finally, when all these conditions all hold, the effect of the independent variable (social status) on the dependent variable (ideal inequality) must be less strong in the third equation than in the second, what is the case in the all models. However, it is not a perfect mediation, because university complete and the fourth quintile category are still significant, so independent variable still has some effect over independent variable when we control by perceptions. 4The mediation effect has been calculated through the statistical package Lavaan [Rosseel, 2012], which produce similar results to similar test such as the Sobel test. 204 Beliefs about inequality incorporated. And in interpretive terms, this implies that the effect of status on beliefs about inequality was overestimated, as had been analyzed for the period 1999-2009 [Castillo, 2012], and is verified over a longer period of time.

Figure 4.4: Mediation

Note: ﬁgure adapted from [Baron and Kenny, 1986]

Table 4.4: Direct and indirect eﬀects of social status (education and income quintile) on the ideal inequality. Social Status Ideal inequality Direct 0.069*** (5.564) Indirect (through perceived inequality) 0.086*** (11.173) Total 0.154*** (10.919)

Note: standardized β coeﬃcients; z values in parenthesis. ***p<0.001

This tendency across time implies that differences between groups are much closer when they are mediated by perceptions, excluding the higher educational level and socioeconomic group (quintile 4). The relationship between perceived and ideal inequality is relatively constant among individuals of different social status, which represents a consensus between different educational levels and socioeconomic groups in the justification of economic Beliefs about inequality 205 inequality. There is a differentiation between large numbers of individuals of low and intermediate social status with similar views, and those belonging to the group of high status who justify higher levels of economic inequality.

4.1.4 Discussion

The results presented in this part of the study show that beliefs about inequality, represented by the ideal wage gap, present variations over time. However, these changes are distributed within a stable margin, especially when they are compared with changes in perceived inequality. These results allow us to speak of a general consensus in the Chilean population regarding the limits that draw a threshold of fair wage differences, a question that had already been sketched when comparing the years 1999 and 2009 [Castillo, 2012], and is prolonged when it is compared it with later data. Considering all years, the distance between the salary earned by the chairman of a national company and an unskilled worker - the two respective extremes of the labor structure - should decrease between 63% and 75% to reach a fair gap. Or, taking an intermediate value between the years analyzed as a reference point, the distance between both salaries should not exceed 13 times; a stable average because they do not present extreme values in 14 years. Introducing these values in the context of social transformations that depict Chilean society in recent decades, this shows that beliefs in economic inequality are not affected with the same intensity by the changes experienced by society, as has happened at the level of perceptions. But the stability of this central tendency, when it is observed closely, presents more variability in its internal configuration that is also constant across time. According to the relationship between ideal inequality and social status, results confirm what was also observed in the previous chapter, 206 Beliefs about inequality about the influence of educational level and socioeconomic group on perceived inequality. However, a polarization in terms of their influences is introduced when the impact of perceived inequality is considered at the same time. To address the implications of relationships between these three factors, it is necessary to highlight, first, the effect of perceptions on the outcome variable and, later, its relationship with social status. First, the high explanatory power of perceptions about ideal inequality makes it clear that there is an anchoring effect that allows us to understand that judgments are situated and rooted in experience. This is a wide discussion that has been addressed by a theoretical perspective arguing that evaluations of reality are attached to a process of experience defining the capacity of reasoning [Markovsky, 1988, Tversky and Kahneman, 1974]. Ac- cording to this perspective, across the Chilean data it can be observed that people use a point of reference to construct judgments, reaching different estimates or values according to the bias of initial values. And by comparing the influence of perceptions with other factors, results produced by the models show that the anchoring influence is more important than any other factor in individuals’ analyses. Second, the effect of mediation that perception has over social status, which can be seen from a change in the effects of the variables that measure the educational level and the socioeconomic group of respondents, allows us to understand another type of cause which affects beliefs about inequality. With perceptions integrated into the model, a high level of consensus is observed within the Chilean population when evaluating ideal inequality. However, this homogeneity of beliefs is interrupted when compared with educational levels and socioeconomic groups of higher status, which show significant differences. Beliefs about inequality 207

This phenomenon of “polarization” between groups of high status versus intermediate and low groups, in terms of the processes of justification of inequalities, reinforces the investment study hypothesis [Baer and Lambert, 1982]. This means that Chileans who have a university degree think that time, energy, and budget invested in education should be rewarded, and this process of recognition is associated with a higher level of legitimizing income differences. This is an interpretation that complements the positive and significant relationship that age and subjective status have with ideal inequality. The fact that people of higher status, those who are older, and those who classify themselves in higher social positions legitimize higher levels of inequality allows us to observe the crystallization of a meritocratic ideal, or the defense of self-interest within Chilean society, in a systematic way through time. Individuals use their own biography as a reference to judge income inequalities within their country. Processes of social mobility or the results of a successful work life put individuals “objectively” or “subjectively” in an advantageous position compared to the rest, and this position is associated not only to what individuals have, but also their deservedness. On this basis, higher status groups consider higher levels of wage inequality as legitimate. 208 Beliefs about inequality 4.2 The weight of individuals’ experiences and the acceptability of inequalities

Statistical analyses developed in the previous section show major trends in which structural and subjective factors converge. However, as has been discussed [Schrder, 2016,Shepelak, 1989], once these kinds of relationships have been established, a second challenge for researchers is to complement these trends by addressing individual mechanisms that stand behind them and produce an interpretation of how the everyday meaning of individuals’ experiences may shape views about economic justice. By considering individuals’ opinions extracted from the qualitative material, it leads to the question: which kind of mechanism can be extracted from individual’s experience to explain what leads them to tolerate greater or lesser degrees of social inequality? The range of responses addressing this question is as broad as the amount of information collected in the interviews. However, there are two dimensions that the literature has highlighted as relevant for analyzing beliefs about inequality and that, at the same time, adapt to the objectives of this research whilst also analyzing the representations of inequality across time. The first has to do with the nature of how experiences influence beliefs about inequality. In the previous section this association was developed from quantitative data. Considering qualitative material, this mechanism has also been explored from the effect of the degree of proximity to the world from which judgments are made [Guibet Lafaye, 2012]. This approach introduces the idea that when individuals are too close to a specific situation that is evaluated, their proximity influences their conceptions of justice. An individual’s proximity or distance to the world around them influences the Beliefs about inequality 209 inequality they tolerate, beyond their position in the social structure. However, when analyzing the influence that individuals’ experiences have on beliefs about social inequalities at a temporal level, it is possible to recognize different ways in which experience can be expressed. For this, considering that judgments people produce to narrate their lives and explain their beliefs are not simply anchored in reasons formed at a fixed moment, they also rely on practices and actions whose deployment is thought about over time [Bertaux, 2016]. In other words, the discourses of individuals can identify experiences that acquire greater importance because of their proximity to the present, and also by the influence of a broader temporal space, as process of biographical reconstruction. Secondly, it appears in the study of subjective inequality that there is an importance of narratives or ideologies of justification to explain the social differences which exist in a society. As a series of studies have asked: how can individuals manage to live in an unequal environment without it translating into an experience of deep discomfort? [Dubet, 2014, Mau, 2004]. Following what is proposed by the theory of system justification, there would be a general tendency among people to think that they live in a just world and a relatively orderly place where people usually get what they deserve [Lerner and Miller, 1978]. Under this assumption, narratives such as those of merit acquire a great value, because they allow for the destiny of the people themselves to hinge off individual responsibility, beyond the structural pressures that can determine their own trajectories. However, if we consider the results presented in the previous chapters, where it has been observed that at the level of public discourse, the space occupied by social inequalities has increased, and at the individual level, people perceive more inequality over time, explanatory narratives should show 210 Beliefs about inequality adjustments that incorporate these movements in order to explain them. In order to maintain a fair world with norms that ensure everyone receives what they deserve, cases in which this does not happen (e.g. demands of the social movements in 2011) should be processed so as to not create inconsistencies in the way individuals understand the social order. Following the idea of cognitive dissonance [Festinger, 1962], in many cases it can be seen that individuals establish adaptations in their beliefs to regulate the inconsistency produced by the distance between what they perceive and how they think the world works. It can therefore be hypothesized that changes in perceived inequality would have an effect on the explanatory discourses of social inequalities that structure Chilean society. To answer these questions, the information analyzed and used as a reference are the answers that interviewees gave when asked about the perceived and desired wages of occupational categories, such as an unskilled worker and the chairman of a national company. These questions were introduced to deepen the responses given in the statistical analysis. However, opinions and experiences expressed throughout entire interviews are also included to understand why certain levels of inequality are considered fairer than others, or what happens when a certain level inequality becomes unacceptable. This section of the study is organized in two parts. Firstly, the analysis is focused on individuals’ experiences and their influence over the evaluation of social differences. Secondly, the principal narratives present in individuals’ speeches, which influence the explication and justification of social inequalities in Chilean society, are analyzed Beliefs about inequality 211

4.2.1 Type of experience operating in the evaluation of social inequality

When the interviewees talk about social inequality by portraying their experiences in different cases and situations, and how these processes influence their beliefs about inequality, two major types of experience are differentiated through their speeches. First is a type of experience situated in a field that is far from their daily lives, but one that still has a highly symbolic role in the determination of the present. Second, interviewees allude to a series of experiences that compose their daily lives, and from which a map of their interactions with their environment is constructed to evaluate social inequalities. In this particular section, each of these types is described.

The turning point of experiences and ideal (in)equality

By anchoring their answers in specific cases, interviewees find the tools and the necessary coherence to face questions that put them in a quite abstract scenario. None of them are unaware of social inequalities present in Chile, and once the debate about this topic starts everyone has something to say. In that sense, it can be said that questions are imposed 5, but interviewees’ answers are not forced. And something to emphasize, regarding the strategy through which interviewees anchor their evaluation on current experiences, is that interpretations strongly include a temporal factor. The judgments about justice that individuals give can be understood through symbolic episodes, which define individuals’ biographies, through which social actors connect

5This notion comes from Bourdieu, when he analyzes the double interpretation that must be done on information coming from surveys of public opinion [Bourdieu, 2012]. As he explains, one of the central properties of surveys is to put the interviewees in problems that they do not think by their own. That generates a procedure where the questions impose answers and then, using the answers of “all” respondents, researchers answer the problems that only some have thought. 212 Beliefs about inequality their past to the present. Independent of educational level or socioeconomic group, each one of interviewees resorts to longstanding events to explain their judgments against inequality, which reveals the development of practices and strategies of action over time [Bertaux, 2016]. And one element for which the temporal factor condenses is through the identification of turning-point experiences, which give meaning to individuals’ narratives in evaluating inequality. In other words, these are moments which hold significant value, and they shape assessments that people produce about inequality. More specifically, turning points consist of the relationship that an individual or social group have with a sequence of actions that are characterized by a strong unpredictability, and which produce irreversible effects on agents’ lives [Grossetti, 2010]. In the interviews, these turning points are associated with traumatic experiences or experiences that leave mark of a high symbolic value, such as experiences of discrimination, family crises, divorces or moments of illness lived by the interviewee or a close relatives. In these cases, these are described as moments of biographical rupture. They are episodes of bifurcation which mark a before and after in the narration of interviewees’ lives, and are associated with the way in which the interviewees evaluate inequality. They subsequently either assess inequality as positive and fair, or negative and unfair. The cases in which the level of inequalities within Chilean society are negatively evaluated are highly heterogeneous, covering individuals of different social status, generation, sex or territory. Here we find cases like that of Roberto, a 58-year-old interviewee belonging to the highest socioeconomic group, who has experience working with the financial sector, and who says that for most of his life he defended a liberal system of competition asso- Beliefs about inequality 213 ciated with a political system of low state intervention. He studied in a private university formed in the 1980s in Chile, where different professors of the University of Chicago passed; among them, many of those who formed the generation of the Chicago Boys6. In the readings he completed about classic authors of neoliberalism, he says he learnt that the best way to put Chile onto a path of economic growth was, among other factors, the privatization of the public sector, including controversial systems such as education and health care. For him, the merit principle only counted to carry the country to development. He defended the “Chilean model” without any exception, because he saw how it operated successfully throughout the mid-1980s and 1990s; through the economic growth that allowed the country to bring both poverty and extreme poverty to their lowest level ever. This interpretative perspective, the interviewee comments, kept him in a position where social inequalities were not seen badly, because the focus of attention, the first goal of any society, should always be eradicating poverty and achieving economic growth. However, that way of thinking changed drastically after the birth of his child with Down Syndrome. This was a moment that he describes as “a steamroller, because nature does not tell you what it is going to do, it does not ask for permission. It arrives and passes over you”. He considers this episode as a moment of rupture that for him deeply changed the way he interprets social inequalities. The emotional but also economic costs experienced by his family whilst investing in treatment for his son, and the work that meant trying to integrate him into society, led him to develop a much more critical approach about the opportunities and differences of access in the population. At this point, Roberto is clear, without his economic capital and social network, his son’s

6Group of Chilean economists who studied at the University of Chicago and promoted neoliberal reforms during the military dictatorship. See more details in chapter 2. 214 Beliefs about inequality actual conditions would have been quite different, and that made him change his opinion about merit and justice, especially with regards to health care and labor systems. Today, his son works and is relatively autonomous, but Roberto knows that his contacts played a big role in conditioning this scenario of possibilities. That awareness put him in a reflective position, from which he questioned ideas he previously held in his life. For example, it made him believe that certain social systems should not be subject to competition and or accessed based on economic income, rather, they should be considered as a public good. Therefore, when he analyzes the way he understands social inequalities, the birth of his child is a marker of time, after which he become much more critical about Chilean social differences. In fact, it was he who articulated the case of his son in contrast to the rest of his argumentative thread. Moments of illness are markers that appear in various interviews, as well as the experience of time passed in medical institutions, even when the experiences were decades ago. However, it is not only health which affects individuals’ opinions. There are also other types of episodes that become turning point experiences, such as cases of discrimination and unequal treatment that are described in the chapter 2, and briefly depicted in Box 4. Associated with all these cases, there is a tendency to criticize levels of inequality between socio-economic groups and to consider greater degrees of equality between them as fairer. Nevertheless, there are also turning point experiences that are associated with an opposite effect on the inequality evaluation. The same cases of hu- miliation or discrimination, or episodes of high symbolic weight that can be associated with trauma which generate changes in an individual’s biographical orientation, can trigger positive evaluations of social inequality. That is, Beliefs about inequality 215 there are cases where the social differences established between individuals by arbitrary or inherited causes, which are generally condemned, are considered fair. The clearest cases where episodes are translated into positive evaluations of inequality are those associated with life histories in which female interviewees, faced with episodes of violence and discrimination (sexual and political), defend the maintaining of distances between socio-economic groups. This is a situation that, in previous cases, were directly condemned.

Box 4. Silence grants I left early this morning to do an interview in San Joaquin, a popular neighborhood in Santiago. Then I had another one scheduled in Las Condes, a neighborhood where the wealthy classes live. During our last telephone conversation, the person I was going to interview first told me to be careful in the square near the bus stop where I had to get off, because it could be dangerous. When I received his advice, which is not the first time I have received advice like this since I started my fieldwork, I thought people were giving me such warnings because they think I have forgotten about Chilean codes since since living in Paris. Anyway, I decided to dress in a simple way and to be attentive when getting off the bus. I arrived to the bus stop, and I had to avoid gangs, but not because of suspicious people, but because of suspicious dogs that looked at me aggressively Seriously, I should confess I was scared, as I felt similar to when a taxi driver left me at the top of a isolated hill surrounded by garbage in Valparaiso and some young boys started to whistle at me. But nothing happened in either of the two cases. I finished my interview and went in the direction of Las Condes. My second interview was a young college girl. After one-hour of travel by 216 Beliefs about inequality public transport, I arrived at a building where a guard stopped me to ask for information. He wanted to know the reason of my visit and registered my identity card number in a notebook. He looked at me, literally, from top to bottom, and with rough gestures asked me if I came to work, and if I was carrying my tools in my bag. I answered yes, and yes. In a somewhat aggressive way he told me to sit down and wait a few seconds. For to surprise, he did not grab the interphone from the building, but his own cell phone and called the owner of the apartment directly, the interviewee’s father, who was not at home. He gave my name and said the plumber had come to make the repairs. Yes, he said, he is in front of me. I could not understand the answer on the other side of the phone, but the guard’s face completely transformed in a few seconds and hung up. Embarrassed, he asked me if I was coming from France to conduct an interview with the daughter of Mister X, and he apologized. He explained me that everything was a misunderstanding, that “he thought, no, did not think, well yes, but then realized, but, but... the situation is so bad in the country at this moment, one cannot trust anybody”, he said. I told him not to worry, everything was fine. He picked up the interphone and called my interviewee. “Miss X, a young man from France is going up” was the last thing I could hear. (January 20, 2016. Notes from the field diary)

Patricia, an interviewee of high social status, comments that after having suffered repeated episodes of sexual harassment in public spaces in the downtown area of Santiago, she completely rejects the idea of interacting with individuals belonging to lower socioeconomic groups, because she holds them the responsible for the acts committed. Her experiences were traumatic and made her become more private. From that moment onward, she Beliefs about inequality 217 avoided the use of public transport and reduced her contact with individuals of those groups to strict working relationships. “My life continues”, she says. She goes to public events and has a social life, but within a very restricted perimeter. Her relatives think she has isolated herself from the rest of the world and by doing that, she also has isolated her daughter. She confesses that their family say that her daughter “does not know anything of Santiago, she does not know what is happening after Plaza Italia7. So, what kind of education can that mean for my children?”. Through trying to maintain security, she admits that “I lost my interest in others”, by which, again, she means those from lower socioeconomic groups. And this sequence of facts described led her, in the end, to defend the segregation which structures the city of Santiago. Situations of greater horizontality, in which individuals of different classes may share, do not make her feel comfortable. The interviewee is sorry about her opinion, but she thinks that as long as there are no improvements in the security of public life, social differences as they are given, the distance between neighborhoods and classes, must continue to be held for the wellbeing of women like her, and new generations, including her daughter. A similar situation, in which inequality is legitimated, is expressed by Marisol, who remembers with special attention the day when her family’s farm - where her family worked and lived - was occupied by a group of workers in the years of agrarian reform, triggered by the government of Sal-

7Plaza Italia is a square located in Santiago that has become a key concept to understand the social segregation in the capital. It is located in the limit of Providencia (upper-middle class neighborhood) with Santiago (middle-low class neighborhood), and although it is used as a meeting point in each large-scale celebration, in daily living it geographically delimits the distribution of wealth in the city. From Plaza Italia towards the east, the neighborhoods of high social status are located, and from Plaza Italia towards the west, the popular neighborhoods. 218 Beliefs about inequality vador Allende8. At that time, she was a girl, and people who occupied the place were close to her family. They were farm workers to whom her family “had very strong sentimental bonds”, she mentions. It was not a simple relationship of labor. For that reason, on the day of the occupation, she remembers it as a betrayal. “It was a traumatic moment that ﬁnished with me and my family, and the employees who opposed the occupation, escaping at night to save our lives”. After this episode, she describes her life with moments of deep precariousness. Her family, although coming from a strong rural tradition, did not belong to the richest families in the region, so they lost everything. Even years later, when they recovered the property with the laws imposed by the so-called agrarian counter-reform, driven by the military government9, the ﬁeld was completely destroyed, so she had forced to work from her adolescence to contribute to the restoration of the economic stability of her family. After this experience, when she has to evaluate social inequalities within Chilean society, she inevitably turns to the past, and condemns the popular sectors that she considers largely responsible for what happened. She condemns the episode and uses it to justify the circumstances of the most disadvantaged groups even today, as a punishment or historical lesson, but above all, because after losing everything, she was able to get ahead. For that reason, she says, “if I could get ahead, everyone can do it. And nobody needs help”.

8The Chilean agrarian reform reaches a greater acceleration under the government of Unidad Popular led by Salvador Allende (1970-1973), but its gestation is linked to a ﬁrst reform enacted in 1962 under the government of Jorge Alessandri (1958-1964) and a second reform promulgated in 1967 in the government of Eduardo Frei (1964-1970). 9Of almost 10 million hectares expropriated until September 1973 (before the dictatorship), 4.5 million were revoked. This process, added to the lands transferred to public agencies and armed forces, meant that more than 60% of the expropriated lands did not reach the peasants [Chonchol, 2006]. Beliefs about inequality 219

From her biography, the distance generated between middle and upper socioeconomic groups and those who are lower on the social scale is highlighted as a kind of natural barrier against who have no interest in emerging from their position. She associates individuals placed at the bottom of the social structure with a nature of intrinsic laziness and violence. In this way, the social distances deriving from the state of inequalities that shape the country are justified as a measure of physical protection, but also as something which prevents bad influences coming from the lower sectors. This last idea has been characterized in the justification discourses of wealth from the higher classes in cities as different as New Delhi, Paris and Sao Paulo [Paugam et al., 2017].

Every day experiences and the mechanism of commensurability

A second type of experience which strongly dominates the discourse of individuals is associated with everyday experiences. These experiences are interpreted as phenomena in a present time and have another symbolic value compared to those described as turning points. As a result of individuals’ daily confrontation with these experiences, it can be seen how their proximity influences the beliefs that social actors have about inequality, and how a field of observation is formed from which (un)fair social differences are defined. In the confrontation of quotidian experiences, several elements are fused into a pragmatic experience. An example is the relational character of inequality, which needs of an “other” to define itself, or the articulation about the differences between perceptions and ideals, through which reasons and principles that people use to justify their evaluations are fixed. The following case, taken from an interview, is an illustration of how comparisons between everyday experiences operate in assessments about inequality. Faced with a 220 Beliefs about inequality similar question to that used in the opinion polls in this study to measure the perceived and desired wages of different occupational categories, respondents tend to use contrasting occupations to justify the ideal salary they should earn, such as, for example, a manager of a Chilean company.

Managers should earn less. Well, they have a bigger responsibility, they do. But they are always making lot of money, they earn too much. They are making so much money and they shouldn’t, because there are people that really need it, that’s why something should be done about that. (Aurelia, services and sales worker)

This example repeats in practically every interview, and shows how judgments are anchored in comparisons, which include other occupations or categories, to designate what is considered unfair, and what should change. If we take the example of income differences, the question that follows is: what happens to make the gap between occupations become unjust? At what point does a manager earn too much? Studies on attitudes towards income inequality have established that, when wages seem to correspond to reasonable remuneration in relation to the work performed, inequality is not claimed and can even be understood as legitimate [Piketty, 2003]. Therefore, when reasonableness gets lost - that is, when wages are overestimated or undervalued - they lose their legitimacy. And by comparing interviewees’ responses when they confront daily social inequalities, it appears that behind the reasonableness there is a mechanism of evaluation that is socially shared, which they use to interpret whether social differences are over or undervalued, and which are associated with positive or negative evaluations. Interviews show that the reasonability associated with accepted or fair differences is defined by a subjective mechanism consisting in individuals’ Beliefs about inequality 221 capacity to empathize and rationalize the differences evaluated through the commensurability of events, using their own life as a reference. We can take the commensurability concept as an adaptation of what Ronsavallon defines as a key to understand the idea of communalité (communality), which he uses to define an egalitarian society10. Discussing this concept, the author indicates that an egalitarian democratic society exists where “Everyone can live in a commensurable world with that of others”[Rosanvallon, 2014, p. 59]. Commensurability, therefore, acts as a moral criterion to ensure a state of conditions that allows no person to live below a critical and subjective limit because, if that limit is not achieved, there are a number of individuals who would be isolated from the rest of society, and become foreigners of common life in society. The commensurability mechanism operates for individuals when they evaluate social inequalities, and is associated with negatives evaluations - when people regard social differences to be unfair - when people cannot understand or even imagine how groups placed at the extremes of the social structure manage their lives. This evaluation makes those individuals at the extremes transform themselves into foreigners; vulnerable or super-powerful subjects. For interviewees, the limits of their ability to put themselves in the place of others, to imagine their lives under criteria that are not necessarily shared by their own positions, produce partial frontiers which, as has been defined [Tilly, 1999], are sometimes unnoticed, but from which both the exploited and those who hoard opportunities are concentrated. As we can observe in the two following quotations, both Mario and Maria lost their points of references trying to explain what poorest groups do with their money,

10An egalitarian society is also composed by the principles of singularité (singularity) and reciprocité (reciprocity). The first one, represents a society in its diversity, where particularities are recognized. The second one, represents a society where its members are implicated and participate in public affairs. 222 Beliefs about inequality which led them to consider that inequality and social differences are too high in these cases.

There are poor people, but some are even beyond that, and that is very unjust. For example, take a look at the canasta económica11. There are many things that are not included in the canasta, but are really necessary in a home. How can you say that with 200, 270 thousand Chilean pesos, the canasta value, people can live? What if you have children studying? What about transportation and everything else? Here’s one example. My kids need 2.000 Chilean pesos every day for school. They go to school outside of Viñadel Mar. I give them 2.000 Chilean pesos every day. That’s 20.000 Chilean pesos weekly. That’s 80.000 Chilean pesos a month. And all I get is 270? It’s not enough! You also need clothes, to feed them. If they get sick, you need to take them to the doctor. Too many expenses. [...] I have the possibility to work there as well, parking cars [he has a second job], but there are people who don’t have the chance to work another job, the chance to work a few extra hours. Not everyone can do that. So, what can they do? I can’t really imagine how they make do with their finances. (Mario, elementary occupation)

I work a lot and I don’t earn too much, but I still manage to

11The canasta económica(economic basket) that the interviewee refers to, or the Canasta Básicade Alimentos (CBA), as it is formally called, is the poverty measurement methodology that has traditionally been used in Chile. The CBA measures the ability of an average household (father, mother, and two children) to cover the costs of several foods products that give a minimum of calories and proteins, indicating whether a household is in poverty or extreme poverty, and which ones are not. In 2015, it was introduced a set of modifications to this methodology based mainly on income, including a complementary measure of multidimensional poverty [Ministerio de Desarrollo Social,] . Beliefs about inequality 223

survive. But I don’t know how people who work lots and lots and lots, and yet earn so little, do. As I was saying, the assistants of the school where I work earn the minimum wage, if they are lucky. And that is unfair. The auxiliaries of the school, from the time they arrive until they leave they don’t stop, and from there they go to clean other places to be able to make a more dignified salary. And that’s not fair, the social differences are too much. You know they have children, they have to pay debts and they do not have enough money, so, explain to me, how do they do it? I find it super unfair. I find that they work so much, they never stop, and earn miserable salaries. They should earn more because they are the ones who do all the heavy work that nobody wants to do. (Maria, clerical support workers)

And to assess the inequalities at the other end of the social scale, commensurability appears again as the reference framework to deﬁne what individuals consider unfair.

I have no idea how much your work is worth if you make 20 million [Chilean pesos]. I don’t know how important it can be to make 20 million. For example, I have a cousin that’s in a relationship with a guy whose father is one of CODELCO’s12 CEOs, from the human resources division. And yeah, what the hell! It’s impressive! They have like ten cars and they built a house that’s more like a mansion. So, I don’t understand how that’s necessary. You get it? What are they doing with that money? (Valentina, college student) 12CODELCO, Corporaci´onNacional del Cobre, is a Chilean state owned copper mining company. 224 Beliefs about inequality

What you see on television, in the newspapers, I don’t know, it seems that one is an asshole, as one doesn’t travel too much and see other things in his everyday space. I almost do not go to Santiago, but what those people do with all that money? In the morning, every television show is showing the holidays of such and such guy, their parties, their cosmetic surgeries, but where does that money come from? I cannot explain it myself. And, you know what? I cannot imagine a life like that, I would not know what to do with so much money (Jose, Elementary occupations)

It should be noted that commensurability cannot be translated as a rejection of any other life that is not similar to that of the interviewees. Many times, the interviewees compare their lives with people with whom they have no proximity, such as university professors, doctors, artists or the unemployed, but with whom they can compare themselves imaginatively. That shows a capacity to “decenter” [Forséet al., 2013], that is, to leave the social position of each individual, of their immediate reality, to evaluate what is fair by putting themselves in the place of a group of participants to constitute a reasonable belief that can be shared by a wide and diverse spectrum of social actors. Because social actors not only look for internal coherence to validate their beliefs, but also validity from their peers, to the extent that any individual should find reasonableness in their judgment. Commensurability refers to a mechanism that individuals use to make sense of their lives, using a kind of repertoire of socially shared reasons, as has been described in studies of identity construction [Swidler, 1986, Lamont et al., 2013], and which serves to establish the boundaries of extreme categories. Therefore, when individuals evaluate social differences, and their repertoire of reasons is not enough to understand them, they are not capable of decoding Beliefs about inequality 225 these differences from their own life. For example, when they ask “what they do with that money?” they tend to consider these social differences as unfair. The reasonableness is lost. In this way, everyday experiences allow us to define fair and unfair inequalities based on a referential framework that creates normality, defined more as an opposition to extreme cases - atypical or pathological groups in a population - than its own attributes, as has classically been conceived in the past [Durkheim, 2009]. This idea of normality implies a moral conception of what is right and just, where a large number of individuals feel involved because it represents highly frequent habits, which can evolve through time and produce a common subtract of belonging inside society.

4.2.2 Adaptations to inconsistencies. Daily narratives of legitimation

When experiences of inequalities appear in the interviewees’ speeches, sometimes lived in a dramatic way or as an external observer, in most cases these situations are not isolated cases that are disconnected from the rest of their opinions. In general, talking about social inequality is part of a broader story that allows them to account for the social reality that inhabits Chilean society. In this argumentative exercise, multiple focuses of injustice are criticized, but at the same time the presence of explanatory narratives allow us to generate an understanding of social inequalities within the country. Among them, two narratives, the belief in the meritocratic ideal and an identiﬁcation with middle-class values, are the most recurrent in the interviewees’ speeches. In this section, each one of these narratives is developed. 226 Beliefs about inequality

Meritocracy. Levels of interaction and recognition

A first explanatory discourse of social inequality that appears in the discourse of individuals is the meritocratic narrative. At the core of this ideal - the practice of rewarding effort and intelligence - a democratic discourse exists, where all kinds of ideologies converge. As Franois Dubet has asked, in thinking about the political diversity that makes use of this concept, who could be against recognizing the work of the most hard-working people? [Dubet, 2010]. The vitality of the concept allows for the prevalent use of it, but it is at the same time criticized for containing a lack of clarity. As Amartya Sen [Sen, 1999, p. 5] has mentioned, “the idea of meritocracy may have many virtues, but clarity is not one of them”. With this in mind, before addressing the way individuals appropriate this narrative, it is necessary to describe it briefly, especially the limits it presents, to see how individuals integrate these limitations into their us. The origin of the meritocratic ideal emerges from the French and American revolutions, and the break in history when a rejection of social stratifications based on religious, race or consanguineous ties took place. Affirming the equal rights of all human beings present in the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen13, at the same time, the ideal merit includes the possibility of differentiation among individuals introduced by the principle of freedom [Dubet, 2010,Duru-Bellat, 2009]. But the meritocracy concept was not constituted as such until the second half of the 20th century. First, in the publication of a satirical book The Rise of the Meritocracy 1870-2033 [Young, 1961], the concept was installed by imagining the future of a completely technocratic British society; and

13“Men are born and remain free and equal in rights” [National Assembly of France, 1789]. Beliefs about inequality 227 second, with the neoliberal turn in the 1980s, which made the principle of merit a central component of social configuration [Rosanvallon, 2014]. Before this period, the so-called Le sièclede la redistribution [Rosanvallon, 2011], which runs approximately from the end of the Second World War to the political and economic reforms established by Thatcher and Reagan in the 1980s, the concept did not have the magnitude that we find today in public debate. Since the period of neoliberal reforms, the meritocratic ideal was progressively associated with concepts such as social mobility, the reward for effort and the recognition of the best: ideas from which even political sectors traditionally opposed, based on the ideal of a fair democratic society. However, what might seem to be an ideology without counter-arguments is not exempt from criticisms. On the one hand, a logical aspect of the conception has been criticized by questioning the democratizing effect of rewarding merit. It is thought that an ideal meritocratic scenario would give rise to a new elite; the most intelligent, educated and hard-working people, which would slowly isolate itself from the rest and subdue the majority [Young, 1961]. This could produce a counterproductive democratizing process through which this new group is hyper-efficient but, also, hyper- concentrated, and would subsequently transform the merit principle into an intrinsically unfair criterion (Bell 1972). On the other hand, from a historical point of view, there is an impossibility of establishing a truly radical equality of real opportunities which might lead to the eradication of all kinds of inheritances and social privileges. For that reason, the possibility of achieving the goal of individual recognition only by virtue of their performances has been questioned [Rosanvallon, 2011,Walzer, 1983]. Empirically, and especially whilst associated with the capacity to build education-based societies, when analyzes are made over time and between 228 Beliefs about inequality countries, despite the educational transformations that can be acknowledged over recent decades, differences have not been associated with substantial changes in the organization of social classes [Goldthorpe, 2003]. Therefore, the evidence transforms the merit ideal into a myth. As has been highlighted, with the difficulty of establishing a real equality of opportunities, but making use of meritocratic logic, what we have is a false meritocratic society. While it is democratic in its intentions, it is colossally undemocratic in its results [McClay, 2016]. In the Chilean case, this theoretical framework is quite close to the way in which the merit concept has been analyzed in its deployment in society, and how people perceive it. As has been studied [Araujo and Martuccelli, 2012b], before the decade of 1980s, merit was never used as a pillar of Chilean social justice. Wealth was never perceived as a result of individual achievement, even when it could be associated with the reward of work. The weight of the heritage, privileges and social barriers occupied the repertoire of reasons used to explain the social order, making it highly improbable that merit would become a mechanism for recognizing an individual’s action. But in recent decades, as a result of the neoliberal reforms applied during the dictatorship and the return of democracy, economic growth and social mobility experienced by Chilean society, which produced a growth of the middle class and the emergence of a new elite [Mndez and Gayo, 2007,Torche, 2005], produced conditions allowing for the meritocratic ideal which have gained importance in the field of ideas. The image of social mobility and the emergence of a “new rich” class, even when many of them were benefiting from illegal practices [Mnckeberg, 2015], operated jointly with the military government to generate a scenario where effort and individual capabilities appeared to be highly rewarded by Beliefs about inequality 229 society. As a study on the judgments of the middle class regarding the Chilean elite shows, there is a preference for the most recent elite over the traditional one due to their economic management capacities and the fact that not everything they achieved can be explained by inherited economic and social capital [Mac-Clure et al., 2015]. However, the criticisms previously highlighted of the merit ideal at a global level also appear in the national scenario alongside a clear diagnosis. In Chile, individuals are located between an acceptance of merit as a principle, and a frustration whilst observing the differences established between the common citizen and the elite as well as the institutional obstacles that do not allow the ideal of equality of opportunities to be fully realised [Araujo and Martuccelli, 2012b][Engel and Navia, 2011][Frei, 2016][Torres, 2014][Zilveti, 2016]. In interviews, this tension between individuals perceive and believe repeats. Associated mainly with the image of the most powerful groups that uncouple from the system, evidencing the great distances between the groups within which economic resources are concentrated and the rest of society, and the processes of segregation experienced by Chilean society, the limitations of the meritocratic ideal seem evident for people. This is a perspective that can even be extended to Chilean society in general if the results that appear in the 2013 SJCP survey are considered. In Figure 4.5, through different questions, aspects of perceptions and beliefs about meritocracy are represented. In the upper part of the graph, in response to the first three questions, most responses agree with the staments. This represents that Chileans believe that income differences are fair when there is a base of equal opportunities (86%); that people have the right to maintain or preserve what they have earned, even if it means that some people are richer than others (81%); and that people who work hard deserve to 230 Beliefs about inequality earn more than those who do not (76%). On the contrary, when these abstract sentences are evaluated in the Chilean reality, the change in opinion is evident. The four questions corresponding to the bottom of the graph show that Chileans disagree or strongly disagree with the fact that in the country people have equal opportunities to get ahead (47%), are rewarded by their efforts (61%), get what they deserve (74%), or are rewarded by their intelligence and skills (66%). In other words, individuals believe in the merit ideal, but they do not perceive this principle of justice fully operating in Chilean society.

Figure 4.5: Statements about economic wealth and its distribution in Chile.

Note: Statements in order of appearance in graph: People who work hard deserve to earn more than those who do not; It is fair that people with higher incomes or wealth exist, but only if there are equal opportunities; People have the right to maintain or preserve what they have earned, even if it means that some people are richer than others; In Chile, people are rewarded by their intelligence and skills; In Chile, people are rewarded by their eﬀort; In Chile, people have equal opportunities to get ahead; In Chile, people get what they deserve.

However, beyond the internal contradictions that the meritocratic ideal supposes, and the new tensions that have been incorporated in this narrative after the critiques of the social movements and cases of corruption and col- Beliefs about inequality 231 lusion associated with big national companies, individuals do not abandon the use of this concept. They believe in the merit ideal and consider that in Chilean society, in spite of its defects, it is still possible to ﬁnd spaces where merit operates. To overcome the inconsistency that critiques produce in an ideal in which they believe, then, individuals adapt their discourse about meritocracy by diﬀerentiating between spaces where the recognition of merit is present and others where it is not. This exercise focuses on the evaluation of personal experiences, so two levels are established according of interaction where the recognition of merit takes place: the micro and macro level. The micro level is composed of intimate experiences and practices in the private sphere which unfold in a space of interaction limited to an observer’s life. Here, individuals feel that both the results of their actions, but above all the actions themselves, are the objects of valuation. This is generally recognized. For that reason, at the micro level the merit ideal becomes real; people can see it and prove it. As the following interviews quotations show, the micro level is composed of the recognition of an individual’s peers, principally their family and closer friends.

I’m not sure if people that work hard are successful in Chile, to be honest. But you feel good about yourself. You are breaking your back for your family, the people that you love. And that makes you a better person. I don’t know if it’s the fact that you are getting through or not. Maybe I will never have a lot of money, but I’m good with being able to provide my son with a good life and everything he needs. I think they value that. And you know? My family see that, all the eﬀort I put into every day. (Ignacio, services and sales worker).

The biggest prize I’ve ever won is my family recognizing what 232 Beliefs about inequality

I’ve achieved with all my hard work. Or my friend being happy about what I do. You get it ? That’s recognition, and that makes me feel complete. (Manuel, manager)

But these experiences are not limited to their family or friends. The micro level of an individual’s merit recognition also includes the workplace; the circle of colleagues who are part of their work environment. And that includes other standards to measure merit, Daniel and Carmen remark:

For me, merit is to earn a position, earn the responsibility, earn the trust of your boss and colleagues. I mean, here, you get hired ﬁrst for only three months. Depending on your results, you get a three months probation, then six months, and after those six months you can get an indeﬁnite duration contract. I believe you have to earn that contract. [And do you think that your company works based on this principle?] Yeah of course, we are asked as supervisors to give recommendations about how everyone is doing. And if they had a long face while working, or were not proactive, we just don’t hire them. Well, if you want a stable job you need to earn it. That’s meritocracy. (Daniel, professional).

Here eﬀort is recognized. Agricultural companies, the packing division, at the end of the day when the process is over they organize a party where they celebrate hard workers and promote them. There were girls working in the packing division who now are secretaries. They give them the chance to grow. I saw that with my brother. He worked as a guard, he did cleaning, and now he works in an oﬃce. He gets rewarded twice a year, he gets Beliefs about inequality 233

good money twice a year. People who work there recognize the workers’ eﬀort. And that’s good. (Carmen, Services and sales worker).

In this type of case, meritocracy is embodied by the process’ value, the intention and will put into action. It is a dimension of hard work and per- severance that is not associated exclusively with results and is highly valued by individuals. When they define merit in this way, they make a difference in the functioning of meritocracy according the level of recognition, highlighting the difference between a private (micro) an a general (macro) level. These mark the limits between a social expectation and what “really matters” to individuals. Different studies have evoked this dissociation between macro and micro levels in Chilean society as a progressive distinction that has been built between the sphere of public and private life [Araujo and Martuccelli, 2012b] [Pea, 2017][PNUD, 2017b]. This differentiation is part of the development process deployed with the return of democracy, and is associated with a process of individualization that in the Chilean case becomes more radical due to the low level of interaction that public institutions have with citizens. In this way, the processes of social mobility and changes in individual trajectories are principally due to individual merit, beyond any redistributive policy developed in recent decades. The construction of the individual - their capacity to be autonomous - is strongly associated with a discourse in which people are only responsible for their own destiny. This has crystallized a general process studied in which individuals on a personal level tend to overestimate the quality of their own performance on tasks they completed successfully, and underestimate the importance of their own performance on tasks they did poorly [Elster, 234 Beliefs about inequality

2016,Frank, 2016]. The recognition that interviewees make of merit on a micro level gives coherence to the process of decoupling within the macro level. It confirms that in everyday life, although Chile is an unjust country because social differences are evident, at least in a private space these differences do not have the same influence. In this regard, the “rules of the game” work, and merit still counts, allowing individuals’ to have control and security over their own lives. Following what Richard Sennett describes as process of self-respect [Sennett, 2003], which is different from the recognition of others, in individuals’ narratives of micro-merit it appears that biographic transformations are not just a question of getting ahead and reaching the top of social scale. They are also about the proper development of people as individuals, as well as, for the most part, their social position. For that reason, criticisms for which non- meritocratic practices are described are rarely narrated in private spaces, where the interviewees themselves were affected. These practices are always part of an outside world that despite being close is different from their own lives. Examples where individuals describe how they overcame poverty, or gained access to their own house, or their child got into university for first time in their family’ history, or how they succeeded business, or how they have been rewarded in their work, are constantly followed by phrases such as “nobody has given me anything” or “everything that I have achieved has been the product of my effort”. This is proof that the meritocratic ideal exists. And this makes inequalities more tolerated, because hard work is still a factor that can overcome structural inequalities ordering social life. Effort is rewarded in a way that allows the representation of a relatively fair world or, at least, a world where individuals can highlight the state in which their beliefs are Beliefs about inequality 235 true over states in which they are false.

The middle class’ mirage

In the interviewees’ responses, very close to the meritocratic ideal, a broad self-identification with the middle class can be detected. This is an imaginary center where a series of trajectories, moral values and life expectancies are blended, and it has an influence over justifications for social inequality. First of all, the middle class appears as a recurrent concept in the discourse of individuals because it is part of the narrative of social transformations experienced by the country during recent decades. It is a concept directly associated with the economic growth trends described in Chapter 2, so it is understood first of all as a representative group united by the economic path of the Chilean population, before it is a group with political consciousness14. In general, the importance that the middle class has acquired in Chilean society can be described as the growth of a significant segment of the population due to processes of social mobility, led mainly by the poorest and most vulnerable classes. Along with having higher economic income, the new middle strata show an educational level that is higher than the average level of the households from which they come; they are also characterized by their tendency to live in urban sectors, and by having a greater probability of accessing jobs in the formal economy. Both men and women are included in these transformations [Torche and Wormald, 2004, Torche, 2005, Ferreira

14In Chile, the middle class has generally been defined as a large group composed of strata that have an income between USD 4 and USD 50 per capita per day. This large group can be decomposed into a vulnerable sub-stratum that, not being poor, has incomes that imply economic insecurities or have a high risk of impoverishment. This segment is made up of individuals who earn between USD 4 and USD 10 per capita per day. Then, there is the “completely” middle strata, characterized by its greater economic assurances and, consequently, lower risks of impoverishment. This segment is composed by individuals who earn between USD 10 and USD 50 per capita per day [Hardy, 2014]. 236 Beliefs about inequality et al., 2013]. According to some studies, this emerging middle class represent 84.5% of the national population [Hardy, 2014]. Nevertheless, these numbers must be treated with caution, because within this large, heterogeneous segment of the population different economic sectors coexist. For example, practically half of this segment would be composed of a highly vulnerable population (48%), or in other words, people who are characterized by high economic insecurity and a lack of protection against risks, which is in turn associated with a high probability of returning or falling into poverty. This mesocratization of Chilean society [Espinoza and Barozet, 2008], characterized by the expansion of heterogeneous middle classes, is also associated with moral attributes and lifestyles shared by the population. The notion of the middle class represents a cultural narrative of the socio-economic transformations that have taken place in the country during recent decades. The middle class embodies the values of the meritocracy par excellence; the social group who managed to emerge as a result of their own abilities, a product of hard work and sacrifice, and people who, as some of the interviewees describe, “kill themselves working”. But it can also be associated with a halo of decency [Araujo and Martuc- celli, 2012b, Martnez and Palacios, 1996] because it is a social group that produces itself, that does not owe anything to anyone, does not commit abuses, and has inscribed in its identity some widely shared attributes which differentiate it from the lower and upper classes, such as honor (rejection of sexual promiscuity), honesty (rejection of criminal behavior) and temperance (rejection of alcoholic behavior or drug addiction). Moreover, it is a social group in which a shared style of life is crystallized and has become a reference which individuals and families within a society are expected to adhere Beliefs about inequality 237 to, or which they feel prompted by. As Townsend describes, a style of life understood as a set of customs and activities which individuals are expected to share or join in on [Townsend, 1979]. Both the economic and moral components that characterize the middle class described above are shared by the interviewees. And along with this, it can be observed that regardless of the origin, life trajectory or “real” social position, measured by the income declared in the interview, there is a tendency across the whole sample to identify with this social group. Studies using statistical data have observed that this phenomenon of self- identification with the middle class is a process of underestimation and over- estimation of the real position which is replicated in various countries [Forsé and Parodi, 2007]. Both sectors located below and above the social scale tend to locate themselves in the middle sectors. And at the national level, in 2004 this phenomenon was already identified within the Chilean population, when it was observed that around 60% and 80% of individuals consider themselves as middle class [Torche and Wormald, 2004]. This tendency was replicated some years later. Another study has found that it is a general tendency of the population to self-identify with the middle sectors, especially the higher strata, which gives empirical support to a highly shared idea in the Chilean population, in which the country is represented as one where “all belong to the middle class” [Castillo et al., 2013]. Using the quantitative information available in this study, when comparing the four databases, the descriptive statistics presented in Figure 4.6 show that this phenomenon of self-identification with the middle class is replicated over time. Measured from 1 (the bottom of society) to 10 (the top of society), the majority of the population classifies itself between the fourth and the sixth decile, meaning the median value is 4 between 1999 and 2013, and 5 in 2014. 238 Beliefs about inequality

Figure 4.6: Self-identiﬁcation in the social structure (1 bottom / 10 top)

Note: Question: Where would you put yourself on this scale (1 bottom / 10 top)?

Whilst analyzing the material available in the interviews, this tendency in the self-classiﬁcation process repeats, and the reasons that individuals use to justify this process are particularly interesting, as well as the consequences that this has when justifying social inequalities within Chilean society. In the middle-low strata, the example of Gloria is a good way of explaining this process:

Today, I can tell you I am from the middle class, and in general my environment is middle class. I’m telling you it is because nowadays people have access to more things. I see that in my neighborhood. There’s a different level now. People have things from their own effort, nothing else. As I say, everything depends on your effort. People kill themselves working. People, well, they must work way more than before maybe, but you accomplish more now, a different status. I have friends who have kids in Beliefs about inequality 239

university. You can do it, you get it? It’s possible, you get it? I mean, the social situation has changed, we are not down there anymore. (Gloria, elementary occupation).

For Gloria, the effort she has made, alongside others in her immediate environment, has been rewarded with access to a new range of possibilities. It is the first-person narrative of Chilean social transformations through which the changes produced at an individual and material level in the country are highlighted, and where the image of a sovereign consumer [Moulian, 1998, Moulian, 2002] represents the most significant revolution among citizens, because participation in the market now manages to include all classes. Moreover, the stories are always associated with improvements in the levels of income and education at a personal or family level, which implies for the individuals a growth in distance from a state of vulnerability or poverty in which they declare to have met previously. Through this process, which is closely related to the realization of the merit ideal at a micro level, as has been developed in the previous section, people feel that they have control over their lives, even when they may be exploited or at obvious disadvantage if their position in the structure is compared with higher strata. For example, in Gloria’s case, she works as a housekeeper and, calculated from her salary income declared in the interview, she should be placed in the lower part of the social structure. Likewise is true regarding the description she makes of her daily life. She lives in debt because her salary is not enough to “reach the end of the month”, even whilst doing extra-jobs to supplement her core income. The economic pressure is strong and has practically become a condemnation, because her project is to move to another neighborhood, but she cannot afford it. As she mentions, her neighborhood has been taken over by drug dealers and delinquency, which, “among other things”, ended with 240 Beliefs about inequality the life of her brother as a result of a shootout, and involved her son in the drug trafficking circuit and in gangs, which finished with him in jail for two years. Gloria benefits from social assistance from the state, but even so she considers that she is part of the middle class. Despite the adverse scenario she confronts every day, her speech constantly reveals that her life conditions are quite comfortable, especially when she compares them with those of her childhood. The change is thanks to her personal effort and hard work, and the responsible use of her domestic budget, which led her to experience a social ascent that allows her to finance her daughter university education. This step puts her in the same symbolic status as her employers, she explains, since the children of both go to university, and this means she is comparatively in a higher status than a series of her neighbors who have not yet managed to make that qualitative change. Across all these examples, the social ascension of Gloria is marked by the distancing of the most popular groups. She and other interviewees belonging to middle-low positions do not hide their origins. On the contrary, it is a constant source of pride when compared with their actual social status. But they critique certain attitudes that represent a lack of effort of individuals placed in lower groups because it represents a non-meritocratic attitude. They are focused on resuming their successful trajectories, and in Gloria’s case embracing the spirit of the new social group she belongs to: the middle class. Rightly understood, the lack of opportunities and marginalization processes in society are also introduced into individuals’ speeches as a clear form of injustice, but a discourse of self-responsibility and blame appears to be strongly associated with the evaluation of the groups at the bottom of the social scale. Beliefs about inequality 241

As Miguel says, “a person who does not have money to survive in this country is lazy; there is no other explanation”. As well as Ximena, when she mentions that “I have the impression that poor people have become lazy. I believe that the worse the economic situation, the less they work”, or Maria, when she says that “people who want to be poor will always be poor, because they are used to receiving and not working”. In the discourse of the interviewees there is a distance in relation to poverty because the poor are considered guilty of not taking care of themselves enough, and of having a lack of responsibility. And when interviews take this approach to interpret poverty, as has been analyzed for the European region, individuals think people living in poverty should not be helped any further by public action [Paugam and Selz, 2005], which for the Chilean case is translated as an acceptance of the living conditions in which these groups exist, and a justification of the distance between this group and the rest of society that “has evolved”; in other words, a justification of social inequality. If we compare this interpretation to a national level, with the responses available about this subject in the database SJCP in 2013, as shown in Fig- ure 4.7, the factors explaining poverty are not far away from individuals’ discourses. Most of the Chileans consider that poverty is the product of failures in the educational or economic system (over 70% of them consider that these factors are always or almost always the causes of poverty). And if we add those who think it is sometimes the case, this percentage rises to around 90%. However, those who believe that poverty is due to a lack of effort or talent also take an important place, and even make up the majority if we take into consideration the percentage of individuals who think that this is “sometimes” the case, and who therefore indirectly condemn individuals’ attitudes. In other words, the idea that individuals are the responsibly 242 Beliefs about inequality

Figure 4.7: Reasons for poverty in Chile.

Source: SJCP 2013. Question: How often can the following reasons be the cause of poverty in Chile? of themselves is a strong component in the way Chileans understand their relationship with poverty and inequality, much more than individuals’ skills or luck. By considering this information, we can observe that individuals tend to associate with the middle strata in a process of self-identification not only in terms of economic patterns, but also in a moral register to explain their biographical transformations. This highlights a process also studied in American society [Shapiro, 2002], which concludes that in this comparison processes can be observed that show lower and middle class groups tend to compare among themselves in order to differentiate themselves, without incorporat- ing the higher classes. In this way, the comparative disadvantages that the emerging middle strata may have compared with the richest groups in society, even when these disadvantages are evident, tend to lose value. And when individuals who self-identify in groups of lower and middle class Beliefs about inequality 243 compare with upper classes, they manage to limit their feeling of injustice, in the face of verified privileges possessed by the richest socioeconomic groups, through a series of discourses that tend to generate a counterbalance to the privileged nature of benefits to which this higher group have access. Principally, this means arguing that a higher status is not the equivalent of a better life. Interviewees says that rich groups are not as free or happy as one might think; they are much more like the rest of the population than is generally believed, and therefore some inequalities also play against them. According some interviewees, having a higher income implies a greater dependence on ones own performance in the economic system, especially for individuals who have shown a substantial improvement in their income over recent years and are not part of a traditional elite. This, in turn, implies that a permanent attempt to update their welfare levels takes place: a factor of pressure that is not known by the less affluent classes, as Miguel mentions. Groups with fewer economic resources know how to better manage their lives, because “they have never had too much”; they have always lived, relatively, with the same things, at the same social status.

A person who makes more than one million Chilean pesos, two, three or more million Chilean pesos a month, they are usually in big debt. Because they have bought a house in an upper-class neighborhood which is more expensive; they have diﬀerent values They have a car of a diﬀerent status and their kids go to a private school. Not a public-private school, or one that is free. In those school you pay lot of your salary. So, at the end, the three million you make, if you don’t get them one month, what do you do? How do you recover from that? So, I think that those people are in bigger trouble than us. (Miguel, Elementary occupation) 244 Beliefs about inequality

Likewise, the economic success that can be associated with the elites can also be questioned from a sentimental dimension, because the amount of time that individuals with greater economic resources invest in work and do not deposit on their family configures a lifestyle that has direct consequences in the distribution of affects. As has been studied in the Chilean case, individuals who are part of the lower-middle groups are aware of a series of challenges that affect the constitution of social bonds in contemporary Chile, such as maintaining stable relationships or building a family [Araujo and Martuccelli, 2012b]. This is a trend that can be clearly observed in our interviews. However, whilst analyzing the discourses of the interviewees, when they are compared with higher income groups, the proximity with their family and friends is still a space where they feel comparatively better positioned. Family and friends, from their perspective, have a radical importance in their lives, and that is why it is a sphere of sociability in which they spend more time than more affluent groups do. For them, if it is necessary to highlight a flaw among the more affluent classes, it is that the rich, and especially the children of this class, are lonely. A good example of this is found in the voice of Valentina, a young university student who defines herself as a leftist and holds a critical discourse on social inequalities in Chile, but she reverses her discourse of domination between classes when referring to affection between people, and her experience when she met young people with higher income at University.

In Chile, there are different types of inequalities. I believe that there’s even an effective inequality. [And what is that?] It’s the way you relate with your parents, you get it? It’s very important, especially during the first years after being born, and you can see the type of person you become. I feel like rich young guys Beliefs about inequality 245

have bad bounds of aﬀection, I don’t know how to say it, but their parents don’t pay attention to them. And you can tell that they lack something. I, for example, I can see that in my class. Because it happens that the moms [of classmates with more economic resources] stay in their homes but don’t really pay attention to them. They are all alone. I thought it was a prejudice, which everyone in Chile says, but it seems to be true. (Valentina, University student)

Across this type of discourse, individuals produce counter-arguments to limit the extent of social inequalities. These ideas allow them to draw a moral line to express that money may have an important impact on life, but it does not change the fact that ”all of us are human beings”, that “all get sick”, that “all of us will die, so why be concerned so much by money? Will they take it with them to the grave?” - as different interviewees declare. This kind of argument puts them at a higher moral level, diminishing the distance between them and more advantaged groups. This is a strategy that has already been described in other studies [Lamont, 2009] to explain how lower and middle classes keep their self-respect despite their socio-economic disadvantages. That is, when these groups are morally superior, the consequences of an unjust distributive system are mitigated. In the case of individuals who self-identify with an upper-middle social range, this leveling process operates in an opposite way than is seen before, since they tend to descend in the social structure and position themselves lower than they really are. This is part of a legitimation process in which rich groups need to justify their social positions, and the material world that surrounds them, to enjoy their benefits without feeling guilty, as has been studied in different kind of societies [Paugam et al., 2017]. More specifi- 246 Beliefs about inequality cally, this leveling process has been studied among wealthy groups in the USA [Sherman, 2017], and it consists of a repertoire of discourses shared between individuals of high income, allowing people to justify their advan- tages through their similitude of behaviors with the middle classes. Among several features, the justification of their situation can be observed through the discourse of effort and hard work, because this convert their actions into being morally worthy. Regarding the interviews, the cases of Patricia or Macarena, who both belong to an above-average socioeconomic group, are good representations of this leveling mechanism. Patricia owns a residence in the most affluent neighborhood of Santiago, where she also works and has raised her four children. She owns several properties in both the capital and other regions within the country. But she identifies with the middle class because of her origin, especially because if she compares herself with the upper classes, or the most well-off and well- known family names in the country - Piñera,Luksic, Matte, Paulman - she has nothing in common with them. When she thinks about her daily life, where she comes from, how she has been educated and her “customs”, she has much more in common with the vague middle class ideal and the values it represents than the upper-class. Patricia describes herself as an average citizen. She explains that she takes care of her children and takes them to school in the morning, she sometimes goes to the supermarket to do the weekly groceries, and, she has obtained lots of things she owns on credit. Macarena, a doctor working in Santiago, recognizes herself as part of the most advantaged groups. She is aware that her occupation is one of the most profitable in the country, but like other interviewees who are among the most advantaged groups, she tends to show a rejection of these groups, and considers herself as different from them. This is sometimes for ideological Beliefs about inequality 247 reasons, but more generally it is because there are people who earn much more than her. She could earn more, but she does not, so she feels not represented in this exclusive group:

I know that I’m making good money at my job. I have studied a lot and I making good money. And I have the possibility to choose to make even more, if I decide to find another job at a private hospital, for example. Or I can work my ass off working in a public hospital taking thousands of shifts [...] Sometimes it’s embarrassing to talk about salaries, because there is a huge difference between them. Even from my position, it’s the same. When you compare me, what I do in the hospital, with someone that works in a private hospital. I mean, doing exactly what I’m doing today, I could make three times more working in a private hospital. That’s it, three times more, doing half of what I do today. There are no regulations in the private system. Inequality within the public system is terrible, considering what a professional like me earns. Not a paramedic, I’m talking about a doctor, a nurse, the difference is too much. There are people making way more money than me. (Macarena, professional)

This leveling mechanism puts Patricia and Macarena in a closer group to the vast majority of Chileans, which legitimizes their status and, consequently, they become less critical when they compare their resources with those of the lower socioeconomic groups. The richest are always others, individuals who they may even know, but with whom they do not share a common lifestyle. Inequality, in that sense, is not measured by what you have, but how you got it and the eﬀort you put into it. 248 Beliefs about inequality

Likewise, another feature appearing in the interviews that allows us to generate a leveling process with the individuals belonging to middle status groups is a process that can be called “knowing of how to live” on the part of the Chilean upper classes. This knowledge of how to live has historically been characterized by attributes that include hard work, as noted above, although individuals in this social segment may have had greater privileges in their lives, wealth must be worked, it is not maintained alone. Now, this second feature seems to be even more important, especially for well-oﬀ groups having their history inscribed in this class. It is the knowledge of manners, of being reserved, of the decency associated to the middle class, and a kind of modesty with the privileges that only advantaged groups possess. This is expressed in an attitude of discretion, where the simple is valued over the ornate and the excess. As it has been described for the Chilean case [Contardo, 2008], and the cultural diﬃculties of the “new rich” or the people who have wanted to join the national elite throughout history. As Roberto, an interviewee who belongs to the Chilean elite, mentions - he became the owner of a bank - the characteristics described above have historically been part of the national aristocracy. That is where elegance and good living lie, and this also makes it possible for inequalities not to be so harmful to society, to be better accepted. You can have and take advantage of privileges, says the interviewee, but without showing it excessively, which is precisely what the new rich and a whole new wave of individuals who joined the traditional elite from the economic growth of the last decades do not known how to do. This is shown in the following quote:

The problem with richness and inequality is that some people [belonging to the upper-class] have lost their modesty. When Pinochet took the control of the country, there was a Neoliber- Beliefs about inequality 249

alism wave, and after some years people just forgot about being modest. I don’t want to talk about being shameless, but in my time, when I was a kid, we lived inside of our houses. You didn’t live trying to show to everyone the diﬀerences between each other and this and that. And after the coup, when Pinochet was in charge, people started loosing their modesty. Ostentation and social climbing began. And that’s violent because it makes people lose their dignity; people who have money and those who do not have money. (Roberto, manager)

Sherman [2017] mentions that one of the ways in which the elites manage to justify their privileges in the USA is by recognizing themselves as good people, so in both the American and the Chilean cases, that evaluation is constructed by the two dimensions described above: the presence of effort and knowledge about how to manage privileges in a good way. Therefore, the justification of privileges of individual positions above the average is given by a focus of their discourse on how they achieved it and what they do with their money. Although they are in a position of greater privilege, following these two behaviors they do not appear to be more than the rest, and the social differences are less aggressive. In summary, the meritocratic ideal merged with the values of the middle class produce a point of reference to which individuals tend to compare and justify social differences, as is represented in Figure 4.8. On the one hand, those individuals who are positioned below the average see in middle class’ values a representation of their trajectories which allows them to produce a distance from the stereotype of dependence and lack of effort associated with individuals of lower status. For them, their stories of effort and social mobility are testimony of the control they have over their lives, and produce 250 Beliefs about inequality an efficient narrative to explain why, sometimes, poverty and social difference justify this condition. At the same time, identity aspects that confer the feeling of being a member of a struggling and working middle class, and in some dimension morally superior, leads them to take a distance from the classes that have greater privileges, reversing the relationship of domination.

Figure 4.8: Process of converging with middle class values and the legitimation of inequalities

When analyzing both narratives of justification, the meritocratic ideal and an identification with the middle class, it can be observed that they are not part of the events that occurred in recent years, such as the emergence of social movements and the new place occupied by inequality in discourse public. There are no significant adaptations to contextual and perceptive changes. In other words, the narratives are persistent over time. To a large extent, the consistency of these narratives can be explained because contrary to the content of perceptions, which deal with transformations at an external level, of the relationship with “others” and ”among others”, the discourses of justification are deeply anchored in the biographies of individuals. On a personal level, despite the high levels of perceived social inequality, the consequences of the economic growth experienced by the 4.3. SUMMARY 251 country continue to generate positive consequences that validate the func- tionality of the narratives. Merit stories on an individual scale or values that represent the middle class, where a large sector of the population feels sheltered, are totally or partially distanced from the public realm, weakening the links with others that could bring into question the coherence of these two narratives. A question that appears whilst analyzing these narratives, therefore, is what would happen with the stability of these narratives if the processes of social mobility, or the performance of university degrees, were overshadowed by processes of diminished economic growth.

4.3 Summary

The objective of this chapter has been to approximate beliefs about inequality by analyzing how people conceive of a legitimate level of inequality over time, and what factors and mechanisms determine its main trends. In this framework of analysis, two types of material and method were integrated in order to show the influence of factors associated with both the social structure and the individuals’ experiences. The methodologies used make it possible to highlight specific elements from the quantitative and qualitative data, but there are domains where the results complement each other, giving greater robustness to data’ interpretations. This is one of the central values of the study, where representative trends at the national level converge with micro-mechanisms that appear in individual experience. Fundamentally, in this section of the study there is a dialogue between those levels associated with two areas that influence beliefs about inequality. First, around the anchoring effect - that is, the influence of perceptions and experience in the orientation of beliefs. Second, the de- 252 Beliefs about inequality ployment of a narrative where self-interest prevails to evaluate the social inequalities present in Chilean society. Regarding the first point, the anchoring effect, the statistical results show that the way in which individuals perceive economic inequalities is directly related to the levels of inequality that they consider tolerable. The verifica- tion of this relationship over time is valuable because it allows us to realize that opinions do not come from nowhere, but are directly associated with the information that people obtain from their participation in the labor market or through their daily interaction with other agents. And when this relationship is translated to a biographical level, the analysis of the interviews allows us to see that the experiences of individuals also form a central part of the way people explain their levels of tolerance with respect to social differences, not only in an economic dimension. On the one hand, the influence of experiences which have a strong symbolic presence in individual trajectories is highlighted. These experiences are considered turning point experiences for individuals’ life paths. On the other hand, it appears in the interviewees’ discourses that everyday experiences affect the way people evaluate inequalities. In both cases, the value of these dimensions does not lie in the definition of a type of evaluation associated with each experience, but in the configuration of mechanisms that mediate between experiences and beliefs about inequality. From the turning point experiences, the symbolic value of events appears in a temporal sense, which operates as a sort of biographical synthesis. And from everyday experiences, the configuration of a commensurability mechanism appears, from which individuals are oriented in a scenario of multiple social differences to establish judgments about justice. In a second case, it is relevant to observe the importance of the meritocratic Beliefs about inequality 253 ideal as a narrative of the justification of inequalities in Chilean society. At the statistical level, it is observed that sectors of higher social status, as well as the adult generations and the people who self-identify in the most advantaged social positions, tend to justify higher levels of economic inequality. The conjunction of these variables allows us to detect a criterion of justification which is centered on a principle of merit, such as the one that is also identified through individual narratives. First, there is the direct defense of the meritocratic ideal in people’ speeches, which even operates among the least advantaged sectors when it is considered in a more intimate dimension of life. Second, it occurs through the identification of a heterogeneous group of people with the values of the middle class, where, among other values, merit has a central place, and allows individuals with different backgrounds to decrease the impact of social inequalities on their personal experiences. When we analyze these explanatory narratives that are expressed in the discourse of individuals, we can see that the period of social mobilizations that the country has experienced in recent years does not destabilize them. As is analyzed in the previous chapter, individuals perceive higher levels of social inequality in the country, but the processes of social transformation that are expressed at a biographical level allow them to limit their rejection of inequality, revealing a different discursive movement to that observed at the level of perceptions. The stability of narratives allows us to integrate elements to understand, consequently, why since 1999 the level of wage inequality that Chileans consider fair has not practically changed, when the levels could be more critical if they were paired with the growth of perceptions. The beliefs in inequality, and specifically the mechanisms of legitimization of social differences, although they are related to the perceptions of inequality in generally, are not 254 Beliefs about inequality affected in the same way because they continue to operate and be effective at the level of the individual. Chapter 5

Preferences about inequality

By looking at a range of Chilean’ social inequalities and their presence in public opinion, in the preceding chapters perceptions and beliefs of individuals about the state of inequalities in the country have been addressed. On the one hand, how much economic inequality Chileans perceive and the principal sources of inequality that are named or described based on everyday experiences were looked at. On the other hand, mechanisms of rejection or legitimacy of social differences based on reasons and ideals of justice were analyzed. In this last part of the study, the focus is on preferences about social inequality. As has been defined, in this study the notion of preferences introduces into the analysis a normative component, in direct dialogue with a specific phenomenon that is analyzed. Unlike the analysis of beliefs about inequality, when preferences are studied inequality is not discussed in ideal terms. Indi- viduals, when talking about their preferences, produce an evaluation based on the choice between different possibilities in terms of concrete examples, which allows for the extrapolation of a balance between what is perceived and what is desired.

255 256 Preferences about inequality

From the analysis developed by Piketty [2013], when comparing the trajectories of inequality in different countries, one of the principal characteristics inscribed in the nature of inequality is its variation on time, and these changes are strongly influenced by political processes. This approach breaks with an isolated economic view which says inequality is firstly the effect of market action, reintroducing the debate about inequality within social sciences. If inequality is anchored in individual preferences and social decisions, these decisions can be followed through history, and researchers can question why they have been taken and what they represent. With this in mind, on the one hand, from a macro-level, inequality can be thought of as a choice [Stiglitz, 2015], because its trends differ between countries as a result of their political and institutional agreements. This is mainly represented by the characteristics of market regulations and redistributive policies, as well as the characteristics of welfare states. This level of analysis recovers the large discussion about the capacity of de-commodification in societies [Esping-Andersen, 1990]: that is, the arrangements that citizens reach to permit people to make their living standards independent of pure market forces. On the other hand, from a micro-level, inequality can be thought of as a result of individual preferences [Dubet, 2014], because social actors produce, and sometimes reinforce inequalities, through their daily decisions. This can be seen, for example, when individuals reproduce naturalized discriminations, or when groups affect the destiny of more disadvantaged groups whilst defending their own legitimate rights. Considering inequality as a socio-political arrangement and an individual choice, it can be understood as an expression of a social contract [Rousseau, 1966], because unequal conditions present in a society describe a general agreement about what kind and how much inequality individuals consider Preferences about inequality 257 fair. This last distinction is relevant to highlight because, as has been discussed [Sen, 1995], when inequalities are studied, it is necessary to distinguish what kind of inequality we are talking about. It is not the same to talk about wage gaps, the type of education that population accesses according to their economic capital, or differences in access to the health system. It is not the same because, as has been understood [Walzer, 1983], each one of these goods has a respective social meaning; a shared conception which determines what the goods are and what they are for. And in turn, these meanings determine distributional movements of goods that can also influence the association of specific principles with spheres of justice. To close the circle of dimensions in which representations of inequality are crystalized, then, in this chapter the following questions are addressed: what levels of inequality do Chileans prefer? In which spheres can the greatest tensions be observed? And in what other areas can a higher level of consensus be found? What level of agreement or rejection do they have around the forms of the market and the state in the regulation of access to social goods? What happens when different types of inequality are contrasted? Is it possible to see changes in preferences over time? If changes on preferences are observed, are they universal or do they differ according to spheres of justice? And to what extent are these preferences influenced by social positioning, individuals’ experience, or the views individuals’ have on inequality within the country? To address these questions, this chapter develops a discussion regarding concrete scenarios; situations in which social inequality is the result or expression of things which are substantively familiar to individuals. The idea, which has been tested in other studies [Dubet, 2006, Sandel, 2009], is that by placing people in this type of scenario they feel tension; they have to 258 Preferences about inequality take a position and a series of moral reflections which appear to represent what they consider fair or unfair. In this way, in the movement back and forth between the world of actions and the dominance of reason, the repertoire of principles of justice and argumentation that are mobilized to judge inequality begins to crystallise. An example is when people announce what type of goods they think society should not renounce, or in other words, what money can’t buy [Sandel, 2012]. In this type of scenario, then, when individuals’ preferences about inequality are addressed, they are speaking of redistributive preferences and the limits of market action. From this perspective, in this chapter, opinions related to inequality preferences that can be established in terms of access to the education or health care systems for economic reasons are addressed with special emphasis. These two spheres are approached because they are two areas that are highly present in the public debate. All individuals have something to say about them. They are part of the demands of the various social mobilizations that have been deployed since 2011 and, finally, are two issues that were addressed succes- sively in the surveys used in this study for statistical analysis, which allows for a comparison between 1999 and 2014. The first part of this chapter analyses quantitative material to compare, from different databases, the main trends around individuals’ preferences about inequality. In addition, the influence of educational level and the socioeconomic group in the orientation of preferences is analyzed, alongside what happens when these relationships are observed across time. Finally, it addresses the relationship established between preferences and perceived and ideal inequality, both indicators analyzed in preceding chapters. Are these relationships stable over time? And what happens when these relationships are compared through spheres? Preferences about inequality 259

In a second part we explore how individuals integrate this debate in their lives, what their views are with respect to inequalities in education and the health care system, but especially which principles and reasons are used to defend or produce critiques about the hypothetical differences that are established in these two areas. How are experiences and opinions about justice expressed within different spheres? Is it possible to establish a comparison between them? 260 Preferences about inequality 5.1 Structural and subjective factors influencing preferences about inequality

5.1.1 Theoretical discussion and hypothesis

The analysis of preferences about inequality addresses the relationship that can be established between individual opinions and egalitarian attitudes. Studies seek to establish whether the political agreements and institutional arrangements that guide public spending or define the systems of access to goods and services have legitimacy, or, on the contrary, are rejected by citizens. To explain these relationships, the focus is placed on the opinion that people have about the role that the state should play within society, either by facilitating greater redistributive practices or by letting the market - individuals’ decisions - take charge of their lives. On the one hand, studies analyze individual opinions, for example, from the agreement or disagreement with the idea that people should take more responsibility to provide for themselves, or whether a government representing social solidarity should take more responsibility to ensure that everyone is provided for [Alesina and Giuliano, 2009]. Likewise, other studies highlight the heterogeneity of opinions when individuals think about whether the state ought to reduce income differences, to provide jobs, or establish a basic income for all [Andre and Heien, 2001, Kenworthy and McCall, 2008]. In each one of these studies, attention is focused directly on the role that the State must play, or not, to ensure the wellbeing of population. On the other hand, another approach addresses preferences from the perspective of market inequalities which are dependent on the income of individuals or households [Kenworthy and McCall, 2008]. In other words, the focus of attention here is not placed on preferences regarding the capacities Preferences about inequality 261 that the state can deploy to organize access to services or the assurance of a minimum of opportunities, but on the capacity that the market can have for coordinating the welfare of a society. Under this perspective, the issue of redistribution is addressed indirectly, because a greater rejection of the market as a regulator implies a greater role for the state as the agent responsible for the (re)distribution of goods. And in the opposite case, when the role of the market is valued, this lends support to the belief that this is the appropriate means of regulating access to goods. This section of the study presents the analysis of preferences from the second type of perspective. That is, an approach which focuses directly on the role played by the market in the distribution and access to certain goods, and indirectly by the role that the state must fulfill. Specifically, attention is focused on the comparison of preferences between the years 1999, 2009, 2013 and 2014. Individuals were asked: It is fair that those who can afford to do so have a better education for their children? And, it is fair that people with higher incomes may access better health care that people with lower incomes? 1 From the analysis of these questions, we seek to identify the preferences Chileans express with respect to the role that market should play in access to education and health care systems, and establish a balance across time with respect to the degree of tolerance for inequality which emerges from their opinions. How are preferences structured over time? And what factors determine the stability or variability of these preferences? Scientific literature shows that there are several factors which explain differences in preferences about inequality, highlighting that they do not depend solely on the income level of individuals [Alesina and Giuliano, 2009,Kenwor- thy and McCall, 2008,Piketty, 1995,Schmidt-Catran, 2014]. This complicates

1In each one of survey answers were composed by five alternatives going from strongly disagree to strongly agree 262 Preferences about inequality the homo-economicus perspective engraved in theses such as the median- voter [Meltzer and Richard, 1981], where it is conceived that preferences for a given economic order - which are reflected in a vote - are determined by the calculation that people do to consider what benefits they can get as a result of a change in the economic system. In this way, the disadvantaged would tend to lean towards pro-redistributive programs, or where the state would have greater influence to acquire more benefits. Along with the economic level of people, other variables that have been included in the analysis of preferences are education level, subjective aspects of social justice, sociodemographic characteristics, factors related to ideologies and subjective characteristics. These are variables that have been included in the analysis developed in previous chapters. This chapter of study focuses principally on the role played by economic and education levels, which configure the social position of individuals, as well as the subjective aspects of social justice, represented by perceptions and beliefs about inequality. As in previous chapters, the other factors are included as control variables. Regarding social status, evidence shows that both economic income and educational level matter. People with higher income and higher educational level tend to be more averse to redistributive practices [Alesina and Giuliano, 2009, Arts and Gelissen, 2001]. In other words, they are more tolerant of inequality. In relation to education, this tendency can be related to the investment hypothesis [Baer and Lambert, 1982] described in the previous chapter, when analyzing ways in which education is related to dominant ideologies. According to what international evidence shows, studies reinforce this hypothesis since individuals with higher levels of education tend to accept greater socioeconomic differences, because these are justified by the effort invested during their years of study. Preferences about inequality 263

Based on these elements, a hypothesis can be formulated that people located in the highest quintiles and have higher educational levels are more favorable to the idea that an individual’s access to health care and education systems is related to their income. Regarding the influence of subjective aspects of justice on preferences about inequality, studies have integrated indicators such as belief in effort, personal interest or luck into their analyses [Alesina and Giuliano, 2009, Andre and Heien, 2001, Fong, 2001]. Due to problems of replicability of questions over time, the data used in this study does not allow for the integration of these chapters. However, the indexes of perceptions and beliefs about economic inequality developed in the previous chapters are available. From the theoretical perspective guiding this study, the representations of inequality appear in a sequence going from an object to an action, articulating a chain of elements which is associated with perceptual, evaluative and performative criteria that have been described as the main components of judgments about justice [Sen, 1993]. They are a sequence of components that, in the empirical research of subjective inequality, appear in the study of perceptions, beliefs and judgments, as has been revealed when comparing several international studies [Janmaat, 2013]. Each of these dimensions have been studied autonomously or through the interaction of two components. In this way, even when in these three levels are differentiated in existing research practice, there is no literature that deals with the understanding of relationships established between them. Therefore, following the narrow theoretical association established between these dimensions, an exploratory hypothesis can be made which observes, first, an empirical correlation between them and, second, an orientation in the association among these components. It can be predicted that people who perceive more inequality would be aware 264 Preferences about inequality of injustices present in the structure of opportunities and would be against the differences of access to health care and education for economic reasons. On the contrary, individuals who consider a higher wage gap as fair will show greater tolerance with conditions that regulate Chilean society, and would also agree that economic differences ought to apply in access to the education and health care system. In other words, in this case tolerance about inequalities in an economic sphere would be transferred to other realm of justice. In light of this background, the following hypotheses are established to be tested whilst comparing years 1999, 2009, 2013 and 2014:

• Hypothesis 1: Individuals with higher social status are more in favour of the idea that diﬀerences in access to health care and education can be established according to people’s income.

• Hypothesis 2: People who perceive more economic inequality tend to disagree with the fact that income should determine access to education and health care system, while those who tolerate more economic inequality consider these diﬀerences in access to be more legitimate.

5.1.2 Descriptive analysis

Preferences about inequality of education and health care spheres across time

Figures 5.1 and 5.2 show the percentage of those who agree and disagree with the statement introduced by the questions in surveys conducted from 1999 to 2014. In each survey, answers were represented by ﬁve options going from strongly disagreeto strongly agree, but in order to simplify the interpretation Preferences about inequality 265 of responses they have been recorded in three categories2.

Figure 5.1: Preferences about inequality in the education sphere across time.

Note. Question: It is fair that those who can aﬀord have a better education for their children?

The first element to highlight in both figures is that most people strongly disagree or disagree with the fact that those who can afford have better education for their children or may access to a better health care. Secondly, the graphs show that opinions have been accentuating at an increasing rate over time, especially for those who strongly disagree or disagree with differences in both systems in terms of the income criteria, while the numbers of people who are undecided or agree tend to decrease. This tendency can be observed in both spheres, but it is in the health care dimension that changes are strongest. In 1999, 52% of individuals said they strongly disagreed or disagreed with the fact that people with higher incomes may gain access to a better health care, while they reached around 80% in 2013-2014. This amounts to a growth of thirty percentage points, that in the education sphere equated to only eleven points in the same period (in 1999, 54% strongly disagreed or disagreed with differences in access to education caused

2Strongly disagree or disagree, neither agree nor disagree, and strongly agree or agree. 266 Preferences about inequality by individuals’ income, while in 2014 it was 65%).

Figure 5.2: Preferences of inequality in the health care sphere across time.

Note. Health: It is fair that people with higher incomes may access to a better health care that people with lower incomes.

Comparing the percentages of response in both figures, it can be argued that Chileans have reached a greater degree of consensus when they express their opinions in relation to health care access. In years 2013-2014, only 12% of the population considered the difference of access fair, and less than 8% were undecided. On the contrary, according to percentages of opinions regarding access to the education system during the same period, there is still an important part of the population who consider differences as fair. Roughly 26% strongly agree or agree, while around 9% neither agree nor disagree. Finally, data shows a tendency that we have already been able to trace in the previous chapters: that great differences can be observed in public opinion after 2009. This year represents a time demarcating a before and after. Preferences about inequality 267

Social status and preferences about inequality

Whilst analyzing the effect that individuals’ social position has on inequality preferences over time, to facilitate the interpretation of the data, the effects are first described in relation to the educational system according to the educational level and the socioeconomic group of the individuals. The preferences about access to health care in relation to the same factors are subsequently analyzed.

Figure 5.3: Preferences about Figure 5.4: Preferences about inequality in education inequality in education by education level (1999). by education level (2009).

Figure 5.5: Preferences about Figure 5.6: Preferences about inequality in education inequality in education by education level (2013). by education level (2014).

When comparing Figures representing inequality preferences about education (between 5.3 and 5.10), it is observed that there is greater variability in answers according to the educational level than income level of the peo- 268 Preferences about inequality

Figure 5.7: Preferences about Figure 5.8: Preferences about inequality in education inequality in education by income quintile (1999). by income quintile (2009).

Figure 5.9: Preferences about Figure 5.10: Preferences about inequality in education inequality in education by income quintile (2013). by income quintile (2014). ple, which is confirmed when the correlation tests are considered3. The tests show that there are no significant differences in the preferences of individuals when they are distinguished by socioeconomic group, except in 2009. On the contrary, when educational level is considered, differences in respondents’ opinions are significant in most of the years analyzed. When preferences on education are analyzed from education level, a general trend is the progressive increase in the percentage of those who strongly dis-

3Pearson’s Chi-squared tests are significant in 1999, 2009 and 2014 (p<0.05) for correlations between inequality preferences about education and education level. For correlations between inequality preferences about education and income quintile, Pearson’s Chi-squared test is significant only in 2009 (p<0.05). Preferences about inequality 269 agree or disagree with inequalities in the educational sphere. In the graphs, however, it is necessary to emphasize that individuals who have completed university, although they follow this general trend, go from leading the level of disagreement in 1999 to being at a lower level for the rest of the years. In other words, in comparison to the rest of the categories measuring educational level, among individuals who have an educational level lower than having completed university, people’s rejection of differences in access to the educational system in terms of the economic order has become stronger. Figures also shows a strong reduction and stabilization if the number of in- decisive individuals, especially people with incomplete or complete university degrees after 2009, whose number reaches the average of the rest of categories. Finally, results show a particular tendency in the opinion of people with a lower level of formal education or who do not have any degree. In most years this group represents the largest percentage of people who justify differences in access to the education system, ahead of the group with those who have completed a degree in 2014. The lowest percentages are represented by those who have an incomplete university degree. When analyzing preferences in the sphere of health care (Figures between 5.11 and 5.18), trends are more stable than in the previous case. Those who strongly disagree or disagree tend to increase progressively over time, independent of their educational level or socioeconomic group. On the contrary, both people who are undecided and those who strongly agree or agree tend to decrease over time. Figures representing differences in health care sphere by education level show that opinions of those who strongly disagree and disagree are more unstable for those who hold a university degree. The position of this group changes every year in relation to the rest of the categories. Anyway, the 270 Preferences about inequality

Figure 5.11: Preferences about Figure 5.12: Preferences about inequality in health care by inequality in health care by education level (1999). education level (2009).

Figure 5.13: Preferences about Figure 5.14: Preferences about inequality in health care by inequality in health care by education level (2013). education level (2014). variations are not strong and all levels tend to converge over time, which represents a higher degree of consensus in preferences regarding access to health care. When preferences in health care are analyzed from income, a stable level of consensus can be established, independent of the socioeconomic group. Preferences between socioeconomic groups do not show great differences over time, except for the year 2009, where it is observed that the respondents belonging to the fifth quintile show significant differences with the rest4.

4Pearson’s Chi-squared tests are signiﬁcant in 2009 and 2013 (p<0.05) for correlations between inequality preferences about health care and education level. For correlations between inequality preferences about health care and income quintile, Pearson’s Chi-squared Preferences about inequality 271

Figure 5.15: Preferences about Figure 5.16: Preferences about inequality in health care inequality in health care by income quintile (1999). by income quintile (2009).

Figure 5.17: Preferences about Figure 5.18: Preferences about inequality in health care inequality in health care by income quintile (2013). by income quintile (2014).

As a summary, when trends observed in educational and health care preferences are considered, it is observed that hypothesis 1 is partially confirmed. The social position of individuals is significantly related to preferences, but in an unstable way, since it varies according to the sphere analyzed and the years in question. This makes it difficult to interpret the data. For this reason, to outline these trends over time, the following section analyzes their interaction through a series of models in which correlations are presented in a clearer way. test is significant in 2009 and 2014 (p<0.05). 272 Preferences about inequality

5.1.3 The weight of factors on individuals’ preferences about inequality

The data analyzed allows us to represent three trends on a graph. First, that over time Chilean society tends to be more in disagreement with differences in access that can be established in education and health care systems for economic reasons. Second, there is a greater degree of consensus when preferences refer to health care than education. Third, that social status is not a stable factor for explaining preferences over time. Considering the latter, it can be observed that educational level is a factor that allows us to register a greater degree of variability in individuals’ preferences, more than socioeconomic group, and this is especially true when comparing individuals who have a university degree with the rest of the categories. To analyze with more clarity these trends and their relation to social status, in this section of the chapter preferences are regressed in different models to isolate the effect of these factors, as well as what happens when they interact with the time variable, including, in turn, the control variables that have been used throughout this study. The education variable has been re-coded to show differences between people who have a higher educational level and the rest of the population, and the quintile variable was transformed into numerical form to facilitate its interpretation in the interaction with time.

OLS models. Education sphere.

Models presented in Table 5.1 integrate all the variables described above and the effect of the interaction between variables composing the social status, with a factor that identifies the years between 1999 and 2014. Results presented by the models show that the variable representing time Preferences about inequality 273 has a significant and inverse relationship with preferences in each of the models. This represents a progressive change in the opinion of the interviewees over time, describing a process in which the tolerance of inequalities associated with the field of education tends to decrease, as has been observed in the precedent graphs. Model 1 shows that the university level is not significant when compared to the rest of levels, as well as the quintile variable. However, in model 2, when the university degree interacts with time, both the variable representing individuals’ level of studies and the interaction are significant. In the first case, a negative relationship is established and, in the second, a positive relationship. This is explained because the relationship between those who have a university degree and preferences in the four years analyzed, compared to the rest of the educational levels, tends to show proportionally a higher level of disagreement with the fact that the economic factor determines a differentiated access to the educational system. However, it is observed that the proportion of the total number of preferences tends to vary over time, changing the relation between groups and preferences. Over time, individuals with a lower education level become more critical of inequalities in the education system. In Figure 5.19 the interaction is represented and allows a better understanding of the relationship established over time. As it is observed, those who have completed university, although in the first period they are more critical of differences in the education system, over time, and specifically after the year 2009, they show a more stable opinion than the rest of the respondents. This means that the relationship is reversed. In other words, over time the preferences of those who have lower educational levels are more critical of inequalities of access in the educational system, and those of higher edu- 274 Preferences about inequality

Table 5.1: OLS interaction model on education preferences about inequality. Unstandardized coeﬃcients.

Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4 Intercept 2.09∗∗∗ 2.11∗∗∗ 2.17∗∗∗ 2.14∗∗∗ (0.10) (0.10) (0.13) (0.13) University complete (ref.others) 0.05 −0.37∗ 0.05 −0.35 (0.07) (0.18) (0.07) (0.19) Quintil −0.00 −0.00 −0.03 −0.01 (0.02) (0.02) (0.03) (0.03) Female (ref.Male) −0.14∗∗∗ −0.14∗∗∗ −0.14∗∗∗ −0.14∗∗∗ (0.04) (0.04) (0.04) (0.04) Age 0.01∗∗∗ 0.01∗∗∗ 0.01∗∗∗ 0.01∗∗∗ (0.00) (0.00) (0.00) (0.00) Religion (ref.No religion) 0.16∗∗ 0.16∗∗ 0.16∗∗ 0.16∗∗ (0.06) (0.06) (0.06) (0.06) Unemployed (ref.Employed) 0.04 0.04 0.04 0.04 (0.04) (0.04) (0.04) (0.04) Subjective position 0.04∗∗ 0.04∗∗ 0.04∗∗ 0.04∗∗ (0.01) (0.01) (0.01) (0.01) Years −0.09∗∗∗ −0.11∗∗∗ −0.13∗∗∗ −0.12∗∗ (0.02) (0.02) (0.04) (0.04) University complete*year 0.15∗ 0.14∗ (0.06) (0.06) Quintil*year 0.01 0.00 (0.01) (0.01) R2 0.02 0.02 0.02 0.02 Adj. R2 0.02 0.02 0.02 0.02 Num. obs. 4991 4991 4991 4991 ∗∗∗p < 0.001, ∗∗p < 0.01, ∗p < 0.05

Note. scale values go between 1 to 5, where 1 means strongly disagree and 5 strongly agree in response to the question: “It is fair that those who can aﬀord it have a better education for their children?” Preferences about inequality 275

Figure 5.19: OLS education diﬀerences. Interaction between education level and years.

Note. scale values go between 1 to 5, where 1 means strongly disagree and 5 strongly agree in the question: “It is fair that those who can aﬀord it have a better education for their children?”

cation level are shown to accept more inequality. In the sphere of education, then, hypothesis 1 is partially confirmed, since the socioeconomic group it is not a significant variable to understand individuals’ tolerance of inequality across time. The sociodemographic variables are significant in each of the models. The relationship that women show with preferences is negative, at the same time that the age variable is positive. This means that women present more egalitarian opinions, tend to disagree more than men with differences in people’s access to the educational system due to economic issues and, on the contrary, adult generations tend to justify them. The variable representing beliefs in religion is also significant, and links positively with preferences. This means that people who profess to have religious beliefs tend to consider it fair that those who can pay more can 276 Preferences about inequality access a better education. Finally, being unemployed does not significantly influence the outcome variable. However, the subjective position of respondents within the social scale shows an effect on preferences. Those who are in the highest positions tend to justify differences that can be established in access to education, and those who self-identify in lower position tend to be more critical of them. This is a relationship that is not established when analyzing the “objective” position or socioeconomic group of respondents.

OLS models. Health care sphere.

Table 5.2 integrates the same explanatory variables, but this time for preferences in the health care sphere. When observing the results provided by the different models, the time variable is significant and shows that preferences mark a rejection, across time, against inequalities in people’s access to health care based on their income. This relationship allows us to confirm and generalize the trend observed in the educational sphere. And when the influence that social status plays on preferences is analyzed, the effect is similar to that observed in models for education. The socioeconomic group is not significant, nor is the educational level, except when comparing individuals who have a degree with the rest of population over time. As in the models described above, this means that proportionally, comparing the four years, those who have a university degree are in more disagree with different levels of access. However, this trend tends to be reversed over time. The educational category that defines individuals of high status is then a more accurate predictor than the socioeconomic level. Figure 5.20 shows the interaction of both variables over time and, as in Preferences about inequality 277

Table 5.2: OLS interaction model on health care preferences about inequality. Unstandardized coeﬃcients.

Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4 Intercept 2.43∗∗∗ 2.45∗∗∗ 2.41∗∗∗ 2.37∗∗∗ (0.10) (0.10) (0.12) (0.13) University complete (ref.others) −0.07 −0.41∗ −0.07 −0.45∗ (0.06) (0.17) (0.06) (0.18) Quintil 0.01 0.01 0.02 0.04 (0.01) (0.01) (0.03) (0.03) Female (ref.Male) −0.09∗ −0.09∗ −0.09∗ −0.09∗ (0.04) (0.04) (0.04) (0.04) Age 0.00∗∗∗ 0.00∗∗∗ 0.00∗∗∗ 0.00∗∗∗ (0.00) (0.00) (0.00) (0.00) Religion (ref.No religion) 0.09 0.09 0.09 0.09 (0.05) (0.05) (0.05) (0.05) Unemployed (ref.Employed) 0.04 0.04 0.04 0.04 (0.04) (0.04) (0.04) (0.04) Subjective position 0.05∗∗∗ 0.06∗∗∗ 0.05∗∗∗ 0.05∗∗∗ (0.01) (0.01) (0.01) (0.01) Years −0.29∗∗∗ −0.30∗∗∗ −0.28∗∗∗ −0.27∗∗∗ (0.02) (0.02) (0.04) (0.04) University complete*year 0.12∗ 0.13∗ (0.06) (0.06) Quintil*year −0.00 −0.01 (0.01) (0.01) R2 0.07 0.07 0.07 0.07 Adj. R2 0.07 0.07 0.07 0.07 Num. obs. 4988 4988 4988 4988 ∗∗∗p < 0.001, ∗∗p < 0.01, ∗p < 0.05

Note: OLS models. Scale values go between 1 to 5, where 1 means strongly disagree and 5 strongly agree in the question: “it is fair that people with higher incomes may access to a better health care that people with lower incomes?” 278 Preferences about inequality the figure that represents the interaction in the educational sphere, we can see that after 2009, individuals with lower educational degrees became more critical than people who possess a higher education degree. These results partially confirm hypothesis one, since the change in preferences over inequality over time is strongly associated with changes in education, but not the socioeconomic group. Finally, the table highlights that in the different models, sociodemographic variables and subjective positioning maintain the same relationships with the explained variable as in the models applied to analyze preferences in education. This confirms in both cases the stability of the influence of these variables, different from what happens with the influence of religion, which in relation to the area of health care does not significantly determine individuals’ preferences.

Figure 5.20: OLS health care diﬀerences. Interaction between education level (university degree vs others) and years.

Note: OLS models. Scale values go between 1 to 5, where 1 means strongly disagree and 5 strongly agree in the question: “it is fair that people with higher incomes have access to better health care than people with lower incomes?” Preferences about inequality 279

Table 5.3: OLS model of education preferences by perceived and ideal inequality. Unstandardized coeﬃcients. Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Intercept 2.08∗∗∗ 1.80∗∗∗ 2.08∗∗∗ (0.14) (0.12) (0.14) Perceived inequality −0.05∗ −0.14∗∗∗ (0.02) (0.03) Ideal inequality 0.06∗∗ 0.14∗∗∗ (0.02) (0.03) R2 0.02 0.02 0.03 Adj. R2 0.02 0.02 0.03 Num. obs. 3836 3909 3616 ∗∗∗p < 0.001, ∗∗p < 0.01, ∗p < 0.05

5.1.4 Exploratory relationships. Perceived and ideal inequality factors in inequality preferences.

In tables 5.3 and 5.4 preferences about inequality in education and health care spheres are regressed by the perceived and ideal inequality indexes. Each model has been controlled by social status and the other factors before being included. However, to simplify the interpretation of results, models present just the information about the intercept and the eﬀect of perceived and ideal inequality indexes. The relation of control variables with the outcome variable does not change signiﬁcantly when new variables are introduced, and therefore, if the reader wants to obtain extended information, models with all variables can be found in the appendix. When comparing regressions developed in the areas of education and health care, it is observed in both cases that the indicators of economic inequality show an inverse relationship with the preferences of inequality. People who perceive more economic inequality tend to disagree with the role played by the market in mediating access to education. On the contrary, individuals 280 Preferences about inequality

Table 5.4: OLS model of health care preferences by perceived and ideal inequality. Unstandardized coeﬃcients. Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Intercept 2.46∗∗∗ 2.27∗∗∗ 2.47∗∗∗ (0.13) (0.12) (0.13) Perceived inequality −0.02 −0.08∗∗ (0.02) (0.03) Ideal inequality 0.04∗ 0.10∗∗∗ (0.02) (0.02) R2 0.06 0.07 0.07 Adj. R2 0.06 0.07 0.06 Num. obs. 3835 3907 3614 ∗∗∗p < 0.001, ∗∗p < 0.01, ∗p < 0.05

who justify higher wage inequalities, tend to show agreement with the differences that can be established, for economic reasons, in access to education and health care systems. The stability of the results in both spheres confirms hypothesis 2. However, the adjustment of the variables is not the same in both models. This is verified in a general way in the differences presented by the variability coefficients explained in each model (R2) and, specifically, when observing the relationship between the indicator that represents the perception of inequality and the preferences in the area of health. In this case, although the relationship presents the same orientation as in the case of education, it is not significant. The relationship between perception and preferences only becomes significant when the indicator of ideal inequality is included in the model, which is largely explained by the close correlation between perceptions and beliefs in inequality. Preferences about inequality 281

5.1.5 Discussion

The tendencies showed by inequality preferences both in the sphere of education and health care allow us to inject empirical consistency into a broader theoretical discussion. Likewise, the fact that most of the hypotheses are confirmed and show regularity over time introduces a new element into the understanding of inequality representations in Chile. According to the results, over time Chilean society tends to progressively tend towards greater disagreement with differences in access to education and health care systems for economic reasons. This trend appears clearly in both cases, but it shows greater consensus and sustainability through time for preferences about health care (around 80% of the population shows a rejection of access differences). This allows us to identify a movement of preferences towards more egalitarian attitudes about Chilean society in recent years, but this does not expand homogeneously in all spheres of justice. When preferences about access to the educational system are observed, an important percentage of the population, around 35%, even in the period in which opinions are more critical, does not express a rejection of the differences that can be established for economic reasons. This implies that a sector of the population supports or does not reject criteria that justify differences in one of the main institutions that constitutes the narrative of equal opportunities, as has been observed in precedent chapters. This fact shows that at the level of individuals’ views a national discussion at an institutional level is as it appeared, for example, in the discussion about educational reform developed in chapter two, when the diversity of arguments in the political sphere were analyzed When analyzing the role played by individuals’ positioning in the social structure in the orientation of inequality preferences, it is observed that social 282 Preferences about inequality status has a different impact to that shown in relation to perceptions and beliefs about inequality. In this case, the influence of educational level and socioeconomic group is unstable when the time series are compared. The interaction of socioeconomic group does not appear significant, nor does the subjective identification of individuals with a socioeconomic group in the social structure. And in the case of the influence of educational level, analyzes show that the differences are significant when comparing people who have higher education with the rest of the population. In general terms, the greater impact of the educational factor compared to socioeconomic group confirms a trend that was already outlined when analyzing perceptions and beliefs about inequality, which implies that educational level is a more accurate predictor of inequality representations. And in specific terms, a significant relationship in the interaction of the educational factor with time shows that lower status categories tend to show a stronger growth in the criticism of inequalities, either when analyzing preferences in access to health care or education. This is a regularity in opinion that allows for the claim that the increase of educational levels within Chilean society at an intermediate level has had a direct impact on representations of inequality, similar to the movement of tendencies observed in perceptions of inequality. Integrating into the discussion the influence exerted by the other variables included in the models, it is observed that sex and age significantly influence preferences about inequality in educational as well as health care spheres. This shows that for the Chilean case, a tendency observed in other regions is replicated, where research has proven that women and younger generations tend to be more critical of inequalities and favorable towards redistribution [Alesina and Giuliano, 2009, Arts and Gelissen, 2001, Bean and Papadakis, 1998]. It is important to emphasize the consistency of these tendencies where Preferences about inequality 283 an egalitarian attitude is appreciated, because when they are compared with the trends described in the previous chapters, both variables establish the same type of relationships with perceptions and beliefs about inequality. This implies that the sociodemographic factor has a transversal incidence role in the explanation of inequality and its representation in different types of societies, and deserves to be considered each time that the perceptive or evaluative components of representations are analyzed. The effect of religion on preferences, by virtue of the fact that a significant positive relationship is established with preferences only when opinions are analyzed regarding differences in access to education, turns out not to be random when the results are interpreted in the national context, where an educational reform has been developed. As it has been analyzed, religion can be considered as a criterion of socialization present within countries, which influences views on inequality [Andre and Heien, 2001]. For example, in the case of the Catholic or Protestant religions, a negative relationship between these religious groups and preferences for a more participatory state in goods and services regulations has been demonstrated [Alesina and Giuliano, 2009]. In the Chilean case this trend is replicated. As it appears in chapter 2, where educational reform in parliament was analyzed, groups linked to the Catholic Church enacted their rejection to the reform under the argument that it went against the principle of freedom of education, forcing the religious institutions that received public funds to adapt their selection criteria. The results analyzed in this chapter show that this same rejection is also transferred to individuals, so the discourse maintained at an institutional level is not simply manifest at the level of parliament and in hierarchies, but also in the daily representations of individuals and what they think is fair when they evaluate the educational system. 284 Preferences about inequality

When the results of the models in the areas of education and health care are observed in relation to the perceptions and beliefs about inequality, the exploratory hypothesis is confirmed. This validates a relationship that can be established intuitively, and that the evidence supports for the Chilean case in a stable way over time. Those who perceive more economic inequality consider differences in access to educational and health systems less just. In the opposite sense, those who legitimize greater economic inequality are also more tolerant of differences that can be established in both spheres. This establishes a significant relationship between the different dimensions of the representation of inequality presented in Figure 5.5. The relationship between the perceptions, beliefs and preferences about inequality reveals a link between three dimensions with which subjective inequality has been addressed and of which there is no evidence in the literature (represented in this way). This allows us to explore the connection that takes place between a clearly reflective space and another one linked to action within the representations, since it supposes taking a position in the world of ideas. The observation of this relationship opens the possibility of future studies that are interested, for example, in establishing whether perceptions, beliefs and preferences are also connected with political positions or voting intentions. This could not be addressed in this study as a result of the limitations of the study material, but it could be explored, for example, using longitudinal data that makes panel surveys available.

Table 5.5: Relationship between perceptions, beliefs, and preferences about inequality. Perceived Ideal inequality inequality Preferences about inequality - + across spheres of justice Preferences about inequality 285

Finally, when the relationship between the three dimensions of subjective inequality is analyzed, it becomes evident that views regarding economic inequality are extrapolated and connect with the representations of inequality in other spheres of justice, such as education and health care. This shows that the study of inequalities, although it can be an object of speciality, is part of a whole that gains greater coherence when comparing different spheres. On the one hand, individuals do not consider inequalities equally legitimate in all areas but tend to show similar orientations when compared to each other. And on the other, although differences can be established between groups and social categories, there are certain types of features or cognitive mechanisms that all share and similarly affect the processes of how inequalities are represented. 286 Preferences about inequality 5.2 Individuals’ representations confronted with scenarios of inequality

In this part of the study, we return to the discussion developed in the previous section, exploring individuals’ opinions in imaginary scenarios of inequality from the qualitative data. Based on the statistical results analyzed, it is observed that most Chileans disagree with the differences that can be established in access to education or health for economic reasons, although in both spheres the same level of education is not observed. When evaluating differences in access to the education system, a greater percentage of individuals are favorable, or do not express a direct rejection, of the idea that those with greater economic resources may opt for a better education. On the contrary, when inequalities are evaluated regarding access to health care, preferences present less variability. The available statistical information allows us to recognize the influence of variables such as social position on preferences about inequality, as well as socio-demographic components and differences that are expressed over time. Now, as has been highlighted in a study interested in views of economic inequality [Cramer and Kaufman, 2011], once the societal conditions that influence preferences over inequality are analyzed, a major area for continuing research is to understand the way in which personal background is connected to individual preferences; the subject of study this part of the investigation addresses. What kind of arguments do individuals use to justify the inequalities that can be established in different spheres of justice? What role does the experience of people play in the orientation of their preferences? When analyzing the criteria that are at the base of the arguments that individuals use to jus- Preferences about inequality 287 tify inequalities they consider (un)fair, the specialized literature in this topic has shown that there is a long list of values and principles which individuals use to support their judgments. However, as some authors have pointed out, this diversity of criteria can be reduced basically to three principles where the threshold of principles is largely summarized: equality, equity (merit), and need [Deutsch, 1975]. This is an interpretation close to that developed by Miller [1999], when he establishes that the analysis of principles of social justice should be focus principally on equality, desert (merit), and need, for the importance they play in the construction of modern democracies. According to Deutsch [1975], in the justice system of societies these three principles coexist, and one of them dominates over the others, according to the sense of cooperation or human interaction that the society is oriented towards. If the principal objective of human cooperation is the fostering or maintenance of enjoyable social relations, equality will be the dominant criteria. If the primary goal of human cooperation is economic productiv- ity, merit will be the dominant principle. Finally, if cooperative relations are based in personal development and personal welfare, need will be the dominant principle of justice. In an empirical dimension, analyzing data from across different countries of the European Union [Forséand Parodi, 2006,Forsé,2014] it was established that these three principles coexist in heterogeneous societies and, in turn, comparing the opinions of their citizens, it is possible to establish a hierarchy from the order of preferences in different inequality scenarios, which allows societies to define what a fair society means for them. The results of these studies show that in each country, by majority, it is understood that in order to achieve a just society, one must first give a guarantee to the basic needs (need), then merit must be recognized (merit) and, finally, economic 288 Preferences about inequality inequalities should be reduced (equality). The ordering of justice principles presented in these studies was generated from the comparison of autonomous questions of a questionnaire. Now, what happens if this exercise of hierarchy is translated into the reflection of individuals when it is proposed to them to classify which the most important or urgent inequalities are? In other words, what happens when they are asked to compare inequalities and decide what kind of inequalities are the most unfair? From an empirical approach for the Chilean case there is no evidence, and according to the discussion given at a philosophical level, this exercise could be infertile since, as has been suggested [Sandel, 2009], it is not possible to translate all moral principles into a single currency without losing something in the translation. The logics that regulate differences can vary when comparing areas such as health care with security, education or the environment, to name a few. In this part of the study, then, the question that appears is: what do individuals think about these differences? Is it possible to establish a comparison between spheres in order to produce a hierarchy? And if individuals establish differences between spheres, what principles regulate each of them? The spread of interviews used in this study to analyze these questions is not representative of the national population, but the information provided by the interviewees’ discourses allows us to sketch an overview of the principles and reasons that individuals use to approach this type of moral dilemma that cannot be addressed with the information available in the analyzed surveys. With the material provided by the interviews, this section of the study is organized into two parts. First, individuals’ opinions justifying their preferences about inequality in the areas of education and health care, as well as Preferences about inequality 289 around the pension system, are analyzed. The objective is to analyze the reasons used to explain their judgments and the influence of individual experience on representations of inequality. In a second part, the preferences of individuals are analyzed whilst comparing the importance of different types of inequalities, with the objective of identifying which type of inequalities are considered a priority, and with which type of principles of justice this hierarchy is associated, and why.

5.2.1 Inequality through spheres of justice. Experi- ence as a factor of legitimization

In general, the interviews closely illustrate the opinion summarized by the descriptive statistics in the first part of this chapter. Most interviewees consider differences that can be established for economic reasons in access to a better education or a better health care to be unfair, and the degree of agreement differs according to the sphere of justice under analysis. More- over, associated with each sphere, the reasons that people use to justify their preferences differ, as do the weight of their experiences in the elaboration of their judgments, as it is presented when analyzing each type of scenario separately.

Education

When interviewees talk about inequality in the educational sphere, there is a type of response that appears in all of the interviews. We can identify this as a mechanical response, because it is immediate, and it operates at a normative level. This type of response condemns differences in access to education because it conceives of them as unfair, since it implies, as a consequence, the fact that people in disadvantaged socioeconomic conditions have access to an 290 Preferences about inequality education of lower quality than groups with greater resources. Differences in educational access for economic reasons are criticized, then, because this they undermine the principle of equality of opportunity. Individuals may be in agreement about social differentiations as a result of personal decisions and trajectories, but not when initial conditions determine people’s possibilities and their own performance. When that happens, differences quickly turn into inequalities, and are considered injustices. As the words of these two interviewees illustrate when they refer to the differences in access to education for economic reasons:

It is very unfair, education should be the same for everyone. It’s so sad that there are talents that are not developed because people don’t have the necessary resources. It shouldn’t be like that. I mean, there is a lot of help, as I was telling you. I had classmates [in university] who came from the countryside, they got a scholarship and their degrees, but I know it’s not always like that. (Daniel, professional)

I think it’s unfair that they [people with more resources] have a better education than someone that can be as capable as them. Because education should be free for everyone. There should be free access to education so anyone who feels like studying, everyone who wants to, can do it. Because if you don’t want to, you are just not going to do it. But it cannot be that some people quit studying or have a poor-quality education just because they don’t have the resources. We see that every day [she works with a social worker]. Young people that cannot study because their father have a job with a miserable salary, and cannot take care and pay for the education of his four kids. Because, let’s not Preferences about inequality 291

forget that children also need food, transportation, health care, clothes. It’s just not possible for someone who is earning the minimum wage. (Rosa, clerical support workers).

However, this type of argument, based on a normative register, tends to be less rigid when it involves the experience of individuals’ daily lives. For example, when interviewees talk about their experiences of the education system, or their relatives’, and education is understood as a space for the transmission of knowledge and a space of sociability, the normative level of the judgments tends to become more flexible through the appearance of “exception” spaces. To justify this controversial position regarding a categorical judgment that appears for the first time, individuals make calls to the principles of freedom and merit. In cases of interviewees belonging to the most privileged sectors, those who have studied or whose children study in private schools, based on the evidence of a strong correlation established between private schools and academic performance, as has been described in Chapter 2, people justify their decision. Knowing the actual conditions and the rules that govern the Chilean educational system, if they have the financial means, “nobody would think twice”, says Isidora, about enrolling their children in an exclusive private school. The justification of the preferences in the case of groups of medium and low status is more complex, because although the differentiation factor is present with individuals of lower status, at the same time, people are aware that justifying those differences puts them in a position of inferiority compared to an elite who have a better education. Therefore, the acceptance of inequalities in education is justified because it symbolizes respect for an autonomy acquired as a result of effort and hard work. In many cases this 292 Preferences about inequality is crystallized in trajectories of upward social mobility that for individuals meant the end of dependent relationships with agents such as relatives or the state, and this new scenario allows them to be legitimate actors in a highly segmented system, equal to the rest. Although the veracity of freedom of choice may be contested on the premise that the amount of resources directly affects the range of possibilities, acquiring the capacity to choose “in one’s reality” is defended as a right that has been obtained. An important question that interviewees ask themselves is: if, as a result of my effort, I earned my salary, why not invest it in better education for my children? Likewise, for individuals not belonging to privileged groups, differences in academic performance can be placed in a second order. The priority most of the time seems to be the social environment surrounding establishments. As Aurelia points out, within the same neighborhood, investing a little more in the education of your child can make a big difference, because the social context where the young will be involved throughout their student’s life is directly determined by this decision. As she mentions:

I think that even if you make just a little more [money] you should put your son in a better school [public-private school], especially for the contacts, so they get surrounded by better kids, because there’sHow can I explain?... Sometimes there’s inequality even within your own [community]. You get it? Look, in my neighborhood there are moms who don’t really care about their kids, there’s young people with bad habits. So, if you don’t want your kids to hang out with them, you put them in a private school subsidized by the government. In this kind of school there’s a higher quality, families who are committed to their kids, families committed to family, in the end. If I have made it this far, as Preferences about inequality 293

you can see, I must do it. What I’m trying to say is that taking your kids to school is more than just dropping them there in the morning and you are done. Here it’s diﬀerent, if you pay a little bit more, it shows that you worry about them. (Aurelia, services and sales workers)

From a normative perspective, practically all interviewees agree that equal educational access ought to exist, with no differences among students inside the educational system. In the first instance there are few doubts about this position. But when interviewees incorporate their personal experiences to the debate, most cases express that they do not want to be forced to be in similar establishments. Based on current conditions, at least their freedom to choose, or the legitimate demand of recognition of their merit, justifies difference of access in education. Especially for individuals who are distant from the elite groups, changes in their biographies over time have allowed them to expand their capacity of choice, and choice also implies a moral decision because they represent the interests of individuals (how worried they are about their children). Over this reasoning, education is conceived in between a right and a moral desert.

Pensions

The question about preferences regarding the pension system was included to integrate another point of comparison to the analyzed areas of justice. In addition, this is because at the time the interviews were held, the debate over a reform of the private system that administers the pension system in Chile was becoming strongly politicized. Since August 2016, massive protests have been deployed throughout the country to claim against the retirement system introduced during the dicta- 294 Preferences about inequality torship and managed by the Pension Fund Administrators5 (called AFPs in Spanish). The protests were led by a civil society group called No + AFP, who raised a set of criticisms against the current institutionality, mainly for the low pensions received by the first generations who have entered retirement under this system of individual capitalization and, also, because of the low transparency of the management by the companies in charge of administration. The repercussions of this movement had a strong impact on the political sphere, which can be seen, first, in a reform project presented by the government of Michelle Bachelet to, among other things, increase the amount of pensions6. And second, based on the fact that many of the criticisms outlined in demonstrations were taken by the presidential candidates during their campaigns in 2017, from a more radical reformist vision held by left- wing candidates to a moderate reformism of those on the right. Sebastián Piñera,who won the presidential election, in 2018 sent his plan to reform the pension system as a response to a national public debate. To provide a general view of individuals’ preferences in this area of justice, the SJCP 2013 survey integrated the same question the respondents

5In 1980, the Minister of Labor and Social Welfare, JoséPiñera,led a project to reform the old pension system that operated in Chile. This consisted in the transition from an income sharing system (sistema de reparto) to a savings system, that is, from a system where the economically active population financed the retired population, to a system where each person is responsible for their own retirement based on their capacity of savings during the work life. The pension model has been the focus of reforms, such as the government of Ricardo Lagos (2002) introduced the logic of multi-funds, which provides the possibility for contributors to choose the type of funds in which they want to invest their savings (funds A, B, C, D and E). Each one of these funds are associated with an expected risk and return. 6The reform project was admitted to parliament on August, 2017, and introduced the proposal of a 5% increase in contributions paid by the employer. This will be divided into 3% for personal savings and 2% for a new collective savings fund. This 2% is something new for the system, because it implies the formation of a solidarity pillar nonexistent until now. Preferences about inequality 295 were asked about inequality preferences regarding health care and education spheres. For the case of the pension system, surveys asked if people agreed with the following statement: it is fair that people with higher incomes may have better pensions than others. In Figure 5.21 a summary of the answers is shown, which is compared, in turn, to responses in the education and health care spheres in the same year, to gain a general overview of individuals’ opinions. As can be seen in the figure, the distribution of answers shows that a large percentage of individuals strongly disagree or disagree that people with higher incomes may have better pensions than others (70%). On the one hand, this percentage of rejection, the majority of Chilean society, puts preferences about inequalities in the pension system in between the preferences about education and health. On the other hand, when observing the percentage of people who agree with the logic that structures the pension system, or does not show a definitive rejection (30%), the opinions of the interviewees are closer to the preferences expressed around the educational system, where there is a greater diversity of opinions compared to those about health care. This reflects a closeness of percentages between preferences about pensions and education that is transferred to the repertoire of arguments used to justify inequalities within each of these scenarios. Regarding preferences in the area of pensions, interviewees show an immediate rejection of differences between people in retirement, as happens when analyzing inequalities in the educational sphere. The criticism is based mainly on the idea that the amount of pensions is not enough for people to have a decent life, a situation which is not far from reality if we consider studies that calculate the average pension amount to be less than the minimum wage - or, more specifically, 87% of the minimum wage in 2013 [Fundacin 296 Preferences about inequality

Figure 5.21: Preferences of inequality around the pension, education and health care system in 2013.

Note: Question for each sphere of justice. Are you agree with the following sentences? Education: It is fair that those who can aﬀord to have a better education for their children; Pension: It is fair that people with higher incomes may have better pensions than others; Health care: It is fair that people with higher incomes may gain access to better health care than people with lower incomes.

SOL, 2014]. From interviewees’ perspectives, low pensions mean that people at retirement age transform quickly into a vulnerable population, since the ﬁxed expenses in feeding, transportation, insurance, and especially the cost of medicines that are included in the normal spending at this stage of life far exceed a typical monthly budget. This renders an individual or family budget unsustainable, alongside the possibility of maintaining autonomy after an economically active life. The overall evaluation of the pension system, then, is negative because it is considered that it became a factor of poverty and transformed the lives of the elderly into those lacking in dignity, as Daniela says: Preferences about inequality 297

To me, to be an elder is very unfair, starting with our retirement plan. Man, if health care is already bad, for old people it is even worst. It cannot be, it doesn’t make any sense, that you have to spend almost all your miserable retirement payment in medicines. I mean, it cannot be that 80 year-old grandparents have to keep working, and with terrible wages, just so they can arrive until the end of the month. The Chilean State and society need to promote senior life, the elder, as something valuable, because today in Chile, to be old is a problem. [They need] to promote old age as something healthy, so you can feel good about getting old. We are all getting old, sooner or later. It cannot be that we must worry about working all the time because if we don’t, once we are old, we are going to be in misery. It’s OK, it’s OK, the institutions can take part of my salary, but, fuck, if it’s not enough later, the Chilean State should help me, subsidize me, you get it? It’s not fair that a person who didn’t make a lot of money gets a retirement payment that’s not enough for living. Nowadays, there’s no dignity in being old. (Daniela, services and sales worker).

Judgments are acute, and everyone considers that the current pension system undermines the dignity of Chileans. For this reason, retirement is also characterized as another symptom of social inequality, because it places under a cloak of vulnerability a signiﬁcant part of population who have shown economic independence and pride over past decades. Faced with an uncertain future that includes most of the economically active population, the contrast with the most privileged segments of society who have the means to ﬁnance their future life without the problems of the Chilean average is evident. This 298 Preferences about inequality is represented in Antonio’s words:

The retirement plan system are very unfair, because it perpetuates inequality. That is, for a random person, a public worker, or someone that works in retail, their salary drops dramatically once they retire, at least to half of it or even lower. And probably, someone with a good position will not only have an AFP plan, but also properties, rents, so they are going to have a good senior life. Their families will not only take care of them but also support them economically. This perpetuates inequality, maybe it even enhances it, because old people, within the poor, are the poorest. An old person doesn’t have any support networks. They cannot take care of themselves anymore, they get sick. In other words, we are talking about some major desolation. (Antonio, professional)

This kind of opinion is featured across most interviewees’ opinions. Never- theless, it is observed that another series of criteria exist close to it, that for interviewees it is difficult to reconcile with the criticisms outlined, because there are elements of the same differences established in the pension system that are also valued. When individuals evaluate pensions, they confront a highly complex system which they do not fully understand, but from which they also extract an assessment of their independence and a valorization of decisions that agents can make. For the Chileans of lower and middle social status, this puts them in a degree of equality with those placed in higher social status, and “empowers” them in a certain way, as it is described in Box 5. The pension system defines its users as autonomous and responsible agents, and this has the effect of an implicit recognition of their biographies that Preferences about inequality 299 reinforces the value that Chileans put in effort, and the narrative regarding the concept of merit. The pension system, therefore, although strongly criticized, manages to install itself in a legitimating discourse that crosses the opinions of an important portion of interviewees through the idea that pensions are also the result of a life of work, the reflection of effort and, therefore, in its structure there is a component of deservedness that cannot be ignored. As it happens when evaluating inequalities in the sphere of education, this happens when individuals incorporate their own experience into the analysis, leaving a purely normative evaluation, as can be seen in Manuel’s words:

Retirement payments are directly related to how much you worked while you could. It’s like a condecoration for your work. It’s a diﬃcult thing to say, but it’s also true. It’s also a very long chain, because there are opportunities, your education, how you were raised and the decisions you made for your future. For example, if I decided to study instead of being independent, I would have been like everybody else. Saving money so that once I retire I have my retirement payment. But I chose a diﬀerent method, I’m investing in other things to have a pension. Is that fair or unfair? To me, it’s directly related to how much you wanted it, everyone is responsible for their own life. (Manuel, manager).

As was the case when evaluating inequalities in the educational sphere, the acceptance of inequalities that can be established in pensions by the wage differences of the market supposes that the same individuals, in most cases, will have low pensions, or lower when they compare with groups that hold greater privileges. However, the comparison is not made with the groups that are at the top of society, but with their closest environment, and if the idea 300 Preferences about inequality of equalizing pensions implies redistributive policies to benefit those who did not strive in the same way they did, this is not well received7. It therefore appears in the speech of the interviewees that miserable-sized pensions are not justified, but this does not imply an equality in terms of the pensions people receive at the end of their lives, because this would undermine the meritocratic principle under which the trajectories of individuals in this sphere of justice are judged. Differences in pensions based on individuals’ incomes can be valid because they represent the results obtained throughout their life. In this way, pensions are not considered as “innocent” amounts, because they account for both the effort and the mistakes made by individuals throughout their lives. As Carmen and Mario mention, in reference to the justice of differences in pensions, “one picks what one sows”. This is an image that appears in repeated scenarios to explain that individuals are responsible for their actions and the consequences of those actions, anchoring more heavily the weight of conditions which determine individuals’ decisions rather than the weight of the social structure. In people’s preferences, the current pension system shares with education the idea that both are in between a right and moral level of desert. This conclusion may appear controversial in a context of social mobilization, but it represents a crucial part of people’s reasoning.

7This way of evaluating the pension system appears, for example, in the rejection of the reform presented to the pension system during the Bachelet government by a part of the population. In the reform was proposed to 5% increase in contributions paid by the employer, divided into 3% for personal savings and 2% for a new collective savings fund. The controversy was generated from the fact that in the public debate, a part of population said that all of that 5% should go to personal savings, rejecting the 2% of the funds that allow creating a solidarity pillar so far non-existent. The reasons put forward were that this 2% was considered a supplementary tax to the middle class, since it was going to be directed towards strata of lower social status [El Mercurio, 2017]. Preferences about inequality 301

Box 5. We are all potential economists. On more than one occasion I had to do interviews at the end of the working day, in interviewees’ homes. In general, we talked in the living room and a television show can almost always be heard in the background. Speaking with an interviewee, while we were discussing about pension system, in the news they spoke precisely about the situation of pension funds. I had already forgotten, but daily in the news there is a section that reports the funds trends according to their level of risk. Here, the presenter discusses with experts the conditions that may affect people’s investments. For example, under what circumstances it is better to change investments from one fund to another; take more or less risks. The section is short, but it is a complex assessment of the economy where the trends of the Chinese industry and the value of oil are constantly quoted, and which aim to inform views how these movements affect the state of the Chilean economy and, therefore, individual savings. The subjacent idea is that people can, with this information in mind, freely decide what to do with their money. When I lived in Chile, this was always difficult for me to understand, and now that I am writing I remember the silence that spread in my house when we were eating and the AFPs section arrived. A complicit silence that merged ignorance with acceptance. We all knew what they were talking about, but nobody ever understood everything. At family barbecues, while we were lighting the coal, there was always someone who gave information about the best funds to invest in and which AFP was doing well, but when questions were posed, there were always unclear answers, hidden in economic trends that nobody understood. In general, all was reduced to a warning given in the news or from a friend, very similar to the key information that one may have in 302 Preferences about inequality a hippodrome. When we put the meat on the grill, all misunderstandings were forgotten about. When I do my interviews I realize that this kind of situation repeats. People of all education levels and social classes speak to me of individual capitalization, investment funds, AFP performances, and quote the economist of the moment to justify retirement strategies. However, after a certain time of discussion, all confess that, sincerely, they do not understand everything either; that it is a very complex system and so they will leave the important decisions for later. When this happens, more than once I have been offered a cookie or a coffee, and ask to pass to the next question. (January 18, 2016. Notes from the field diary)

Health care

Considering the graph presented in the statistical part of the chapter, the health care dimension is the one that generates more consensus among Chilean population. About 80% of the population in the years 2013-2014 does not agree with the existence of inequality in the health care system for economic reasons. This is a majority that also feature in the preferences appearing between interviews and the type of arguments used to analyze inequalities present in this sphere of justice. The cases in which this rejection does not appear are limited, and when arguments are given in favor of inequalities, they are circumscribed to hypothetical speeches that crash with the weight of characteristics that diﬀerentiate between, for example, the public and private health system, as Luis mentions.

Personally, in theory, I don’t care about ISAPRES8, in the private

8The Chilean health system is constitute by three parts: (1) the public system (representing 81% of population), which is administrated by the Fondo Nacional de Salud Preferences about inequality 303

health system, not at all. I don’t care. What bothers me on one hand is that it’s so astronomically expensive, and on the other hand that the diﬀerences between salaries are so big that most people don’t really have a chance to use it. Also, in contrast, the public health system is horrible. So people are trapped. If we all had good salaries, people could analyze their needs and prioritize their health. They could choose the private health system over the public one without any problems. (Luis, professional).

In a hypothetical case, where there is equality of conditions and better income distribution, for Luis inequalities in access to health care would not be inequalities, but legitimate differences. But the public system is horrible, Luis says. It does not work, it discriminates, it is slow, and many other negative adjectives were used by interviewees to describe it. Critiques point fundamentally to vital inequalities, as Goran Therborn [2006, 2014] has defined; that is, those that produce direct differences in life and death expectations. As Natalia says, “because if I go to the hospital, I could die waiting, because you never find an appointment”, or Manuel, when he says that “in this country, if you get sick and do not have money, you can die. As simple as that”. The diagnosis is widespread, which translates into the fact that faced with a serious emergency, most of the interviewees would prefer to go into debt to feel safe, rather than to go and be treated in the public system. What emerges from these answers is that individuals do not accept differ-

(FONASA), (2) the private sector (17%), administrated by Health Insurance Institutions (ISAPRES), and (3) one especial system administrated directly by the Army and Police organizations (2%) [Benavides et al., 2013]. The differences among these systems is very marked inside Chilean society, where a clear association is made between upper classes and individuals affiliated to the private sector, and middle and lower classes commonly seen as members of public sector. 304 Preferences about inequality ences in access to the health care system; they consider them unfair, because they reject the most universal facet of equality: that all people are human beings. When access differences are generated, quality differences are generated, and, therefore, types of individuals are established. Health care of a first and second class represent, at the same time, individuals of a first and second class. This judgment crosses the opinion of the majority of the interviewees and, unlike what happened when interviewees evaluated inequalities in education and the pension system, preferences do not change when judgments based on normative principles or experience are compared. In both cases, a rejection of inequalities is maintained, which may explain the high consensus around the rejection of them. In interviews, it is observed that evaluations of health care inequality function independent of experience, which shows that individuals do not only produce judgments from the result of accumulation of unjust experiences, but because they believe in equal respect or universal dignity associated to some spheres. This is an intersubjective moral substrate that is associated with a priori criteria when analyzing the construction of justice-based judgments about inequality, as has been remarked for the French case [Guibet Lafaye, 2012,Forséet al., 2013]. Since judgments are constructed in a space prior to experience, the merit criteria that strongly influenced the evaluation of access differences in education and the pension system tend to disappear. Some interviewees mention that equal access to health care could be questioned when there are cases of alcoholism or drug addiction, to the extent that these subjects should not have the same priority as care received by children or the elderly. There appears to be a sort of deservedness according to the behavior and habits of people. Nevertheless, the argument of human dignity prevails over any Preferences about inequality 305 other type of reason and allows the emergency of another kind of argument that represents concepts such as reciprocity, and inter-generational and inter- class responsibility in the financing of the health care system, that are not observed when spheres of education and pension are analyzed. As can be seen in Roberto’ words:

Inequality in our health care system is painful. I mean, someone dying because they don’t have money or because they get treated diﬀerently is terrible. That’s why I believe that AUGE9 is a very valuable step forward. I think it was Lagos that started it. Me, when I think about that type of program, I’m not against a tax increase. I’m paying, even if I never use the public health system because I go to private hospitals. AUGE was a very good thing because it gave people tranquility. For example, once multiple sclerosis becomes a part of AUGE, or other illness that are not so rare anymore, people that suﬀer from those will not be alone. I have enough money to go to the doctor whenever I want, but not everyone has that privilege. AUGE is an answer we didn’t have before. (Roberto, manager).

9The Universal Access Plan of Explicit Guarantees (Plan de Acceso Universal de Garant´ıas Expl´ıcitas or AUGE), created in 2005, is a national health program which guarantee the treatment of a series of illness covered by this sanitary system. Every three years is introduced a new illness and both, the public and the private health systems, have to guarantee the access to a correct treatment of illnesses inscribed in it. If an illness is not considered by a private insurance or an individual cannot aﬀord the coast of its treatment, there is a public insurance that contributes to pay or co-pay the costs of the treatment. In 2006 40 diseases had guaranteed care, becoming 56 in 2007, 69 in 2010 and 80 in 2013. 306 Preferences about inequality

5.2.2 Hierarchy between types of inequality and principles of justice

The question we address in this last section of the study is whether judgments about inequality can maintain a level of differentiation between spheres, as we just analyzed, but, at the same time, whether it is possible for individuals to generate a comparison between them. In other words, is it possible to compare justice spheres which organize moral principles hierarchically? And if people can do this, what does it imply? Which type of spheres and principles are considered to be fundamental, intrinsic or categorical for Chilean society? And which ones can be classified at a secondary level? In this case the question is different from the one orienting the precedent section because it does not focus on the levels of justice that can be found inside each sphere, but rather on the possibility of comparing levels of justice between them to define what kind of inequality is more or less accepted. To initiate the discussion with interviewees, the questions utilized were the following: Among all these social inequalities or social differences of which we have spoken, which type do you think is more unacceptable or unjust? Is it possible to produce a hierarchy of order between them? Why? How? And the answers obtained were complementary to those analyzed in the previous section, which allows us to generate a general balance of preference about inequalities in Chilean society. The first element appearing in interviews that must be highlighted was the time individuals take to prepare their answers, something that represents their complexity, and that interviewees had to elaborate on their opinions. This did not appear in other parts of the interview process. When it is necessary to compare inequality, they exhibit doubt because the question left them feeling like the limits of their moral capabilities had been exceeded. Preferences about inequality 307

The interviewees feel that they are not doing the right thing if they choose economic inequalities over health, or education over public security, because they feel that they would always be harming someone. Thus, if we take into account the arguments developed by Sandel [2009] regarding how infertile this exercise of comparison can be, due to the impossibility of generating an equivalence between different principles of justice, in the first instance, from the perspective of individuals, it is confirmed that it is not possible to establish priorities. This can be seen in the words of Daniela and Yenny:

That’s a tough question, it’s complicated. To me all inequalities are important, I couldn’t rank them. You cannot deny someone a good health care system, a good education, a good job and a decent salary. Because if you start attacking the salary diﬀerences and then our health care system, it means that you are going to give something while also denying something else. And you cannot deny people anything. You cannot deny people a good transportation system, decent resting hours, good entertainment time, you can’t. I think you cannot prioritize one thing over the other. (Daniela, service and sales work).

I believe that, unfortunately, in some way, that’s a political answer. That is, morally speaking, it’s probable that you cannot rank them, I cannot imagine a way of doing it. That’s why I think it’s a political decision, a decision that someone has to make because there’s not enough resources and we cannot give everyone what they want. That’s the truth. (Pedro, service and sales work)

These two examples show that, for individuals, it is diﬃcult to reconcile 308 Preferences about inequality all spheres and generate a standard evaluation using the same scale and a single criterion. For them it seems there is not a general logic of explanation that allows them to order their moral principles. This decision belongs to another type of person; as Pedro says, it is a political decision. However, the impossibility of giving an answer is not deﬁnitive, and the position of individuals tends to change when they forget about ideology and assume that there are urgencies imposed by individuals’ everyday lives that force them to take a position. This is described in Yenny’s speech.

It’s hard to answer because, for example, health care and education are very important and sometimes it’s one or the other. Let me give you an example. I’m not saying I’m old, but I’m starting to get to that part in my life where everything hurts. And you might say that I have to go to the doctor, but I don’t have enough money because I prefer to save that money to buy some food, or save for my daughter’s needs. Now that my daughter is in secondary school, I must buy her everything. If I get sick, instead of making an appointment to see a doctor I prefer to save that money and spend it on my daughter. I mean, I know that I must get her the school uniform, she’s going to need shoes, school supplies, and all that needs to be brand new. So, what do you do if you are poor? You are going to prioritize her things over your need to see a doctor. I know it’s not fair, but it’s what you have to do. So, what would you solve ﬁrst, education or health care? It should be both, but I’m forced to choose one. (Yenny, elementary occupations)

When they “face reality”, to use a recurring phrase among interviewees, there is a need to make decisions which put them on a level of pragmatism, Preferences about inequality 309 and that dilutes the impartiality of opinion established from a position rather as an observer than a social actor. There are moments of urgency in which individuals must make decisions with limited resources and, in these moments, they are often obliged to produce a hierarchical order. The level of proximity with the evaluated object influences individuals to take a position, and closely linked to this factor appears the primacy of certain principles that describe a just society, as is observed when comparing discourses of the interviewees. Using as a reference point the discussion raised at the beginning of this part of the study, the principles raised by the interviewees correspond to the principles of need, merit and equality, which, ordered in this way, are closely linked to vital inequalities10, and those presented in the education sphere and economic realm11. Initially, individuals prioritize vital inequalities or health care because they are associated with a fundamental need; that is, a minimal standard that allows people to lead a decent life, as has been defined by Miller [1999], or the basic conditions that ensure personal development and personal welfare, as has been defined by Deutsch [1975]. Maria’s words show that the interviewees consider that health care is the most basic, the vital sustenance of society in literal terms, because it is a prerequisite for developing a social life. This representation connects with arguments presented in the previous section, when inequalities within the health care sphere were evaluated. Unequal differences in access to health care cannot be justified because that implies

10Vital inequalities refer to inequalities regarding health outcomes and life expectancies [Therborn, 2006,Therborn, 2014] . In interviews they are represented closely to inequalities in the health-care system. 11This hierarchy is not very different from what statistical information shows. For example, if we consider the results of the surveys Centro de Estudios Públicos (CEP) across time, from the year 2000 onwards, health, education and economic problems are considered among the main problems of Chilean society [CEP, 2017]. A group to which crime and violence must be added, but which appears sub-represented in the interviews, if it is compared with the other three dimensions. 310 Preferences about inequality that from the most basic level it is assumed that there are citizens of different levels and class, which breaks the social pact in which everyone is recognized as equals.

Health should be ﬁrst, because in order to feel good in this life you need to be healthy. And without health care you cannot work. It’s so sad to see kids, old people, who are not receiving medical treatment, people who are dying. People who don’t have access to an eye examination, or to check their teeth or stomach. You have to pay for everything or wait for years to get an appointment. It’s very unfair. If nothing changes regarding these disparities, the most basic ones, because we all get sick no matter if you are from right wing or left wing, then what can we expect for the future? (Maria, clerical support worker)

Now, how is the minimum defined? How do individuals understand a decent life? Why is priority given to health over education if both spheres can be considered social needs, as Yenny expressed? If one considers the point raised by Miller when defining the principle of need, the minimum is defined by shared social norms through which a society defines what belongs to its own collective fate. This is different to what is defined as individual responsibility. From this conception of what constitutes the minimum, health is conceived as a social good, where even individuals of higher status are open to cooperate because that right is ensured. However, from this perspective, although education has a component associated with the same characteristics as health, it also has a strong meritocratic component - individual responsibility - as discussed in the previous section. In the discourse expressed by interviewee regarding education, the permanent contradiction of the meritocratic notion coexists. On the one hand, Preferences about inequality 311 an equality of conditions is demanded so that all individuals have a common base, without barriers, from where the individual trajectories begin and people differentiate because of their effort and intelligence. In other words, there is a minimum where the potentiality of everyone is recognized equally because all are, by nature, equal. But on the other hand, the interviewees express that a legitimate right is being able to transfer what has been gained between generations, from parents to children, for example, in the process of investing in better conditions for the education of children. Thus, education is seen as a great leveler, but not with the radicality and urgency with which health care is regarded. In the eyes of individuals, there is a component of the educational system that is inherently linked to a productive vision of society, where the assurance of a common base and the freedom to establish differences as a result of individual activity coexist. By respecting both dimensions, it is possible to build a more just society. This sentiment appears in the words of Federico.

Education is what moves society in every sense, and for that reason it can have diﬀerences. There’s no problem with that, but you have to make sure there is a minimum level, something that doesn’t exist right now. I believe that there should be equal access to education for everyone. If you help one smart person, someone with potential, to get ahead, or someone who is vulnerable and without networks, then there’s hope for success. To be able to make it and provide for your family. These demands are what social movements have been dealing with in recent years. Without a good education system, it will be impossible to get out of that hole, and we are just going to perpetuate the existing cycle. (Federico, professional) 312 Preferences about inequality

In the words of Federico, linked to education is the promise of social mobility that individuals do not conceive as a myth. The interviewee says that it is “these demands social movements have been dealing with in recent years” referring to the changes experienced by Chilean society. These changes, as discussed in chapter four regarding beliefs about inequality, are largely associated with history and personal efforts, rather than the effect of redistributive policies, which connects how people interpret the educational system itself. It is not perceived as an egalitarian system, because each of the interviewees is aware of the inequalities within the education system, the contribution of secondary and higher education establishments, associated with personal effort, allowed changing the conditions of many people. In this way, if social transformations were possible on an unequal basis, the equality of conditions in this sphere is not a necessity, like health is. Finally, in the order that interviewees generate between spheres and principles of justice, after health and education, economic inequalities appear. This type of inequality considers wage differences, the concentration of wealth, the “excesses” as Ricardo mentions, which should be regulated once greater equality has been ensured in the first two areas.

Economic disparities would be last on my list, because it’s less important than health and education. Those should be the starting point, for everything, where you can build the foundations for opportunities and options that you will have in life. But we have to accept that our lives are money-oriented, so it’s not possible to imagine everyone having the same salary, or that all of us are equal. We would have to live in a diﬀerent world. Unfortunately, public services, public goods, are low quality goods, in some way. So being able to have a better salary means a better quality of life, Preferences about inequality 313

and you cannot criticize someone for wanting more. You should worry about those who are over-rewarded. (Ricardo, manager)

In this quotation there is a point that is highly shared by the rest of the interviewees: that economic differences must be judged from the capitalist system in which the interviewees live. Everyone assumes that economic differences will always be part of this type of society, and earning more money is what each one of them would like. In this way, the discussion about what kind of salaries are excessive, or at which amount the differences become unjust, takes place after the discussion of the mechanisms which allow citizens to participate with the same rights and opportunities in the system of which they form a part. When comparing the three spheres of inequality and their principles, the order that is established does not seem spontaneous if one considers the results of a study that analyzed the representation of inequalities in Chile in 2002 [Garretn and Cumsille, 2002]. This study mentions that economic inequality did not seem to be a priority for Chileans, even when the rates of economic concentration were higher than now. The priorities at that time were inequalities in justice, health and education, and then economic income. This tendency that defines a setting of priorities around social inequalities allows us to consider the discussion about individual preferences at a level where two models of justice are differentiated to regulate social differences. As has been discussed [Dubet, 2010], on the one hand, it is a social agreement that seeks to achieve a state of equal opportunities. On the other hand, it is a social agreement where the system is intended to regulate and encourage equality of positions. In other words: a social model where it is more important that everyone has the same possibilities of reaching the positions in which the greatest amount of resources are concentrated or, another, where 314 Preferences about inequality the priority is not to generate a state of conditions that ensures that everyone can reach the highest, but that the differences between the occupations of high and low social status are not so far from each other. As Deutsch [1975] emphasizes, when equality is the principle at the center of human cooperation, social relations are oriented towards maintaining the good state of relations by themselves. This is a principle that represents a more communitarian dimension of equality than necessity and merit, which points to the welfare and good performance of the individual’s capacities. The discourses of the interviewees, interpreted in light of this definition, show that the place of the individual and the desire to deepen equal opportunities seems to be definitely at the center of the societal priorities in Chile.

Box 6. Are we born equals or do we become equals? Books are the best partners during the field work to pass the downtime. A few days ago I was reading On revolution [Arendt, 1990], and the argument appeared that the notion of equality has not always been understood as a right acquired by the very fact of being born. In ancient Greece, individuals were born in freedom and by nature they were not equal. Citizens lived together under the condition of no-rules and the polis was the only institution with the virtue to make men equals. Therefore, equality existed within the boundaries of the polis, between citizens, and not beyond. The modern form of equality, which understands that men are born and remain free and equal in rights, produces a change in the way of understanding it. It marks a turn from a relationship where we are born unequal but become equal, to another where we are born equal and should remain the same through time. Unfortunately, because of the force of a progressive differentiation, the bounds of social equality become weakened. Thinking about this, in several 5.3. SUMMARY 315 interviews an argument which arises is that the only thing that remains of equality among Chilean citizens is the fact of having been born in the same country. There is the impression that even rights are changing according to the socio-economic status of citizens. From birth nothing connects them, and everything separates them. I have wondered, then, if it is possible to turn back to the classic sense of citizenship. Is it possible to think of a modern society in which only the fact of inhabiting the polis generates a sense of equality? This morning on the bus I found a flash of response. I am reading Karl Ove Knausgard’s My Struggle [Knausgaard, 2014], and in one part of this long journey he mentions that for him all individuals are born different, unequal, and only through the intervention of the institutions and the conditions that society produces we become equals. This idea could only have been written by a Scandinavian intellectual, I thought. This is the case of Karl Ove: a Norwegian writer living in Sweden. The perfect synthesis, the cliché of a powerful welfare state. Someday, will a Latin American writer write something like that? (January 14, 2016. Notes from the field diary)

5.3 Summary

When comparing the data provided by the quantitative and qualitative analysis on preferences that Chileans have about social inequality, in this last chapter a convergence of results is observed that allows for the formation of a general framework, featuring a repertoire of reasons and principles of justice that individuals use to sustain their judgments. From the statistical data it can be observed that over time society has a more critical view regarding inequalities that are generated in education and 316 Preferences about inequality health care systems for reasons grounded in economic order. It is in health care where the broader rejection of inequalities is presented, a tendency that connects with the representations that the interviewees hold about this sphere of justice. From their perspectives, equal access to health represents a vital substratum not only for individuals’ life, but also for society because it supposes a common minimum where the basic dignity of people is sustained. For this reason, it is unacceptable for a large majority to establish inequalities of access in this area, because this type of inequality means legitimizing differences between classes of citizens of first and second order. In this way, taking into account the question posed by Michael Sandel [2012] - What can money not buy? - to define the moral limits of markets, from the information discussed in this chapter it is noted that the health care system is a space in which a large majority considers that a market logic should not intervene, since it responds to a principle of human need, where reasons for differentiation are not justified. In this domain, there is no doubt that it is citizens and not consumers who express their judgments. According to the tendencies observed in the sphere of education, the comparison between different series of time shows that the rejection of inequalities is growing. However, it is observed that a significant percentage of the population sees education as a system that has meritocratic components. This also happens when evaluating the sphere of retirement. Compared with the health care system, the value of merit appears not only to the extent that an institution validates and legitimizes differences between students according to their performance, intelligence and effort, but at an earlier stage. Individ- uals legitimize the differences between establishments for economic reasons because it supposes an extension of the trajectories from parents to children. This is another way in which a right of inheritance is expressed. Preferences about inequality 317

Putting these results in light of the evidence provided by other studies - for example, the work of Forséand Parodi [2006] - it is observed that the principles of justice that order the interpretation of a fair society may follow the same pattern, but the spheres of justice that are associated with these principles may change. The information analyzed in this case is not representative of the national level, but it helps us to understand how education is thought about. Compared to European societies, where education is associated with the principle of necessity, in Chile it appears as bordering between necessity and merit, which permits the empirical observation that shared social norms change according to the types of society. Another point to emphasize from the results is regarding the influences of personal experiences on evaluations of social inequality; specifically, individuals’ interpretations about structural transformations that Chilean society has experienced. When individuals analyze inequalities based on their experiences of social mobility or the material improvement of their living standards, they tend to justify differences in access to systems such as education, or the amount of pensions that people can choose. These results complement a reading made about the analysis of quantitative material. This is because educational level and the subjective position of individuals on the social scale, a variable that represents a biographical synthesis, since it considers that people are placed according to an assessment of their performance, are significantly and positively correlated to individuals’ inequality preferences. In other words, those people who tend to position themselves higher on the social scale, tend to consider the differences in access to education and health systems over time as fairer. On the contrary, perceptions of economic inequality are negatively correlated to preferences of inequality. If we consider the inequality perception 318 Preferences about inequality indicator developed from the wage gap, this is inversely related to preferences. Individuals who perceive more economic inequality manifest more critical preferences against inequality. In this way, the differences between levels of perception allow us to conclude that the reference point used to assess inequalities directly affects their orientation. A representation of inequalities based on a comparison with “another external” - that is, another person - is more critical than what happens when the comparison is made based on “another internal” (the same individual at different moments of time). This marks the centrality that the individual has in the representation of inequalities in Chilean society, which is consistent with the order of principles that structure a fair society from the perspectives of individuals. First appear the values that point to the wellbeing and good performance of individual capabilities, followed by those who address interpersonal or community relationships. The analysis of this chapter gives us material to understand which factors determine, to a greater or lesser extent, individuals’ preferences about inequality. This material provides a new opportunity for future research. For example, interrogating the extent to which these opinions are related to political ideologies, inclinations to vote, or preferences for a certain type of political model, with greater or lesser intervention by the state and market. Conclusion

In the discussion about the transformations experienced by Chilean society in recent decades, the dictatorship marks a breakthrough moment not only in the democratic and institutional life of the country, but also in its social life. And around this break, two ideal-types of Chilean society appear. On the one hand, there is the pre-1973 period, in which Chile can be described as a classic national-industrial centered society; that is, a society where individuals were highly socialized through productive and political activity, generating a correspondence between economy, politics and culture [Garretn, 2000]. Likewise, it was a society marked by a strong community character, linked to rural traditions and inﬂuenced by Catholic social thought [Bengoa, 1996,Solimano, 2012], where collective projects took priority over individual initiatives and, therefore, ideas giving prominence to particular aspects of social life were excluded from the social narrative [Engel and Navia, 2011]. On the other hand, through the political and economic reforms developed during the dictatorship and consolidated in the subsequent democratic period, the articulation of a neoliberal society is identiﬁed as a consequence of a process of “capitalist modernization” [Pea, 2017]. This means a process of social transformation where collective narratives associated with categories such as social class or labor occupation were diluted and reduced to a scale of the individual. It also resulted in economic growth, increases in edu-

319 320 Conclusion cational levels, processes of social mobility, labor outsourcing and flexibility, and also the progressive decrease of people who identify with a religion within the country. Transformations in family composition, and the emergence of minorities demanding identitary and political recognition, among other elements, fragmented the narrative of Chile’s former self: a communitarian society, or, at least, one with higher cohesion within and between each social stratum. Both social models described are distinct ideals. That is why the social transformations that Chile experienced during the last decades, in practice, are not conceived as a completely coherent process, but have been characterized as a project in which the “two Chiles” still coexist. The idea of a Chilean homo-neoliberal is an unfinished aspiration (Araujo and Martuccelli 2012). However, in this new stage, in which a predominance of the individual over society is recognized, certain types of principles of justice are also associated with this historical moment of Chilean society. Such is the case of the exaltation of the principles that foster individual responsibility, like the principle of merit, which has hegemonized the realm of ideals of justice within Chilean society over other types of principles which might instead be closer to an ideal of solidarity. In this context, in the midst of apparent social stability achieved during the return of democracy, several studies analyzed throughout this thesis mention that a malaise was nesting in Chilean society, where the two ways of conceiv- ing of social life were generating a knot that was totally exposed by the social movements of the year 2011, and the high level of support that their demands achieved throughout the Chilean population. That year, through denuncia- tions of differences and deficiencies experienced by the country’s education system, the movement put a critique of the structural inequalities that con- Conclusion 321

figure Chilean society into public discussion, questioning the principles that have legitimized this social order so far. Since then, making an analysis of the impact of demonstrations on public life and the political agenda, several studies have questioned the possibility of facing a second transition. This reflects a period of change no longer focused on politics, as was the return to democracy in 1990, but on culture, to the extent that the period of politicization experienced by society would be associated with new forms of representation of the political and social life of the country. Returning to the tension between the principles that constitute the “two Chiles”, the new scenario of mobilizations have questioned the hegemony of principles that sustain the Chilean model in its stage of mature neoliberalism, highlighting the need to sharpen the integration of redistributive mechanisms in a highly individualistic system. In other words, from 2011 there has been a change in the legitimization of the social differences that have shaped Chilean society, bringing into question the balance of power, treatment and economic concentration that configure the country. Moreover, this implies a change in levels of tolerance for inequality that would also be associated with a reconfiguration of the roles that the state, the market and citizenship would have in the configuration of society, for example, in the agreement of the norms that regulate access to key goods such as health care and education. With this in mind, this thesis has aimed to investigate these processes from the perspective of individuals, to understand if the representations of social inequalities - perceptions, beliefs and preferences - have changed over time, and the implications of these representations in the construction of what Chileans consider a just society. To address this objective, the views of individuals were analyzed by considering the position of people in the 322 Conclusion social structure and the value of their own experiences in the construction of judgments of justice. In the first instance, the results of the thesis show that after the period of public protest, social inequality became the symbolic center of political discussion, even when economic inequalities had experienced a decrease in this same period. Analyzing the political programs of the main coalitions in the different presidential elections since the return of democracy, after the period of mobilizations, it is seen as a common diagnosis of all center-left candidacies to consider social inequality as the main problem that society confronts to achieve a state of greater wellbeing. With the electoral victory of this political sector, this meant that the discussion about social inequalities was transferred to the parliamentary dispute over emblematic laws, reaching even the legal field to settle disagreements that were not resolved by political confrontations. In the juxtaposition of these three institutional spaces, social inequality was embedded at the center of public reason, a reason of citizens which presents a series of arguments, ideas and notions of justice at the level of daily judgments of individuals when they interpret social inequalities. When analyzing each of the dimensions that compose the representations of inequality at an individual level, in the first instance it is observed that, effectively, after the period of social mobilizations, the levels of perceived inequality increased. From a perspective focused on wage inequality, people conceive that the salaries of higher-status occupations increased over time, and significantly so in the period after 2011. Across individuals’ opinions, this increasing distance represents itself through a discourse in which the groups that hold the most economic resources are completely dissociated from the rest of Chilean society, breaking forms of social coexistence experienced in the past. Whether through an accentuation of the processes of residential or Conclusion 323 educational segregation, or how the different strata of society represent the cycle of economic growth over time, it is generally conceived that the groups with the highest status are out of reach. The richest have been transformed into perfect strangers, so much so that they are practically not conceived as part of the same society. To a large extent, the increase in levels of perceived inequality is explained by changes experienced by society at an educational level, since although it is the higher-status groups that perceive most inequality, it is the middle and lower sectors that have experienced the most significant differences over time. Through the opinions gathered by the interviews, it is observed that social mobilizations are recognized as a turning point in the way in which individuals perceive inequalities within Chilean society. Moreover, other factors that strongly affected the changes in perceived inequality, even at the level of treatment, are related to the judicial processes in which the economic and political elite of the country has been involved, and the greater access to information with the emergence of social networks. Both factors have helped to re-signify, from individuals’ points of view, the magnitude of social differences that configure Chilean society. Taking all these elements into consideration, this range of factors shows that individual perceptions follow the state of public discussion at the national level, where inequality acquires greater centrality over time. Likewise, this dimension of representations is strongly influenced by the changes in the social environment and the transformations experienced by the individuals themselves across time. However, when beliefs about inequality are analyzed, they do not manifest the same levels of change as perceptions. From a focus on economic inequalities, there is a fairly stable trend in the level of wage gaps tolerated, 324 Conclusion even after the mobilization period. The same thing happens in individuals’ opinions when analyzing the ways in which inequalities are explained to the interior of the country. Although experience is a source of direct influence regarding how individuals justify inequalities, a change, for example, at the level of perceptions, is not linked to a more critical discourse on the state of inequalities within the country. To a large extent, this is explained because the way in which inequalities are understood continues to have coherence and validity for individuals, regardless of their social status, before and after the period of mobilizations. Considering the mechanisms that make it possible to legitimize inequalities, both classes of higher and lower status are closely associated with two narratives that allow them to explain inequalities. First is the validity of the meritocratic ideal when it is conceived at a micro or individual level. And second is the general tendency of individuals to identify with the middle class, mainly because of the values of effort and decency that it represents, rather than the income level that is generally used to define it. Through these two narratives, individuals manage to explain their life trajectories through time and represent the social transformations that Chilean society has experienced in recent decades on an individual scale. And this allows them to separate their life from the rest of society, the private sphere of the collective, which reduces the impact of inequalities. In this way, although an unjust social order is criticized when inequalities configuring the Chilean society are verified in their views, the fact that at an individual level the trajectory of lives continues to be fluid, in terms of the possibilities of social mobility and personal fulfillment, allows for criticisms of the structure of conditions that explains the Chilean social order to be contained. To explain inequalities does not mean that individuals do not criticize the Conclusion 325 state of the country’s inequalities, or that there are no possibilities for change. As can be seen when analyzing the third dimension of representations, when preferences about inequality are discussed, the results of the study show that over time society has a more critical view of inequalities which are generated for reasons of achieving economic order: for example, differences in people’s access to education and health care systems. In this sense, when a tendency to establish more egalitarian criteria that regulate access to social goods is observed, it is possible to identify a direct association between perceptions of inequality and the movement of preferences. In this exercise, however, it is necessary to differentiate between the type of goods to which the individuals refer, because they tend to differentiate principles of justice to evaluate these inequalities by spheres. This allows them to simultaneously take the significant relationship that is established between the preferences and beliefs in inequality into account. Access to health care is where a greater consensus among individuals is observed, based on the transformation of the Chilean model to one based on solidarity and redistributive mechanisms. This is explained because health care is conceived by a large majority of Chileans as a basic right that should not be subject to market action. Regardless of an individual’s position in the social structure, or their personal experiences, the principle of solidarity appears to be strongly associated with justifications for changes in institutions that regulate the health care system. However, it is found that when Chileans evaluate access to other systems like education and pensions, they do so in a different way because their own assets are also conceived differently. Education and pensions are defined by a set of principles in which criteria such as need and deservedness arise. In this way, by observing the narrow dialogue between the three dimensions 326 Conclusion that configure the representations of inequality - perceptions, beliefs and preferences - and their stability over time, this thesis delivers empirical results of an interrelation that has been constructed mainly from a philosophical argument. Likewise, the results of this study show how the three dimensions influence each other, a relationship that has otherwise been treated as highly fragmented when it has been tested in the literature of empirical studies on social justice. In addition, the results that are extracted from the different chapters show that, beyond the particular elements that characterize each of the dimensions, at a general level it is the strength of changes in the social structure and the interpretation at the level of individual experiences that allow us to better explain the representation of social inequalities generated in Chilean society across time. In this way, both the information provided by an analysis focused on the position occupied by individuals in the social structure, and in their experience, provides complementary material that helps to integrate different levels into the discussion of subjective inequalities. Finally, when perceptions, beliefs and preferences about social inequality are compared to each other, it is found that the tension between the criteria of justice anchored in individual responsibility, and other principles founded on a nature of solidarity remains central. But in the balance between both extremes, it can be observed that society continues to privilege a perspective of justice where an equality of opportunities prevails over equal positions over time. In other words, it prefers a social agreement in which a fluidity of life trajectories is preferred more than a proximity between the extremes of the social structure. The transformations deployed by society during the last decades, together with the effects of political and social contingency, have marked a more critical, reflective, informed and demanding society. How- Conclusion 327 ever, a change at the level of principles of justice, articulating what Chileans understand as a fair society, seem to belong to a deeper level of ordering that continues to be effective in explaining the structure of inequalities present in Chile. 328 Conclusion Bibliography

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5.4 Data, variables, and methods

5.4.1 List of interviewees

353 354 Appendix

Table 5.6: Descriptive profile of interviewees City Pseudonymous Educational level Quintil Age 1 Curicó Jose Basic complete 1 57 2 Curicó Carmen Intermediate complete 1 52 3 Curicó Edmundo Basic complete 1 62 4 Curicó Javier Intermediate complete 1 64 5 Curicó Aurelia University incomplete 2 34 6 Curicó Ximena University complete 2 38 7 Curicó Silvana University complete 3 45 8 Curicó Ignacio Intermediate complete 3 37 9 Curicó Paula University incomplete 3 18 10 Curicó Isidora University complete 4 38 11 Santiago Isabel No formal education 1 67 12 Santiago Pedro Intermediate complete 1 51 13 Santiago Maria Intermediate incomplete 2 58 14 Santiago Miguel University incomplete 2 60 15 Santiago Natalia Intermediate complete 2 46 16 Santiago Alberto Intermediate incomplete 2 54 17 Santiago Daniela University incomplete 3 30 18 Santiago Marisol Intermediate complete 3 57 19 Santiago Francisco Intermediate complete 3 25 20 Santiago Macarena University complete 4 36 21 Santiago Romina University complete 4 33 22 Santiago Patricia University complete 4 59 23 Santiago Manuel Intermediate complete 5 35 24 Santiago Ricardo Intermediate complete 5 35 25 Santiago Luis University complete 5 30 26 Santiago Sofia Intermediate complete 5 22 27 Santiago Pablo University complete 5 57 28 Santiago Daniel University complete 5 28 29 Santiago Roberto University complete 5 55 30 Santiago Andrea University complete 5 52 31 Valpara´ıso Gabriel Intermediate complete 2 42 32 Valpara´ıso Rosa Intermediate complete 3 58 33 Valpara´ıso Valentina Intermediate complete 4 19 34 Valpara´ıso Ernesto Intermediate complete 4 29 35 Valpara´ıso Ricardo University complete 5 59 36 Viñadel Mar Mario No formal education 1 58 37 Viñadel Mar Yenny Intermediate incomplete 1 45 38 Viñadel Mar Gloria Intermediate complete 2 45 39 Viñadel Mar Federico University complete 3 38 40 Viñadel Mar Antonio University complete 4 46 Appendix 355

5.4.2 Descriptive statistics of interviewees

Table 5.7: Education level of interviewees n % No formal education 2 5 Basic complete 2 5 Intermediate incomplete 3 8 Intermediate complete 15 38 University incomplete 4 10 University complete 14 35

Table 5.8: Age of interviewees n % 18-30 8 20 31-45 15 38 46-60 14 35 61 + 3 8

Table 5.9: Occupations of interviewees (ISCO classiﬁcation) n % Clerical support workers 2 5 College student 4 10 Craft and related trades workers 1 3 Elementary occupations 7 18 Manager 5 13 Professionals 12 30 Services and sales workers 5 13 Technicians and associate professionals 4 10 356 Appendix

5.4.3 Letter of informed consent

INFORMED CONSENT

Mr. or Mrs.: You have been invited to participate in the research “Subjective inequality in Chile. Representations of (un)fair social differences across time”, directed by Rodrigo Yanez Rojas, PhD student in Sociology at the Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales (EHESS), Paris, France. The thesis project counts with the financing of the Minister of Education through CONICTY department and its program of scholarships Beca-Chile. Also, with the sponsorship of the Conflict and Social Cohesion Studies Center (COES). The objective of the study is to understand how Chilean society represent social inequalities, considering their deployment across different spheres and over time. Through this document you are being asked to participate in this research, because your experiences and opinions will serve as the basis for constructing an analysis that will contribute to the understanding of subjective inequality in Chile. Your participation is voluntary and will consist of answering the interview questions. You can refuse to participate or stop participating totally or partially at any time during the study, without giving reasons for it or receiving any type of sanction. Your participation in this study does not include any type of compensation or benefit. It should be noted that the information obtained for this investigation will be totally confidential and anonymous, and will be kept by the responsible investigator, making use of the material only for research purposes. Once the study is finished, if you wish, you can know the results, for which the researcher commits to send the results present in publications as well as Appendix 357 in presentations in conferences, seminars, etc. If you have any questions or queries regarding the investigation, you can contact the responsible for the study at the following email: ryanezro- [email protected]. You can also contact the thesis director Caroline Guibet Lafaye: [email protected] or the co-director Juan Carlos Castillo: [email protected]. Part of the normal procedure in this type of research is to inform the participants and request their authorization (informed consent). For this we ask you to answer and return signed the attached sheet as soon as possible. I thank you for your cooperation and I greet you cordially. Being clear the objectives of the study and the guarantees of confidentiality, I voluntarily accept to participate in the investigation.

Name Sign Data 358 Appendix

5.4.4 Codes of analysis

Table 5.10: Matrix of codes used in Atlas.Ti from the guideline of interviews Item Family code Code Question Personal Occupation Principal occu- Which is your principal occupa- experience pation tion or activity? Secondary occu- Other activity? pation Studies School influence Do you feel the school where you studied plays an important role in your biography? University influ- And the University? ence Personal and Personal choice Do you have the impression of contextual fac- in career have chosen your career (labor oc- tors in choice cupation)? life Individual char- Do you think there are some in- acteristics dividual characteristics that have led you to achieve a favorable development? (Effort, intelligence, etc.) Personal events Do you think there are some events that have influenced your personal development? (Sickness, divorce, unemployment, etc.) Political- Do you think the economical con- economic text has played a role in your influence in professional development? (Rate choices growth of Nineties, Asian economic crisis, economic decelera- tion of today, etc.) Or another external factor? (Political, etc.) Views Perception and Social differ- Do you believe there are social about beliefs about in- ences in Chile differences in Chile? (Distance inequality equality between rich and poor class, classism, etc.) Do you consider that Chilean society is unequal? Types of in- Education In which kind of inequality are equality you thinking? Appendix 359

Health Economic Justice Procedural Racial Gender Security Others Classification of Unjust inequal- Which kind of inequalities is more unjust inequali- ity 1 unacceptable or unjust? Why? ties Unjust inequality 2 Unjust inequality 3 No ranking Inequality on Inequality in In comparison with other prob- comparison with comparison lems (crime, economic growth, other problems etc.). How important is the inequality problem? Changes of in- Inequality In relation with inequalities. equality across changes in time Have they been always like that time or have changed across time? Inequality in Inequality in Do you think we speak more public opinion public opinion about inequalities, social justice, across time etc. today? What happened that we speak more about inequality? Experiences Experiences and Do you believe some experi- and inequality inequality ences you have experimented perceptions have changed your perception about inequality? Merit and Merit in general Recognition of Do you think in Chile effort is re- meritoc- effort warded? racy Recognition of Do you think in Chile intelli- intelligence gence/talent is rewarded? Equal opportu- Do you think everyone have equal nities opportunities to getting ahead? Just salary Do you consider your salary just? Merit definition What is merit? 360 Appendix

Perception and Perception and Do you think in Chile eﬀort is re- belief of merit belief of merit warded? Do you think in Chile intelligence/talent is rewarded? Spheres of Spheres of jus- Sphere of educa- Is it just that those who can af- justice tice tion ford have a better education for their children? Sphere of health Is it just that people with higher incomes can access better health care that people with lower incomes? Sphere of pen- Is it just that people with higher sion incomes may have better pensions than other? Perceived Perceived gap Perceived How much do you think an un- and just worker salary skilled worker in a factory earns? inequality gap Perceived chair- How much do you think a chairman salary man of a large national corporation earns? Just gap Just worker How much do you think an un- salary skilled worker in a factory should earn? Just chairman How much do you think a chair- salary man of a large national corporation should earn? Justiﬁcation of Why? Why they should earn more/less? salary changes Images of Images of Images of poverty poverty and poverty and wealth wealth Images of wealth Cross between classes Lexicon of Vocabulary Lower class Flaite, peliento, etc. inequality Middle class Upper class Cuico, etc. Why we Equal principle Equal rights, are equals? etc. Appendix 361

Concept Other concept Other concepts Dignity, progress, social cohesion, definitions definitions etc. Personal Personal infor- City City informa- mation tion Age Age Marital status Marital status Educational Your last diploma obtained level Father educa- The last diploma obtained for tion your father Mother educa- The last diploma obtained for tion your mother Family income Family income (All income sources / household members) Political orienta- From 1 (extreme-left) to 10 tion (extreme-right). Where would you define yourself? Actual social po- From 1 (poorest class) to 10 (rich- sition est class). Where would you classify yourself? Initial social po- From 1 (poorest class) to 10 (rich- sition est class). Where would you classify yourself? (In the household where you have grown up) 362 Appendix 5.5 Perceptions about inequality

5.5.1 Perceived salaries according to occupations

Table 5.11: Perceived salaries according to occupations (median values in Chilean pesos). Unskilled worker Chairman of a national company 1999 149.800 4.995.000 2009 188.600 5.895.000 2013 210.000 10.000.000 2014 221.000 14.000.000

Note: For comparing, salaries for the years 1999, 2009 and 2013 have been adjusted according to the variation of the Consumer Price Index in 2014. 5.6. BELIEFS ABOUT INEQUALITY 363 5.6 Beliefs about inequality

5.6.1 Correlation indexes of perceived and ideal inequality

Figure 5.22: Correlation perceived and ideal inequality 1999.

Person correlation: 0.54 364 Appendix

Figure 5.23: Correlation perceived and ideal inequality 2009.

Person correlation: 0.60

Figure 5.24: Correlation perceived and ideal inequality 2013.

Person correlation: 0.53 Appendix 365

Figure 5.25: Correlation perceived and ideal inequality 2014.

Person correlation: 0.50 366 Appendix 5.7 Preferences about inequality

5.7.1 Perceived and ideal inequality factors in inequality preferences. Appendix 367

Table 5.12: OLS model of education preferences by perceived and ideal inequality. All factors included. Unstandardized coeﬃcients.

Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4 Intercept 2.09∗∗∗ 2.08∗∗∗ 1.80∗∗∗ 2.08∗∗∗ (0.10) (0.14) (0.12) (0.14) University complete (ref.others) 0.05 0.03 0.01 0.01 (0.07) (0.07) (0.07) (0.08) Quintil −0.00 0.01 0.00 0.01 (0.02) (0.02) (0.02) (0.02) Female (ref.Male) −0.14∗∗∗ −0.15∗∗ −0.11∗ −0.11∗ (0.04) (0.05) (0.05) (0.05) Age 0.01∗∗∗ 0.01∗∗∗ 0.01∗∗∗ 0.01∗∗∗ (0.00) (0.00) (0.00) (0.00) Religion (ref.No religion) 0.16∗∗ 0.18∗∗ 0.20∗∗ 0.17∗∗ (0.06) (0.06) (0.06) (0.07) Unemployed (ref.Employed) 0.04 0.06 0.04 0.05 (0.04) (0.05) (0.05) (0.05) Subjective position 0.04∗∗ 0.05∗∗∗ 0.05∗∗∗ 0.05∗∗ (0.01) (0.01) (0.01) (0.01) Years −0.09∗∗∗ −0.06∗∗ −0.07∗∗∗ −0.05∗ (0.02) (0.02) (0.02) (0.02) Perceived inequality −0.05∗ −0.14∗∗∗ (0.02) (0.03) Ideal inequality 0.06∗∗ 0.14∗∗∗ (0.02) (0.03) R2 0.02 0.02 0.02 0.03 Adj. R2 0.02 0.02 0.02 0.03 Num. obs. 4991 3836 3909 3616 ∗∗∗p < 0.001, ∗∗p < 0.01, ∗p < 0.05 368 Appendix

Table 5.13: OLS model of health care preferences by perceived and ideal inequality. All factors included. Unstandardized coeﬃcients.

Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4 Intercept 2.43∗∗∗ 2.46∗∗∗ 2.27∗∗∗ 2.47∗∗∗ (0.10) (0.13) (0.12) (0.13) University complete (ref.others) −0.07 −0.06 −0.05 −0.05 (0.06) (0.07) (0.07) (0.07) Quintil 0.01 0.03 0.01 0.02 (0.01) (0.02) (0.02) (0.02) Female (ref.Male) −0.09∗ −0.10∗ −0.07 −0.07 (0.04) (0.04) (0.04) (0.04) Age 0.00∗∗∗ 0.00∗ 0.00∗∗ 0.00 (0.00) (0.00) (0.00) (0.00) Religion (ref.No religion) 0.09 0.12 0.15∗ 0.12∗ (0.05) (0.06) (0.06) (0.06) Unemployed (ref.Employed) 0.04 0.05 0.04 0.04 (0.04) (0.04) (0.04) (0.05) Subjective position 0.05∗∗∗ 0.05∗∗∗ 0.06∗∗∗ 0.05∗∗∗ (0.01) (0.01) (0.01) (0.01) Years −0.29∗∗∗ −0.27∗∗∗ −0.28∗∗∗ −0.26∗∗∗ (0.02) (0.02) (0.02) (0.02) Perceived inequality −0.02 −0.08∗∗ (0.02) (0.03) Ideal inequality 0.04∗ 0.10∗∗∗ (0.02) (0.02) R2 0.07 0.06 0.07 0.07 Adj. R2 0.07 0.06 0.07 0.06 Num. obs. 4988 3835 3907 3614 ∗∗∗p < 0.001, ∗∗p < 0.01, ∗p < 0.05 Summary in French

369 Inégalité subjective au Chili. Représentation des différences sociales (in)justes à travers le temps.

Résumé

Rodrigo Yáñez Rojas

SOMMAIRE Résumé ...... 4

Introduction ...... 6

L'étude des inégalités subjectives ...... 10

Le Chili: transformations socio-économiques et poids des inégalités sociales ...... 14

Le regard des chiliens sur l'inégalité et la discussion d'hypothèses ...... 19

Approche méthodologique ...... 22

Organisation de la recherche ...... 24

Chapitre 1. Les données, variables et méthodes ...... 26

Données quantitatives ...... 27

Données qualitatives ...... 29

Chapitre 2. Les inégalités socio-économiques chiliennes et leur présence dans la raison publique ...... 30

Le Chili. Un cas de croissance économique récente et d’inégalités de longue date ...... 30

Les inégalités dans le système éducatif ...... 32

Les inégalités dans la raison publique ...... 33

I. Le discours des candidats aux fonctions publiques. Élections présidentielles depuis le retour de la démocratie...... 34

II. Le discours des responsables gouvernementaux. La voix du parlement...... 34

III. Le discours des juges. La voix de la Cour Constitutionnelle...... 35

Chapitre 3. Perceptions sur l'inégalité ...... 36

Différences de revenus perçues ...... 36

Inégalités sociales dans les narrations des individus ...... 38

I. Les riches sont hors de portée ...... 38

II. Égaux mais différemment traités ...... 39

III. Facteurs influençant les perceptions de l'inégalité ...... 40

Chapitre 4. Croyances sur l'inégalité ...... 41

Inégalité idéale. Différences de revenu tolérables ...... 41

Le poids des expériences des individus et l’acceptabilité des inégalités...... 43

I. Types d'expériences intervenant dans l'évaluation de l'inégalité sociale ...... 44

II. Adaptations aux incohérences. Récits quotidiens de légitimation ...... 45

Chapitre 5. Préférences sur l'inégalité ...... 47

Facteurs structurels et subjectifs influençant les préférences en matière d’inégalité face à l’éducation et à la santé ...... 47

Les représentations individuelles confrontées à des scénarios d’inégalité ...... 49

I. L'inégalité à travers les sphères de la justice. L'expérience comme facteur de légitimation ...... 50

II. Hiérarchie entre types d'inégalité et principes de justice ...... 51

Conclusion...... 53

Bibliographie ...... 60

Résumé Cette thèse porte sur l'inégalité subjective au Chili au fil du temps.

Avec le retour de la démocratie (1990), le pays a connu une croissance économique soutenue qui lui a permis de réduire les niveaux de pauvreté et d'augmenter les taux d'éducation. Parallèlement, avec le développement d’une série de politiques sociales, à partir de l’année 2000, la concentration économique du pays, historiquement classée parmi les plus élevées du monde, a commencé à diminuer. Cependant, alors que les niveaux de bien-être augmentaient et que les inégalités diminuaient, une série de manifestations sociales commençaient à avoir lieu, parmi lesquelles celles dirigées par le mouvement des étudiants en 2006 et 2011, considérées comme les plus importantes que le pays ait connues depuis la fin de la dictature. Le diagnostic de toutes ces manifestations faisait ressortir le problème des inégalités sociales comme un frein au développement du pays. Le grand soutien qu’elles ont suscité auprès des citoyens a eu un impact certain sur la configuration des agendas politiques de tous les secteurs et a amené le débat public à se concentrer sur la question de savoir si les principes de justice dans lesquels la société chilienne avait construit son pacte social après la dictature avaient changé. Est-ce que les transformations des conditions de bien-être étaient liées à une critique de la logique de marché, laquelle avait légitimé de fortes inégalités depuis la période de réformes néolibérales promues dans les années 1980 ?

La thèse s’adresse à cette question du point de vue des individus, en se demandant dans quelle mesure leurs représentations de l’inégalité et de ses facteurs sont stables ou fluides à travers le temps. À partir de l'analyse d'un ensemble de données quantitatives (enquêtes ISSP 1999, ISSP 2009, SJCP 2013 et COES 2014) et de données qualitatives (40 entretiens semi-dirigés), il est établi que les représentations de l'inégalité peuvent être appréhendées à travers trois dimensions, les perceptions, les croyances et les préférences, lesquelles sont influencées par des facteurs qui agissent à deux niveaux : la position sociale et l'expérience personnelle des individus.

Les résultats de l'étude montrent que les représentations ont évolué dans le temps, mais avec une intensité différente selon la dimension analysée. Et si l’on considère les facteurs,

4 les résultats montrent, tout d’abord, que la position sociale des individus, en particulier le niveau d’éducation, est un puissant prédicteur des représentations de l’inégalité. Suite aux transformations de la structure sociale au Chili, les individus de statut social inférieur perçoivent des changements plus significatifs dans leurs représentations de l'inégalité.

Ensuite, au niveau de l’expérience personnelle des individus, on observe que les changements du contexte sociopolitique influencent fortement leurs représentations de l’inégalité, ainsi que leur évaluation des transformations structurelles de leur cadre de vie. Quel que soit leur statut social, les évaluations de l'inégalité par les individus sont plus fortement marquées par leur perception comparative des différents moments de leur propre histoire que par une comparaison avec d'autres personnes ou groupes sociaux.

Mots clés : Inégalité subjective, représentations sociales, justice sociale.

Introduction Les inégalités socioéconomiques sont devenues un thème central des séminaires, reportages journalistiques, articles de magazines, émissions de télévision, mouvements sociaux et ont pris une place importante dans le forum politique. Comme il a été remarqué, "l'inégalité est maintenant au premier plan du débat public" (Atkinson 2015; p.1). En dépit du fait que les inégalités ont diminué à l'échelle mondiale, les extrêmes à l'intérieur de nombreux pays continuent à augmenter dans les décades récentes (Bourguignon 2012). C’est une réalité que le livre de Thomas Piketty - Le capital au XXIe siècle (2013) - a illustré d'une façon générale et avec une force particulière dans le cas des États-Unis, où les niveaux croissants d’inégalité ont maintenant atteint des niveaux similaires à ceux d’avant la Grande Guerre.

Des recherches ont montré que les inégalités accentuent les disparités entre les individus les plus défavorisés de la société et répriment le développement de leurs compétences (OECD 2014; Pickett and Wilkinson 2010). Les différences sociales déterminent le niveau éducatif, la santé et l'espérance de vie, ainsi que la probabilité d'obtenir un emploi. Ces différences influent également sur la probabilité de vivre dans un environnement non pollué ou, plus généralement, dans un lieu où l'accès aux emplois et aux avantages sociaux entraîne une meilleure qualité de vie. Et, du point de vue politique et économique, l’inégalité est considérée comme un problème car c’est un facteur de ralentissement économique qui compromet à la fois le développement des pays de revenu moyen et la stabilité de parcours des pays les plus riches (Ostry, Berg, and Tsangarides 2014; Standard & Poor’s 2014).

En outre, plusieurs études ont abordé les conséquences que l’inégalité peut avoir sur la vie sociale d’un pays. Par exemple, les principes de liberté et d'égalité, qui constituent la démocratie moderne, peuvent être affaiblis lorsque les individus diffèrent trop, car il est peu probable qu'ils puissent maintenir des relations stables. De cette façon, des relations de subordination et de domination extrêmes risquent davantage d'apparaitre (Walzer 1983; Miller 1999). Les écarts excessifs entre les individus peuvent donc être compris comme un indicateur sensible d'événements politiques, comme un avertissement que

6 quelque chose ne va pas (Galbraith 2012), pouvant être liés aux évaluations du marché et des institutions démocratiques (Loveless and Whitefield 2011), et pouvant être compris aussi comme une dynamique pouvant déstabiliser la cohésion sociale et remettre en cause la préservation de la société (Guibet Lafaye 2009).

Ce sont là quelques-unes des raisons pour lesquelles l’inégalité est considérée comme un mal de société, un ordre social injuste. Les inégalités ne sont pas que des différences sociales, ce sont des différences sociales injustes qui constituent une question morale avant même de devenir un sujet théorique (Therborn 2006, 2014). Le slogan politique "Nous sommes les 99%" utilisé par le mouvement Occupy Wall Street en 2011 illustre bien cette question. Comment personne ne peut-il réagir lorsque l'on compare la richesse et les avantages concentrés au sein d'une petite minorité face à une immense majorité moins favorisée1?

C’est en grande partie parce que les inégalités ne sont pas exprimées sous forme de catégories parfaitement homogènes qui conduiraient alors les individus à adopter une position unique. Les catégories telles que « le 1% » et « le reste » ne constituent pas une réalité sociologique vécue (Dubet 2014). Les inégalités sont exprimées en tant que système dans lequel les différences sociales se juxtaposent (Bihr and Pfefferkorn 2008). Les origines et les conséquences des inégalités se chevauchent, de même que les préférences des individus en matière d'inégalité.

La philosophie politique a été prolifique dans ce débat, surtout depuis la publication de A Theory of Justice (Rawls 1971). L'un des principes de justice abordés dans ce livre souligne que l'inégalité ne peut être considérée comme injuste si elle contribue au bien-être des plus défavorisés. A partir de cet angle, les inégalités perdent l'homogénéité qu'elles acquièrent lorsqu'elles se cristallisent comme un bloc, ce qui ouvre les possibilités de voir les besoins sociaux se concentrer sur d'autres types de tensions sociales. Comme l'ont mentionné certains auteurs (Frankfurt 2015), dans la hiérarchie des causes urgentes, la société devrait être moralement obligée de s'attaquer d'abord à la pauvreté, ou de veiller à ce que tout le

1 En 2014, les 1% les plus riches du monde possédaient 48% de la richesse mondiale, ne laissant que 52% à partager entre les 99% restants des adultes de la planète. La quasi-totalité de ces 52% appartient aux personnes appartenant aux 20% les plus riches, ne laissant que 5,5% aux 80% restants dans le monde entier (Hardoon 2015). 7 monde ait assez, avant de s'attaquer aux inégalités. En d’autres termes, les pauvres souffrent parce qu’ils n’ont pas assez ; non pas parce que certains ont plus et d'autres beaucoup trop.

Ce type de débat fait partie de la construction du savoir et de la vie démocratique depuis l’Antiquité. Ceci peut être observé, par exemple, dans les questions formulées dans l'Éthique à Nicomaque (Aristote 2009). Cependant, il y a un intérêt à se demander : comment ces questions sont-elles exprimées dans la vie quotidienne ? Que disent les individus à propos des inégalités sociales ?

Des études associées à des recherches empiriques sur la justice sociale menées dans différents pays ont montré que, si nous disposons de nombreuses informations sur l'état des inégalités dans les sociétés contemporaines, nous n'avons pas le même niveau d’informations sur la manière dont les individus perçoivent et évaluent ces différences sociales (Kluegel and Smith 1986; Forsé and Galland 2011). En d'autres termes, nous en savons plus sur l'inégalité "objective" que sur ce que les gens considèrent juste ou non. Et si nous considérons le point de vue des individus sur les inégalités à travers le temps, nous disposons encore moins d'information sur leur stabilité ou leur fluidité, et sur l’évolution de leurs facteurs (Liebig and Sauer 2016).

De même, il est nécessaire de souligner que la majeure partie de cette discussion théorique et de ses tests empiriques provient d’études que nous pouvons associer au « Nord », dans la mesure où elles portent principalement sur les États-Unis et l’Europe occidentale. Mais que savons-nous du déploiement de ce type de discussion dans d'autres pays non associés à cette partie du monde ? Ce type de question ne nécessite pas seulement une discussion sur l’adaptation de concepts conçus sous d’autres latitudes et réalités. Il nécessite également la contribution qu'une sociologie du Sud puisse apporter afin de mieux comprendre les cadres interprétatifs et les moyens d'aborder l'inégalité subjective sous d'autres latitudes, au niveau mondial.

Certains résultats empiriques montrent que les points de vue sur l'état des inégalités au sein d'une société sont liés aux processus mêmes de légitimation des inégalités (Trump 2013). Comment les membres d'une société réfléchissent-ils sur les valeurs qui sont

8 ancrées dans le processus de fondation du caractère démocratique d'un pays ? (Kluegel and Smith 1986; Forsé et al. 2013). Cela peut aussi être lié à des préférences politiques fondées sur des actions concrètes, telles que des politiques de redistribution ou d'investissement dans la sécurité sociale ou la régulation des marchés (Bublitz 2016; Mccall and Kenworthy 2009).

En considérant ces cas, on peut se demander comment ces tendances s’appliquent à d’autres contextes sociaux. Et qu'en est-il quand une société est analysée à travers le temps ?

L'Amérique latine en général, et le Chili en particulier, représente l'une des régions les plus inégales au monde (OECD 2018; The World Bank 2018). Cependant, bien que les taux de concentration de la richesse soient élevés, il est également vrai qu'au cours de la première décennie de ce millenium, la décennie d'or comme elle est connue, le boom des commodities et les politiques de redistribution des gouvernements de gauche et sociaux- démocrates ont déclenché un processus de croissance économique. Cela a réduit la pauvreté ainsi que les inégalités, et a généré une forte augmentation du pourcentage d'individus accédant à la classe moyenne (Ferreira et al. 2013).

En effet, analyser la société chilienne, c’est affronter un territoire en mutation économique et sociale différent de ceux associés à des pays où les études sur les inégalités subjectives se sont développées plus régulièrement et depuis plus longtemps2. Cela conduit à s’interroger sur les représentations de l'inégalité dans des contextes de forte concentration économique associée à des processus de croissance économique et de changement social structurel profond.

En s’adressant à ces questions, cette recherche se focalise sur les inégalités subjectives dans le temps au Chili.

2 Au Chili, une première analyse des représentations des inégalités n’est apparue qu’en 2002 (Garretón and Cumsille 2002), ce qui a ouvert un champ de recherche sur les causes, dimensions, conséquences et responsabilités des différents agents sociaux en matière d’inégalité. 9

L'étude des inégalités subjectives Comment les inégalités subjectives ont-elles été étudiées ? Les recherches ont surtout montré que les inégalités, bien que fortement corrélées au niveau de revenu et de patrimoine des individus, ne peuvent pas être exclusivement associées aux problèmes de redistribution. L'inégalité concerne avant tout les rapports entre les individus, car des liens sociaux inégaux imprègnent toutes les sphères de la vie sociale (Fourie, Schuppert, and Wallimann-Helmer 2015).

Reprenant un débat présent dans la philosophie et la théorie sociale, la compréhension de l’inégalité dans la société suppose une société dans laquelle les gens se considèrent et se traitent d’égal à égal (Fraser 2003; Miller 1997), et où naîtront des discussions au niveau de la lutte pour la reconnaissance (Honneth 1996). Ainsi, vis-à-vis des aspects matériels et symboliques de la réalité sociale, l’inégalité se dégage tout au long d’un processus historique d’institutionnalisation en termes d’accès aux biens et de rapports quotidiens. Pour cette raison, nous parlons d'inégalité sociale lorsque nous parlons généralement de conflits d'inégalité, et nous ne parlons pas seulement d'inégalité économique.

Quant aux caractéristiques de la représentation des inégalités, Moscovici (2003) souligne qu'elles sont considérées comme sociales plutôt que collectives, car ces dernières représentent une esquisse de la réalité plutôt que la réalité elle-même dans une société traditionnelle. En d'autres termes, les représentations collectives sont constituées de connaissances statiques. Inversement, les représentations sociales sont celles, présentes dans une société moderne, qui permettent d’établir une compréhension du monde en mouvement, et d’intégrer ainsi un facteur temporel dans cette étude. Cette conception est proche de celle développée par Durkheim (2013), qui mentionne que les représentations sociales sont en flux perpétuel, interagissent entre elles, s'influencent mutuellement et convergent dans des modes de pensée sinon universels, du moins universalisables.

Les représentations sociales se décrivent dans un large concept regroupant des éléments que la recherche a tendance à subdiviser en différentes dimensions en fonction de leur nature. Ainsi que l’a exposé Sen (1993), les jugements ou représentations que les gens se

10 font sont construits dans une séquence allant de l'objet à l'action3, articulant une chaîne d'éléments associés à des critères perceptuels, évaluatifs et performatifs. Dans les recherches empiriques sur les inégalités subjectives, cette séquence de composants conduit à l'étude des perceptions, des croyances et des jugements, comme cela est observé dans la comparaison de plusieurs études internationales (Janmaat 2013). Chacune de ces dimensions peut être étudiée indépendamment, même si elles interagissent étroitement.

Ici, la première dimension fait référence aux perceptions, définies comme des estimations subjectives des inégalités existantes (c'est-à-dire des pensées sur ce que c'est l'inégalité). La deuxième dimension fait référence aux croyances, définies comme des idées normatives sur la juste inégalité (c’est-à-dire des réflexions sur ce que devrait être l’inégalité). Et la troisième dimension est composée de jugements, définis comme des évaluations normatives de l’inégalité existante (par exemple, des réflexions sur le caractère souhaitable ou bon de la situation actuelle). Une approche similaire de cet ensemble de dimensions est explorée dans les recherches sur l'économie morale, où les accords sociaux à la base des normes de redistribution et des frontières de marché reposent sur une série de perceptions, évaluations et attentes de la vie politique et socio-économique (Mau 2004; Svallfors 2006).

Aux fins de reprendre une telle classification, cette thèse aborde l'inégalité subjective basée sur les perceptions, les croyances et les préférences en matière d'inégalité. C'est une manière de représenter la séquence des composants qui constituent les jugements des individus. La première dimension, celle des perceptions, traite des estimations et représentations subjectives des inégalités existantes sans encore introduire de jugements conscients sur un meilleur scénario d'inégalités dans le cas chilien. C’est une dimension purement descriptive et explicative des vues des individus. La deuxième dimension, celle des croyances, s’intéresse à ce que les individus considèrent comme un niveau juste ou injuste de l’inégalité, et pourquoi certains types et degrés d'inégalités sont plus tolérables que d'autres. C'est un scénario ouvert où les raisons et les expériences convergent. La troisième dimension, celle des préférences, consiste en une évaluation des inégalités actuelles et des

3 Sen explique que "what we can observe depends on our position vis-à-vis the objects of observation. What we decide to believe is influenced by what we observe. How we decide to act relates to our beliefs" (Sen 1993;p.126). 11 attentes des individus à leur égard, dressant un bilan pragmatique entre perceptions et croyances.

Une deuxième distinction qui apparaît lors de l'examen de la discussion théorico-empirique sur la représentation des inégalités concerne les facteurs qui influencent les points de vue des individus, qu'il s'agisse de perceptions, de croyances ou de préférences. D'une part, une série d'études a mis en évidence l'influence de la position sociale sur les représentations de l'inégalité. D'autre part, les recherches ont également porté sur l'étude de représentations mettant l'accent sur l'influence d'expériences personnelles ou de processus culturels partagés.

En ce qui concerne les études portant sur l’influence de la position sociale sur les représentations de l’inégalité, une corrélation a été démontrée entre le niveau d’éducation et le groupe socioéconomique et les perceptions et croyances relatives à l’inégalité. Les personnes ayant un niveau d'éducation plus élevé et appartenant à des groupes socioéconomiques supérieurs perçoivent et légitiment des niveaux d'inégalité plus élevés, notamment d'inégalité économique (Forsé et al. 2013; Gijsberts 2002; Kelley and Evans 1993; Trump 2013; Verwiebe and Wegener 2000). En outre, comme cela a été observé dans différents pays, les personnes à revenu élevé et à niveau d'éducation supérieur ont tendance à être plus opposées aux pratiques de redistribution (Alesina and Giuliano 2009; Arts and Gelissen 2001). En d'autres termes, ils sont plus tolérants aux inégalités sociales.

Les études qui se concentrent sur l’influence de l’expérience personnelle ou de processus culturels partagés, quant à elles, ont centré leur attention sur des dynamiques sociales allant au-delà des catégories telles que la position sociale et démontré que ce type de catégories est dépassé par les pratiques de la vie quotidienne (Martucelli 2002). Cette perspective se concentre sur les contradictions rencontrées dans des catégories traditionnellement utilisées en sociologie classique pour comprendre, par exemple, pourquoi des groupes se comportent différemment dans une même situation structurelle.

Les contributions à la discussion théorique qui ont été soulevées dans ce domaine sont diverses, mais deux éléments sont fondamentaux pour ce qui est des relations des individus avec leur environnement social. Un des éléments concerne les cadres

12 intersubjectifs qui influencent et se nourrissent eux-mêmes des actions des individus. Cela signifie que les structures de sens partagées intersubjectives, telles que les récits, les répertoires ou les frontières symboliques, permettent et restreignent les comportements d'individus d'origines sociales différentes, produisant ainsi un lien entre processus cognitifs et représentations macrosociales (Lamont, Beljean, and Clair 2014; Swidler 1986). Ces structures de sens sont sensibles aux changements sociaux. Elles alimentent donc le répertoire des arguments partagés utilisés pour évaluer les différences sociales au fur et à mesure que la société se transforme.

Un deuxième élément concerne les mécanismes comparatifs qui permettent d'évaluer les inégalités, car les jugements que les gens forment résultent toujours d'une comparaison établie avec un "autre". L'inégalité implique une relation - c'est une mesure relative - car elle compare le revenu, les avoirs, le traitement et le respect entre les personnes, les ménages et les groupes sociaux. Cela diffère de ce qui se passe avec un concept tel que la pauvreté, qui implique une mesure absolue du bien-être, car il compare, par exemple, le revenu de chaque ménage à une ligne de référence qui reste fixe dans le temps (panier familial, revenu minimum, etc.)4.

En considérant ainsi l'inégalité en termes de sa nature relationnelle, on peut distinguer deux types de cadres comparatifs utilisés par les agents pour évaluer les inégalités. D'une part, un cadre structuré sur la comparaison établie entre un individu et d'autres personnes et groupes sociaux. Cela implique également de se mettre à la place des autres pour se forger une opinion raisonnable sur l'expérience de ces personnes (Forsé et al. 2013). D'autre part, un cadre structuré sur la comparaison dans le temps. Les individus peuvent générer des comparaisons autoréférentielles, dans la mesure où les "autres" auxquels ils se réfèrent pour effectuer une telle comparaison sont eux-mêmes à d'autres moments dans le temps. Cela peut être compris comme un cadre rétrospectif (Shapiro 2002).

Une synthèse des éléments théoriques ainsi discutés est illustrée par la Figure 1 qui résume comment les représentations de l'inégalité peuvent être abordées sous les trois angles:

4 Cela implique que la croissance économique peut réduire la pauvreté, mais pas nécessairement les inégalités. En augmentant les revenus, les ménages les plus défavorisés peuvent s’éloigner du seuil de pauvreté, mais si la concentration de la richesse n’est pas corrigée, les taux d’inégalité peuvent rester les mêmes ou même augmenter à travers le temps. 13 perceptions, croyances et préférences. Ce sont des unités autonomes qui interagissent les unes avec les autres. Chacune de ces dimensions est à son tour influencée par des facteurs qui peuvent être regroupés à deux niveaux : la position occupée par les individus dans la structure sociale et les expériences personnelles des individus. La relation entre ces éléments conduit à s'interroger sur la perception qu'ont les individus de l'inégalité au Chili, à savoir : Quelles sont leurs croyances et préférences ? Quel est le lien entre ces sphères dans le temps ? Quelle est l'influence de facteurs tels que le niveau d'éducation, le groupe socio-économique, les récits qui habitent l'espace social et quels sont les mécanismes comparatifs dans l'évaluation des différences sociales ? Quel est le lien entre les résultats issus d’une analyse axée sur la position ou sur l’expérience d’individus ? Et enfin, comment les résultats se rapportent-ils entre les différentes dimensions des représentations et les niveaux d'analyse ?

Figure 1. Cadre d’étude de l’inégalité subjective

Dimensions des représentations Niveaux d'analyse sociales

Perceptions Position sociale Croyances Expérience individuelle Préférences

Le Chili : transformations socio-économiques et poids des inégalités sociales L'histoire récente du Chili est indéniablement marquée par une reconfiguration aux niveaux politique et économique de la société à la suite du coup d'État du 11 septembre 1973. Après une série de réformes promulguées comme une "thérapie de choc", comme l'a souligné Milton Friedman quand il a rendu visite au pays en 1975 (Friedman 2013), le processus de libéralisation a permis au pays de connaître une croissance économique soutenue depuis la fin des années 1980. Cette croissance économique s'est développée au cours des décennies suivantes et a entraîné une augmentation moyenne annuelle du PIB par habitant de 5,3% entre 1990 et 2015 (Valdés 2018). Cela signifie que le Chili est passé

14 d'un PIB par habitant de 2.401 USD en 1990 à près de 15.000 USD depuis 2013 (World Bank 2018).

Le rétablissement de la démocratie et la croissance économique ont entraîné des changements importants dans le bien-être de la population chilienne. Les niveaux de pauvreté sont passés de 68% en 1990 à 11,7% en 2015 (PNUD 2017). Dans le système éducatif, selon les données nationales (INE 2018), une tendance historique s'est inversée en 25 ans : le pourcentage d'individus ayant reçu une éducation supérieure (30%) ayant dépassé celui des élèves n'ayant reçu qu'un niveau d’éducation primaire (26%)5. Les changements intervenus dans l'économie et le système éducatif ont ainsi entraîné un important processus de mobilité sociale dans le pays, mené par les classes les plus pauvres et les plus vulnérables (Torche and Wormald 2004; Torche 2005; Ferreira et al. 2013), et faisant de la classe moyenne le groupe le plus large mais aussi le plus hétérogène de la société (84,5% - défini comme la classe moyenne vulnérable et aussi la classe moyenne consolidée ou stable) (Hardy 2014).

Ces tendances représentent la transformation de la population chilienne à partir des années 1980. Toutefois, lorsque l’on compare la force et la rapidité de l’évolution de la pauvreté et de l’éducation aux tendances de l’inégalité, la concentration de la richesse, bien qu’elle ait augmenté avec le temps, n’a pas connu la même intensité de changement. En 1990, l'indice GINI du Chili était de 52,1, il passait à 47,6 en 2015 (PNUD 2017). Le Chili reste l'un des pays les plus inégaux de l'OCDE, aux côtés du Mexique et de la Turquie (OECD 2018), et de nombreux autres pays d'Amérique du Sud et d'Afrique (The World Bank 2018). Bien que le pays ait connu des améliorations en termes de concentration de la richesse, les inégalités économiques au cours des 25 dernières années restent élevées.

Au cours de cette période, toutefois, les taux d’inégalité ont commencé à se réduire vers l'année 2000. La réduction des inégalités a coïncidé avec le déploiement, à la fin des années 1990, de politiques de protection sociale ciblant les personnes, les ménages et les communautés vulnérables, ainsi que la petite enfance (Larrañaga 2010). Une fois qu'un

5 Selon les données du ministère de l'Éducation du Chili (MINEDUC 2018), cela signifie que, alors qu'en 1992, 285.699 personnes avaient accès à l'enseignement supérieur, ce nombre s'élevait à 1.247.746 en 2017. En d’autres termes, l’augmentation du nombre d’inscriptions a quadruplé en environ 25 ans. 15 pourcentage majoritaire de la population avait atteint un minimum de bien-être et que la pauvreté avait été réduite de moitié, les inégalités ont commencé à occuper une place plus importante dans le discours politique.

Un bon exemple de cela peut être vu dans la campagne présidentielle de 1999, lorsque le candidat Ricardo Lagos, membre du Parti socialiste, a lancé sa campagne sous le slogan "Croissance avec égalité" (Lagos 1999). Comme indiqué dans son programme, l’économie chilienne n’avait jamais autant progressé dans son histoire que dans les années 1990, ce qui a eu une incidence directe sur le bien-être des plus défavorisés. Cela devait permettre de relever de nouveaux défis sociaux, tels que la nécessité de répartir plus équitablement les résultats du processus de transformation auquel tous les Chiliens avaient participé.

Au cours de ces années, le sujet des inégalités a commencé à gagner du terrain dans les milieux universitaires et politiques, alimentant le débat sur les politiques publiques à mettre en place pour assurer le développement du Chili. Par exemple, dans les rapports sur le développement humain publiés périodiquement par le Programme des Nations Unies pour le développement (PNUD 2002), l'inégalité était pour la première fois considérée comme un problème central dans le pays. Il était conclu que l'inégalité empêchait la société de consolider les transformations vécues jusqu'à présent dans un récit partagé. Le rapport postulait la thèse d'une "diversité dissociée" dans la société chilienne, composée de problèmes de communication entre les personnes et les groupes sociaux résultant de la ségrégation sociale croissante dans laquelle les inégalités se cristallisaient. De la même façon, plusieurs chercheurs ont signalé le processus d'individualisation qui s'est développé parallèlement à l'accélération historique qu'a connue le pays au cours des dernières décennies, en soulignant les tensions du «processus de modernisation» que la société chilienne avait expérimentées (Bengoa 1996; Peña 2017; PNUD 1998).

Et puis, les discussions sur les inégalités sociales ont dépassé le cadre des cercles les plus spécialisés et ont progressivement intégré le discours public lors des mobilisations sociales débutées avec les manifestations étudiantes de 2006 et atteignant leur apogée en 2011. Au cours de ces manifestations, des centaines de milliers d'étudiants au niveau national – la mobilisation sociale la plus importante au Chili depuis la restauration de la démocratie en

1990 - remettaient en question le caractère néolibéral du système éducatif issu des réformes mises en œuvre pendant la dictature, y compris ses inégalités structurelles. La diversité des acteurs qui ont soutenu la cause et la solidité des arguments développés par ses représentants ont permis au mouvement, non seulement de consolider le soutien des jeunes générations, mais également d'obtenir le soutien plus large de la population chilienne (Bellei, Cabalin, and Orellana 2014).

Comme l'a mentionné Agustín Squella (2014) en faisant allusion au mouvement des étudiants, ce sont les jeunes qui ont réussi à placer la question de l'(in)égalité dans la sphère publique, au-delà des dénonciations de la politique financière du système éducatif chilien. Et l'invitation, restée ouverte depuis 2011, est de remplir ce concept normatif qui est en même temps un idéal démocratique avec un contenu allant au-delà du message général des revendications. Depuis lors, des notions telles que la "régulation du profit", la "justice sociale", les "droits sociaux", l’"égalité des chances", l’"État social", entre autres concepts associés directement aux inégalités chiliennes, ont été au centre du débat public et ont même transformé l'agenda politique.

Une étude analysant la présence du concept d’inégalité dans les discours des candidats aux élections présidentielles de 1989 à 2015 (Soto 2016) montre une forte augmentation depuis 2011, avec un record en 2014 lorsque Michelle Bachelet a été élue pour la deuxième fois. Elle déclarait dans son discours d’investiture : "le Chili n'a qu'un seul grand adversaire, il s'appelle l'inégalité" (Bachelet 2014). Et pour faire face à ce défi au cours de ses quatre années au gouvernement, une série de réformes ont été menées concernant l’impôt, l'éducation, le travail et les retraites, et une tentative de révision de la Constitution nationale a même été entreprise.

Cette période a été caractérisée comme celle de la politisation de la société chilienne qui a réussi à inverser un diagnostic commun des années 1990 et du début des années 2000 décrivant la société par sa naturalisation des conditions sociales imposées par les forces du marché (PNUD 2015). Dans cet esprit, le sujet de l'épuisement possible du "modèle" chilien a été débattu en liaison directe avec le changement constaté dans la manière dont les

17 individus interprètent ce qui est juste et la place que doivent tenir les inégalités dans les priorités politiques.

Le Chili n'était plus le même. Les conditions matérielles avaient changé et, en conséquence, les représentations subjectives ont également changé au cours de ces années. Certains ont parlé d'une crise majeure de l'économie de marché au Chili du point de vue de sa légitimité, représentée par l'idée d'un effondrement du modèle et de la résurgence de l'égalité en tant qu'horizon permanent des attentes individuelles (Mayol 2013). D'autres ont interprété cette période comme un changement de préférences politiques, une tendance vers une nouvelle ère dans laquelle les initiatives de l'État et des citoyens devraient jouer un rôle plus important après une longue période de néolibéralisme, afin de progresser vers un régime public et de parvenir à une société plus égalitaire (Atria et al. 2013).

Néanmoins, ces interprétations n'étaient pas les seules. D'autres types d'analyses séparaient le bruit des manifestations de l'opinion générale, affirmant que l'agenda politique consolidé des mouvements sociaux appartenait à des groupes localisés (notamment de gauche), et que ce que les chiliens ont réellement réclamé sont des ajustements associés au nouvel horizon d'attentes suscitées par la croissance de la classe moyenne et les nouveaux niveaux de bien-être atteints au cours des dernières décennies (Larraín 2012). Pour cette raison, les critiques des inégalités sociales inscrites au cœur des mouvements sociaux ne doivent pas être interprétées comme une préférence pour changer le modèle néolibéral chilien qui s'est développé depuis la dictature. Au contraire, l'objectif devrait être de rester centré sur une plus grande croissance économique afin de réduire la pauvreté; la vrai demande des chiliens (Kaiser 2015). Autant d’interprétations qui ont eu un écho au niveau politique si l'on considère les résultats de l'élection présidentielle de 2017, lorsque Sebastián Piñera, candidat de la droite politique, avec un discours plus emphatique sur la croissance économique que les inégalités sociales, a pris le pouvoir pour la deuxième fois.

Cette séquence d'événements résume les bases du cadre dans lequel s'est développée la discussion sur les inégalités sociales au Chili. Cependant, comme l’a souligné Martuccelli en 2007, il est complexe de transférer la cohérence idéologique de la politique dans les

18 opinions des individus. Cette difficulté ne doit pas être comprise comme une limitation de la discipline ou une erreur dans l’interprétation des analystes. Elle correspond plutôt à l'expression d'une incohérence structurelle de la pensée qui, dans le cas de la représentation des inégalités, peut être observée lorsque des croyances et des attitudes libérales et conservatrices coexistent dans les opinions de la même personne (Kluegel and Smith 1986). Comme cela a été décrit, il existe divers domaines de clivages politiques au niveau individuel (Forsé et al. 2013).

Dans ce contexte, comment les débats sur les inégalités au niveau national se reflètent-ils aux yeux des citoyens ordinaires ? Est-il possible de parler d'un changement dans les représentations de l'inégalité au Chili au fil du temps ? Comment les transformations socio- économiques et les changements du contexte sociopolitique affectent-ils les opinions des individus sur l'inégalité sociale ? Et dans quelle mesure ces opinions sont-elles stables dans le temps ?

Le regard des chiliens sur l'inégalité et la discussion d'hypothèses Les représentations de l’inégalité dans des études basées sur les opinions des individus peuvent être distinguées entre celles qui se concentrent sur l’influence de la position sociale et celles qui se concentrent sur les expériences des individus.

Concernant l’approche centrée sur le positionnement social des individus, une étude empirique a montré qu’avant le pic des mobilisations sociales de 2011, les perceptions concernant l’inégalité économique et ce que les individus considéraient juste étaient relativement stables entre les années 1999 et 2009 (Castillo 2012). Les individus étaient alors conscients que les inégalités sociales étaient élevées dans le pays et réclamaient des écarts sociaux plus justes. A l’inverse, une autre étude sur les perceptions d'inégalité, basée sur une comparaison de données entre 2000 et 2013 (Segovia and Gamboa 2016), a observé une diminution de l'inégalité perçue au sein de la société, allant de pair avec la réduction des inégalités "objectives" observée depuis 2000, et réfutant l’interprétation selon laquelle, compte tenu de la mobilisation sociale massive et de la pertinence du sujet

19 des inégalités acquise dans le discours public, la population pourrait percevoir plus d'inégalité au Chili.

Pour interpréter la variation des tendances dans le temps, les deux études axent leurs analyses sur l’influence de la position individuelle dans la structure sociale, mais avec des résultats opposés. Dans l'étude de Castillo, et en accord avec d'autres études analysant les représentations chiliennes à un moment donné (Garretón and Cumsille 2002; Torres 2014), il est observé que le statut social - mesuré par le niveau d'éducation et le groupe socio-économique - est corrélé positivement avec les inégalités perçues et celles que les individus considèrent justes. En d'autres termes, les personnes ayant un niveau éducatif plus élevé et appartenant à un groupe socioéconomique supérieur perçoivent et tolèrent une plus grande inégalité. Au contraire, dans l’étude développée par Ségovia et Gamboa, la corrélation entre la position des individus dans la structure sociale et la perception de l’inégalité dans le temps n’est pas significative.

En grande partie, ces différences peuvent s’expliquer par le fait que les indicateurs utilisés pour mesurer les perceptions de l’inégalité sont eux-mêmes différents. L’étude de Castillo (2012) analyse les tendances de l’inégalité subjective à partir des écarts salariaux, et celle de Segovia et Gamboa (2016) à partir de diagrammes représentant les perceptions de l’inégalité générale de la société chilienne. Or, il ressort d’une analyse effectuée à partir d'enquêtes, que l'indicateur composé de l'écart entre salaires les plus élevés et les plus bas est significativement associé à la position des individus dans la structure sociale. Ce qui n'est pas le cas des indicateurs relatifs aux inégalités générales (Castillo, Miranda, and Carrasco 2012).

Dans ce contexte, on peut considérer que si les perceptions d'inégalité sont mesurées à l'aide d'un indicateur composé d'écarts de salaire, le lien avec la position sociale serait significatif après 2009, ce qui n’a pas été démontré au moment de la rédaction de cette thèse. Le même constat se produirait lors de l’analyse des croyances et préférences de l'inégalité, si l’on se réfère aux études empiriques dans d'autres latitudes et discutées précédemment dans la section théorique. De même, en introduisant dans l'analyse les transformations socio-économiques qu'a connues la société chilienne, une évolution des

20 niveaux de revenu et d'éducation de la population serait associée à des niveaux plus élevés d'inégalité perçue, tolérée et souhaitée si l’on compare les séries dans le temps. Cela contredirait les résultats obtenus par Segovia et Gamboa (2016) uniquement au niveau des perceptions et montrerait un changement dans la stabilité des représentations observée jusqu'en 2009.

Dans ce cadre, compte tenu des relations théoriques discutées et des transformations structurelles qu'a connues la société chilienne au cours des dernières décennies, on peut poser comme hypothèse centrale que les représentations de l'inégalité changent à un niveau général du fait des transformations en termes économiques et éducatifs, mais surtout dans les couches de la population à statut social inférieur, qui ont connu plus profondément les transformations structurelles de la société chilienne.

Et dans une perspective centrée sur les expériences des individus, les études montrent une tendance à explorer d’autres ressources et dimensions de l’inégalité, qui vont au-delà des exigences d’une plus grande égalité distributive, juridique ou politique. En grande partie, avec le processus de démocratisation qu'a connu le pays depuis 1990, et au sein des mouvements sociaux et des revendications qui ont également mis en évidence des pratiques abusives présentes dans la société chilienne, un espace de recherche a été ouvert pour traiter les inégalités de traitement (Araujo 2013, 2015) et procédurales (Mac-Clure and Barozet 2016). C'est-à-dire, un autre type de demande, formulée pour une plus grande égalité au niveau des rapports entre individus, dans les relations sociales ordinaires ou dans les interactions entre individus et institutions.

De plus, une analyse discursive des représentations individuelles de l'inégalité a déclenché une discussion sur les modèles d'argumentation que les acteurs d'origine sociale différente utilisent pour évaluer les différences sociales comme étant (in)justes (Frei 2016) ou pour la construction de limites morales associées aux catégories historiquement ancrées sur des critères économiques tels que les classes sociales (Jordana 2018). Dans cette perspective, il est entendu que les transformations socio-économiques des dernières décennies et les changements observés au niveau de la population sont associés à la configuration de nouveaux récits et de frontières symboliques.

Ces études ont élargi le cadre d'analyse des inégalités subjectives au Chili, en focalisant les recherches sur la manière dont les inégalités interpellent les individus et la diversité des principes de justice qu'ils utilisent pour les évaluer. Elles ont également montré que les inégalités sociales ont occupé un espace de revendication plus important pour la population chilienne après le retour de la démocratie et la mobilisation sociale. Cependant, dans ce contexte, l’évaluation des inégalités sociales a été étudiée principalement par la comparaison entre individus et groupes sociaux, sans accorder une importance particulière aux comparaisons que les individus font avec eux-mêmes, à travers le temps et entre différents stades biographiques, pour évaluer les inégalités au sein de leurs propres vies.

Dans les études examinées, les transformations au niveau individuel apparaissent comme une synthèse décrivant un nouvel état de la société chilienne, mais les trajectoires associées aux changements dans les représentations des inégalités n’ont pas été explorées suffisamment. Compte tenu de ce contexte et du débat théorique précédemment développé, il est postulé dans cette thèse que les représentations de l'inégalité sont également influencées par un exercice comparatif résultant du contraste dans la représentation des individus eux-mêmes entre différents moments dans le temps, en tant que cadre rétrospectif examinant à un niveau biographique les transformations structurelles que la société a connues au cours des dernières décennies.

Finalement, l’expression des deux hypothèses générales, l’une abordant une dimension structurelle et l’autre tenant compte des facteurs de l’expérience, apparaît dans une séquence entre différentes dimensions de représentations : perceptions, croyances et préférences.

Approche méthodologique La recherche est structurée à partir d'une approche dans laquelle trois dimensions des représentations de l'inégalité - perceptions, croyances et préférences - sont abordées selon deux niveaux d'analyse - positions sociales et expériences individuelles - comme le montre la Figure 1. Des questions et des hypothèses de recherche spécifiques sont soulevées en association avec chaque dimension et niveau d’analyse, qui sont à leur tour enrichies avec de données et de méthodes spécifiques.

En premier lieu, l'influence du positionnement social sur les représentations de l'inégalité et de ses changements dans le temps est appréhendée à partir d’information quantitative disponible dans quatre enquêtes représentatives au niveau national : deux enquêtes du International Social Survey Program (ISSP) de 1999 et 2009, l'enquête menée en 2013 par le projet Social Justice and Citizenship Participation (SJCP), et l'enquête réalisée par le Center for Social Conflict and Cohesion Studies (COES) en 2014. A travers ces enquêtes posant des questions similaires, des indicateurs sont construit pour chacune des dimensions des représentations de l'inégalité, lesquelles sont analysées afin d'élucider les tendances de stabilité ou de variation dans le temps. En outre, chacun des indicateurs est analysé en fonction de la position sociale ou du statut social des individus - notamment le niveau d'éducation et le groupe socio-économique - ainsi que de variables sociodémographiques et idéologiques.

En second lieu, l'influence de l'expérience dans chaque dimension de l'inégalité subjective est appréhendée à partir du matériel de recherche qualitatif. Les données sont composées de 40 entretiens semi-structurés menés au Chili, dans les villes de Curicó, Santiago, Valparaíso et Viña del Mar entre décembre 2015 et janvier 2016. Ces villes ont été sélectionnées de manière à intégrer une certaine variabilité à l'analyse, car elles représentent différents espaces de la société chilienne en termes de localisation, de taille et de traditions productives, dans Santiago, la capitale, et aussi en dehors. L'échantillon d'entretiens est composé d'un ensemble hétérogène d'acteurs, représentant des individus des deux sexes, de générations différentes et de groupes économiques et de niveaux d’éducation différents. Ce matériel explore les raisons et les principes de justice que les individus utilisent pour décrire la société chilienne et les changements survenus dans leur propre vie, ainsi que la façon dont ils justifient leurs croyances et leurs préférences quant aux inégalités dans le temps.

L'étude inclut également l'analyse de données de second ordre, telles que les rapports gouvernementaux, les programmes politiques et les lois de la république. Toutefois, ce type d’information est principalement utilisé dans un chapitre pour compléter l’analyse des informations extraites des enquêtes et des entretiens.

Organisation de la recherche Le premier chapitre présente le matériel et les méthodes utilisées dans l'étude ainsi que la façon dont les résultats issus de l'analyse des entretiens et des données d'enquêtes sont interprétés. L'objectif est de montrer la technique avec laquelle les données ont été analysées, qui va au-delà du processus connu de "triangulation" et cherche à valider les interprétations à partir du croissement de différents méthodes. On considère que chaque approche méthodologique a ses propres critères de validation interne, par conséquent, ce qui est particulier dans cette étude, c'est le dialogue entre différents types d'informations qui répondent à différents types de questions. Cela permet une compréhension plus globale de l'inégalité subjective.

Le deuxième chapitre présente une synthèse des principales transformations socio- économiques et des tendances d’inégalités au Chili, essentiellement dans la période qui a débuté avec le retour de la démocratie en 1990. L’objectif est tout d’abord de dresser le cadre des principales dimensions utilisées pour parler d'inégalité. Puis, d’aborder la dimension institutionnelle de l’opinion publique, car elle fait partie du contexte sociopolitique des individus, au même titre que les transformations socio-économiques elles-mêmes, et les gens se tournent souvent vers les concepts et les idées qui y sont développés pour argumenter ou illustrer leur évaluation des différences sociales dans la vie quotidienne.

Le troisième chapitre traite des perceptions relatives à l'inégalité. Une première partie analyse l’influence de la position sociale sur la perception de l’inégalité économique. Laquelle perception inclut l'écart de salaire perçu entre professions à statut élevé et professions à statut faible au sein de la structure sociale. Dans une deuxième partie, nous analysons la relation entre l'expérience personnelle des individus et leur perception de l'inégalité. L'objectif est de faire ressortir les principales références qu’ils retiennent pour illustrer l'état des inégalités générales dans le pays et les facteurs qui influencent leur changement de perception dans le temps.

Le quatrième chapitre traite des croyances relatives aux inégalités. Dans un premier temps, l’étude cherche à définir une mesure d’inégalité considérée juste ou tolérable par les

24 individus, sur la base d’un indicateur représentant l’écart salarial idéal entre les professions de statut social élevé et celles de statut social défavorisé. Puis à analyser comment cette mesure peut être influencée par la position sociale et à examiner le rôle joué par l'inégalité perçue sur les croyances. Dans un deuxième temps, à partir de l'analyse des entretiens, nous abordons la question de l'influence des expériences individuelles sur l'acceptation ou la condamnation de l'inégalité, en identifiant des mécanismes de comparaison.

Enfin, le cinquième chapitre analyse les préférences concernant les inégalités. Une première partie s’intéresse à l'influence de la position sociale sur les préférences individuelles, à partir de l'analyse d'opinions individuelles sur la légitimité des inégalités dans les deux domaines que sont les systèmes de santé et d'éducation. Puis, aux relations existantes entre les préférences et les autres composantes de l'inégalité subjective (perceptions et les croyances). Dans la seconde partie, les données recueillies lors des entretiens sont utilisées pour examiner l’influence des expériences individuelles sur les inclinations des individus au sujet de l’égalité et des inégalités, ainsi que les raisons pour lesquelles les différences sociales sont plus ou moins acceptées dans certains domaines.

Chapitre 1. Les données, variables et méthodes L’approche méthodologique de cette thèse a été conçue en combinant deux processus qui sont en tension dans la recherche en sciences humaines s’intéressant aux regards des individus sur les inégalités sociales. Le défi de cet type d’étude est, d'une part, compte tenu de ce que Goran Therborn (2006) a évoqué, de traiter un sujet très sensible comme un « objet scientifique », c’est-à-dire sans le vider de sa charge émotionnelle. D'autre part, ce type d’étude doit également garder suffisamment de distance par rapport à l'objet, car ses propres caractéristiques sensibles font parfois que les interprétations se rapprochent des arguments normatifs, plutôt que de simplement communiquer des résultats empiriques (Sen 2009).

Afin d’éviter de banaliser l’expérience des individus qui sont derrière le matériel recueilli dans le cadre de la recherche et d’interpréter de la manière la plus détachée possible ce matériel en raison de l’intensité des opinions des propres individus, différents types de sources d’information ont été utilisés. D'une part, la thèse s'appuie sur des données quantitatives, qui permettent de produire une image générale et représentative des phénomènes sociologiques au sein de la société chilienne, en soulignant l'influence des caractéristiques sociodémographiques et structurelles sur l'opinion des individus. D'autre part, elle s'appuie sur des données qualitatives, qui permettent d'inclure les principes et les motifs de justice guidant les individus dans leur évaluation des inégalités dans le cadre d'une analyse plus large. De cette manière, les voix des individus sont entendues alors qu’elles sont très souvent exclues des questionnaires quantitatifs. Dans le même temps, les opinions, parfois interprétées de manière isolée quand on traite les entretiens dans le périmètre d’une étude de cas, peuvent bénéficier d'une représentation nationale plus large quand ces entretiens sont en dialogue avec des sources représentatives.

Traditionnellement, dans le domaine de l'analyse de méthodes mixtes, lorsque les méthodologies d'analyse sont combinées, on cherche à valider les résultats, soit par généralisation, soit par incursion dans les cas où des structures profondes de la vie sociale apparaissent. Cela peut être observé par exemple lorsque la recherche développe une analyse en passant d'un niveau qualitatif à un niveau quantitatif, avec le passage d'une

26 classification basée sur des entretiens à une typologie plus générale basée sur des données représentatives d'enquêtes internationales (Van de Velde 2004).

Une telle approche de recherche utilise un critère de validation mutuelle entre sources d’information et méthodes. Cependant, cette perspective ne représente pas la relation fondamentale que nous avons établie entre les deux formes d'analyse. La relation entre les résultats quantitatifs et qualitatifs qui structurent cette recherche est considérée comme un dialogue entre perspectives plutôt que comme une relation de corroboration entre l’une et l’autre. Et avec cela, un point de vue épistémologique est utilisé pour guider l’étude dans une position où deux méthodes de recherche peuvent converger ou se contredire sans pour autant se (in)valider mutuellement.

L’information utilisée dans l’analyse peut donc être divisée selon la nature de données et être soit quantitative, soit qualitative.

Données quantitatives Pour aborder les trois dimensions des représentations de l’inégalité -perceptions, croyances et préférences-, trois types de variables dépendantes ont été utilisées :

(a) Perceptions de l’inégalité

Cette dimension a été abordée à travers un indicateur visant à mesurer l'écart perçu entre des salaires de professions représentant les extrêmes de l'échelle sociale (Jasso and Rossi 1977; Jasso 1978; Jasso and Wegener 1997), ainsi que décrit dans l'équation 1 :

푆푎푙푎𝑖푟푒 푝푒푟ç푢 (1) 퐼푛é푔푎푙푖푡é 푝푒푟ç푢푒 = 푙푛 ( 푃푎푡푟표푛 ) 푆푎푙푎𝑖푟푒 푝푒푟ç푢 푂푢푣푟푖푒푟 푛표푛 푞푢푎푙푖푓푖é

(b) Croyances de l’inégalité

Cette dimension a été abordée à travers un indicateur très proche du précédent, en remplaçant les salaires perçus par les salaires souhaités, selon l'équation 2 :

푆푎푙푎𝑖푟푒 푠표푢ℎ푎𝑖푡é (2) 퐼푛é푔푎푙푖푡é 푖푑é푎푙푒 = 푙푛 ( 푃푎푡푟표푛 ) 푆푎푙푎𝑖푟푒 푠표푢ℎ푎𝑖푡é 푂푢푣푟푖푒푟 푛표푛 푞푢푎푙푖푓푖é

Les indicateurs utilisés pour mesurer les préférences en matière d’inégalité se présentent sous forme de questions. Le premier indicateur mesure les préférences des individus en matière d’inégalité dans l’éducation et est construit à partir de la question suivante : est-il juste ou injuste que les personnes à revenu élevé puissent accéder à une meilleure éducation pour leurs enfants que les personnes à revenu inférieur ? Le second mesure les préférences en matière d’inégalité dans les soins de santé, à travers la question suivante : Est-il juste ou injuste que les personnes à revenu élevé puissent accéder à de meilleurs soins de santé que les personnes à revenu inférieur ? Dans chacune des questions, les réponses sont représentées par une échelle Likert qui va de 1 (tout à fait en désaccord) à 5 (tout à fait d'accord).

Pour expliquer les tendances des variables dépendantes dans le temps, une série de variables explicatives ont été sélectionnées (tableau 1). Parmi les variables utilisées figurent celles qui représentent le statut social des individus, ainsi que celles qui représentent les caractéristiques sociodémographiques, les convictions idéologiques, l'expérience individuelle et l'année de la base de données utilisée pour contrôler les différences dans le temps.

Table 1. Variables indépendantes.

Données qualitatives L’analyse qualitative est centrée sur l’information extraite des entretiens menés au Chili. Le tableau 2 reprend la description des individus :

Tableau 2. Description des interviewés.

Chapitre 2. Les inégalités socio-économiques chiliennes et leur présence dans la raison publique Dans cette thèse, l'inégalité subjective est essentiellement explorée du point de vue des individus. Cependant, avant d'explorer leurs opinions, ce chapitre fait une évaluation générale de l'inégalité au Chili afin de situer à la fois les caractéristiques socio-économiques qui définissent le pays et celles auxquelles les interviewés font référence. De plus, il est développé un aperçu de la place que les inégalités sociales occupent dans l’opinion publique dans ces dernières années, abordée à travers la notion de raison publique (Rawls 1997). Ce concept représente une raison des citoyens, y compris un discours sur les biens publics au niveau institutionnel, composé de discours de représentants des pouvoirs exécutif, législatif et judiciaire. Dans l'échange généré dans cet espace, la raison publique sert de référence pour la discussion autour du répertoire d’idées et de principes utilisés pour évaluer les inégalités au sein de la société.

Le Chili. Un cas de croissance économique récente et d’inégalités de longue date L'histoire récente du Chili est inévitablement marquée par la reconfiguration de la politique, de l'économie et de la société après le coup d'État du 11 septembre 1973. Après le coup d'État, une révolution a transformé la société chilienne. Au début, suivant la tradition centralisée des organisations militaires, le conseil militaire a mis en place une série de réformes politiques et économiques pour maintenir le rôle central de l'État (Mansuy 2016). Néanmoins, cela a rapidement basculé vers un autre paradigme, composé d'une série de réformes libérales rassemblées dans El ladrillo6 (de Castro and Méndez 1992) écrites par les Chicago boys7.

6 Comme l'ont décrit les rédacteurs du document, El Ladrillo constituait un modèle économique alternatif contre les idées keynésiennes présentes dans les programmes politiques des partis de centre-gauche depuis les décennies des années 1930 au Chili (de Castro and Méndez 1992). Il a commencé à être conçu en 1969 pour le programme du candidat de droite confronté à Allende à l'élection présidentielle, Jorge Alessandri. Comme Alessandri a perdu les élections, les idées ont été laissées de côté jusqu'en 1972, lorsque les mêmes coordinateurs ont invité d’autres économistes et intellectuels de la droite chilienne à élaborer le document qui est devenu définitivement ce qui servira de guide au gouvernement militaire pour mettre en œuvre les réformes économiques. 7 Les économistes qui ont participé à la rédaction d'El Ladrillo et du gouvernement militaire sont appelés Chicago Boys car ils ont étudié à l'Université de Chicago. 30

A partir de ces réformes ayant instauré une économie de marché, et des politiques de protection sociale ensuite développées par les gouvernements démocratiques qui ont suivi la chute de la dictature en 1990, la croissance économique du PIB par habitant a augmenté presque six fois entre 1990 et 2015. Plus précisément, le PIB par habitant a augmenté en moyenne de 5,3% par an au cours de cette période (Valdés 2018). Cela signifie que le Chili est passé d'un PIB par habitant de 2.401 USD en 1990 à près de 15.000 USD à partir de l'année 2013. Une transformation économique qui a conduit le Chili à avoir un des niveaux de revenu les plus élevés d'Amérique latine, et proche de pays comme le Portugal.

Cette tendance dans la croissance économique a contribué à réduire la pauvreté, mesurée par le revenu économique par ménage, de 68% en 1990 à 11,7% en 2015 (PNUD 2017). En même temps, d'autres indicateurs ont progressé. L’espérance de vie est passée de 74 ans entre 1990-1995 à 79 ans entre 2005-2010 (MINSAL 2004), la mortalité infantile a été réduite de moitié (CEPAL 2009) et le nombre moyen d'années d'éducation de la population est passé de 9 ans en 1990 à 11 ans en 2015 (Ministerio de Desarrollo Social 2016). Parmi d'autres améliorations sociales, on peut citer un accès quasi universel à l’électricité (97% en 2002), à des sources d’eau salubre (91%) et à un système d’égout (90%) (INE 2003).

Toutes ces statistiques décrivent l’impact de la croissance économique sur la population chilienne à partir de la fin des années quatre-vingt. Cependant, lorsque les taux d'inégalité sont inclus dans cette série de transformations, bien que celles-ci se soient améliorées depuis 2000, les inégalités sont restées élevées. Ceci est illustré dans le Tableau 3, dans lequel l'inégalité économique au cours des 25 dernières années est mesurée par différents indicateurs.

Tableau 3. Inégalité des revenus entre 1990 et 20158

Gini Palma Quintile % pauvreté % salaire D10/(D4- ratio par revenu femme/ D1) Q5/Q1 homme 1990 52,1 3,6 14,8 68,0 76,9 1996 52,2 3,6 15,2 42,1 80,9 2000 54,9 4,2 17,5 36,0 84,8 2003 52,8 3,7 15,3 35,4 84,6 2006 50,4 3,3 13,3 29,1 88,0 2009 50,0 3,2 12,8 25,3 84,3 2011 49,1 3,0 12,2 22,4 86,4 2013 48,8 3,0 11,6 14,4 84,6 2015 47,6 2,8 10,8 11,7 84,4 Source: (PNUD 2017)

Les inégalités dans le système éducatif Le système éducatif chilien a connu une amélioration accélérée au cours des dernières décennies, la plus forte qu'il ait connue depuis sa création au XIXe siècle et sa consolidation au cours du XXe siècle. La libéralisation du système a permis une plus grande couverture éducative à tous les niveaux. Par exemple, au début des années 1990, 47% de la population âgée de 25 ans et plus avait un niveau d'éducation basique, une proportion similaire avait alors atteint le niveau secondaire et seule une petite partie avait un diplôme universitaire (12%). Au fil des ans, la population déclarant avoir achevé sa dernière année d'études au niveau supérieur a atteint 30%, tandis que la fraction ayant juste un niveau primaire n'excédait pas 26% (INE 2018). Selon les données du ministère de l'Éducation (MINEDUC 2018), si 285.699 personnes pouvaient accéder à l'enseignement supérieur en 1992, ce nombre s'élevait à 1.247.746 en 2017. En d’autres termes, l’augmentation du nombre d’inscriptions à l’université a quadruplé en 25 ans.

Cependant, alors que les politiques adoptées permettaient effectivement un plus grand accès à l'éducation, l'extension du système éducatif a été directement associée à une stratification en termes de qualité et de ségrégation des étudiants en fonction de leur groupe socio-économique d'origine.

8 Les données ont été calculées pour chaque année à partir de l'Enquête nationale sur la caractérisation socioéconomique (CASEN). 32

Cette partie du chapitre analyse les différentes formes dans lesquelles ces inégalités s'expriment, et une façon de les illustrer est de regarder ce qui se passe au niveau scolaire avec la décentralisation de l’enseignement public et l’institutionnalisation d’un nouveau type de financement. Trois types d’établissements ont été créés : le public (administration municipale), le public-privé (financement partagé) et le privé. Cette politique de différenciation a cristallisé les inégalités dès le plus jeune âge, parce que les familles ont été différenciées en fonction de leur capacité de paiement et les groupes socio-économiques de haut niveau ont vite été associés aux établissements privés se détachant alors nettement des autres groupes socio-économiques (Bellei 2013; Santos and Elacqua 2016). Selon les données du ministère de l'Éducation (MINEDUC 2017), le secteur privé représente environ 8% des effectifs scolaires depuis les années 1980, donc les systèmes public et public-privé ont absorbé l’essentiel de l'augmentation de la demande en éducation. Le système public étant associé aux couches de la population les plus désavantagées, et le système public- privé aux couches moyennes. Ces différences dans le système éducatif scolaire se reproduisent de façon similaire dans le secteur universitaire.

Les inégalités dans la raison publique Cette partie du chapitre analyse la présence des inégalités dans la raison publique. En suivant la définition donnée par Rawls (2005), les discussions relevant de la sphère publique n'entrent pas dans la raison publique, même si elles relèvent du domaine de la justice et du débat public. Pour être immergé dans la raison publique, les discours doivent appartenir au forum politique, composé de trois dimensions : (1) le discours des candidats à une fonction publique et de leurs responsables de campagne ; (2) le discours des représentants du gouvernement (exécutif et législateurs) ; et (3) le discours des juges. C’est dans ces dimensions que l’échange d’opinions cristallise une tradition sociopolitique. En interprétant l’histoire des textes judiciaires ou administratifs, il est possible de déterminer l’attachement ou la méfiance à l’égard des institutions, ainsi que l’importance de certains concepts clés de la culture politique de la société, comme l'inégalité.

I. Le discours des candidats aux fonctions publiques. Élections présidentielles depuis le retour de la démocratie. Cette période va des gouvernements sociaux-démocrates de la Concertacion (1990-2010), en passant par le gouvernement de droite de Piñera (2010-2014), pour revenir à une coalition de centre-gauche avec le second mandat de Bachelet (2014-2018). En examinant les différents programmes des candidats à la présidence de 1989 à 2013, il est observé que le concept d'inégalité acquiert plus de force en 1999, à travers le message de la campagne de Ricardo Lagos, dont il a été remarqué, pour la première fois, que l'inégalité était un défi central pour le Chili. Cependant, en termes de priorités politiques, les inégalités ont pris une importance secondaire ou ont été utilisées pour renforcer d’autres idées, jusqu’à la campagne de 2013, où elles ont été placées au centre du répertoire des idées de la gauche et des sociaux-démocrates. En 2013, un consensus s'est dégagé sur l'importance acquise par le concept, étroitement lié aux mouvements sociaux déployés depuis 2011, ce qui a positionné l'inégalité au centre de la discussion politique.

II. Le discours des responsables gouvernementaux. La voix du parlement. Une fois élue en 2014, la présidente Michelle Bachelet a soumis au congrès les réformes fondamentales décrites dans son programme de lutte contre les inégalités. Parmi celles-ci, la réforme éducative a été centrale et a pris près de quatre ans pour être publiée. Pendant cette période, différentes positions politiques ont généré un répertoire d'idées autour de l'inégalité.

En général, ces arguments sont associés aux principes de justice avec lesquels les courants de gauche et de droite ont été traditionnellement identifiés. D'une part, les courants de gauche s'alignent sur l'égalité et, d'autre part, la droite s'aligne sur le principe de liberté. Dans la perspective de gauche, l'égalité est perçue comme un horizon de droits et de conditions à atteindre, qui se manifeste dans des concepts tels que l'intégration, l'inclusion et la cohésion sociale. D'après les discours recueillis, ces concepts sont à la base de la réduction des inégalités sociales et de la construction d'une société plus juste et démocratique. Et à droite, bien que le diagnostic du problème à l’origine de l’état actuel des inégalités dans le système éducatif soit partagé, l’horizon normatif de l’égalité engendre une certaine méfiance en raison des restrictions qu’il implique pour la liberté des individus.

Pour cette raison, une plus grande tolérance aux inégalités est exprimée, justifiée par des concepts tels que l’autonomie des individus, la nécessité de préserver le caractère méritocratique présent dans le modèle éducatif chilien, le rejet de l’État, et la nécessité de protéger la libre prise de décision des individus (exprimée notamment chez la classe moyenne).

III. Le discours des juges. La voix de la Cour Constitutionnelle. La présence de l'inégalité dans la voix des juges est observée dans les jugements prononcés par la Cour Constitutionnelle, institution qui traite de la résolution de certains projets de loi qui n'ont pas trouvé de résolution au congrès.

Centrée sur la discussion autour de la réforme du système éducatif, la position de la Cour Constitutionnelle peut être suivie jusqu'en 2018. Chacun de ses verdicts sur différentes parties de la réforme est apparu dans les médias et a eu une grande répercussion dans le débat public. Ainsi le concept d’inégalité a t-il été très présent depuis 2013 dans le répertoire des arguments d’une grande diversité d’acteurs à l’occasion de la présentation du programme gouvernemental, donnant forme aux trois dimensions de la raison publique.

Chapitre 3. Perceptions sur l'inégalité Ce chapitre aborde la question de l’inégalité perçue par les Chiliens et les facteurs qui déterminent ces perceptions. Nous estimons qu’il est important d’aborder une dimension descriptive des regards sur l’inégalité afin de comprendre de quoi les individus parlent quand ils se réfèrent à l’inégalité. Comme Adela Cortina (2017) le souligne dans un essai dans lequel elle discute de la façon dont les gens perçoivent et interprètent la pauvreté, comprendre comment les individus "nomment les choses" est l'un des défis fondamentaux des sciences sociales. Ce processus représente la manière dont les sociétés elles-mêmes interprètent leur environnement à travers l’histoire au sens large, car il peut s’agir d’objets concrets mais, surtout, il capture des sentiments tels que la xénophobie, le racisme ou le rejet des pauvres qui ne peuvent être directement montrés du doigt.

Une première partie analyse les représentations de l'inégalité à partir d’un matériel quantitatif, en se focalisant sur la manière dont les individus perçoivent l'écart salarial entre des catégories professionnelles extrêmes de la structure sociale. À partir de cette source de données, on analyse l’impact de facteurs tels que le statut social et les transformations structurelles qu'a connues la société chilienne sur la perception des inégalités. Dans une deuxième partie, l'analyse s’appuie sur des entretiens pour dresser une carte des inégalités dans le pays, la manière dont les inégalités sociales sont nommées et les types d'expériences liées à ces formes d’inégalités.

Différences de revenus perçues Les résultats issus de l'analyse quantitative montrent que l’inégalité économique est perçue comme s’accroissant dans le temps, et en particulier depuis 2009, ainsi qu’illustré en Figure 2. Si l'écart était autour de 33 fois en 1999 et 2009, il est passé à 40 fois en 2013 et à 50 fois en 2014. Ce changement dans la perception présente 2009 comme le point de démarcation entre deux époques, celle de l’avant et celle de l’après.

Si l'on analyse les écarts de salaires qui composent l'indicateur de l'inégalité économique perçue, la comparaison montre que les changements dans la perception portent principalement sur l’écart perçu entre l’évolution du salaire d’un président d'une

36 entreprise nationale et celui des ouvriers non qualifiés : le premier n’arrêtant pas de croître depuis 1999 quand en même temps le second est resté relativement stable.

Figure 2. Inégalité salariale perçue dans le temps (médiane)

Note. Questions : "Selon vous, combien gagne un président d'une entreprise nationale / un travailleur non qualifié dans une usine ?".

Les résultats montrent aussi une corrélation significative entre niveau d'éducation ou groupe socioéconomique et l'inégalité perçue. Plus le niveau d'éducation ou le groupe socio-économique est élevé plus l'écart salarial ou l'inégalité économique perçue est important. En même temps, si l'on compare l'influence des deux variables qui composent le statut social, on note que les individus discriminent davantage les inégalités selon leur niveau d'éducation que selon leur groupe socio-économique.

On constate aussi que la significativité des relations entre l'inégalité perçue et le statut social est maintenue quand elles sont analysées dans des modèles de régression (méthode des moindres carrés ordinaires - MCO) en introduisant des variables de contrôle. Cela permet d'observer la stabilité des relations en même temps que l'effet d'autres facteurs. Par exemple, la variable âge est positive et fortement corrélée chaque année. Cela signifie que les générations plus âgées perçoivent plus d'inégalité que les générations plus jeunes. La religion montre quant à elle une relation significative inverse, c'est-à-dire que les personnes qui s'identifient à une religion perçoivent moins d'inégalité que celles qui

37 déclarent n’appartenir à aucune. D'autre part, ni le sexe, ni le statut professionnel, ni la position subjective des individus dans l’échelle sociale n’influence de manière significative les perceptions relatives à l’inégalité économique.

Finalement, pour approfondir l’analyse de l'effet du statut social sur l'inégalité perçue à travers le temps, on a fait interagir les facteurs dans un deuxième modèle de régression. Les résultats permettent de constater que les perceptions de l’inégalité chez les individus de statut social moins élevé - niveau éducatif ou groupe socioéconomique inférieur - ont augmenté plus fortement à travers le temps. Cela montre que le niveau d'inégalité salariale perçue a augmenté au fil du temps plus fortement dans les groupes ayant davantage expérimenté les transformations sociales vécues dans le pays.

Inégalités sociales dans les narrations des individus Cette section analyse les types d'images, de métaphores et d'exemples utilisés pour décrire et représenter l'inégalité sociale dans la société chilienne. Les résultats se divisent en trois dimensions. La première dimension représente un domaine où les personnes interrogées analysent les inégalités distributives. La deuxième dimension représente un domaine qui traite spécifiquement des inégalités de traitement considérées comme définissant un autre type d'expression des inégalités sociales associé à des expériences de discrimination, d’abus ou de manque de respect, et qui empêchent les individus de se sentir égaux entre eux. Enfin, la troisième dimension porte sur des facteurs que les individus associent à l’intérêt porté au sujet des inégalités sociales dans les dernières années.

I. Les riches sont hors de portée Lorsque les personnes interrogées décrivent leur vie quotidienne ou se rappellent des anecdotes et des conversations avec des amis ou des membres de la famille, elles constatent que le contraste entre les conditions de vie des catégories les plus riches et les normes qui déterminent la vie du reste de la société est évident et pourtant inconnu. Evident, à cause des images bombardées par les médias sur la vie des millionnaires, ce qui les rend conscients de la distance qui les sépare de ces vies. Mais en même temps, cela est inconnu car ces informations, la vie de ces privilégiés révélées dans les médias, les font ressembler à des êtres éthérés, complètement déconnectés de l’histoire d’une citoyenneté

38 commune. En d’autres termes, ils appartiennent à une société différente, plus proche de la vie des célébrités et des millionnaires d’autres pays que de leurs concitoyens habitant le même territoire. C’est pourquoi les individus considèrent que les riches sont hors de portée, car ils sont perçus comme détachés de la société chilienne.

Les riches font partie d'un continuum de richesses qui implique beaucoup plus de familles riches que celles appartenant au 1%. En général, ils sont décrits comme un groupe de citoyens à revenu élevé qui habitent certains quartiers, envoient leurs enfants dans des écoles similaires, partagent leurs passe-temps et partent en vacances dans des régions spécifiques. Toutefois, au-delà des détails utilisés dans le discours des personnes interrogées pour décrire le pouvoir économique ou les privilèges de ce groupe, deux processus se dégagent qui ont conduit ce groupe à se dissocier de la réalité nationale. Tout d’abord, il s’agit d’un processus de ségrégation sociale selon lequel des groupes disposant de ressources plus importantes se sont progressivement isolés du reste de la société, ce qui leur a conféré un nouveau statut, différent de celui qui était le leur auparavant. Deuxièmement, il s’agit d’un processus d’enrichissement à une vitesse différente du citoyen moyen qui a permis à l’élite de mieux tirer parti de la croissance économique qui a marqué l’histoire récente de la société chilienne, et qui a approfondi le sentiment de distance qui les sépare.

II. Égaux mais différemment traités Du point de vue des individus, le pays est décrit comme développé économiquement et extrêmement libéral, mais culturellement conservateur et traditionaliste. Les personnes interrogées se demandent comment il est possible que dans un pays très globalisé et à taux d'éducation élevé, des comportements ouvertement racistes, classistes ou homophobes soient toujours légitimes et présents dans les espaces publics et privés, sans restrictions majeures ou censure de la part de la société elle-même. Ceci est considéré comme un obstacle majeur confrontant la société chilienne dans son développement, de même intensité voire même plus important que les inégalités au niveau économique.

Le manque de respect, l’abus et la lutte pour la reconnaissance sont vécus à travers différentes expériences qui ont tendance à se trouver superposées et ordonnées en

39 fonction de certains critères. Le premier considère les inégalités de traitement comme une expérience de disqualification sociale, à partir de laquelle les individus se sentent exclus de la société. Le second est présenté comme une expérience d'abus et de maltraitance ancrée au niveau institutionnel, ce qui implique un autre type d'agents discriminants.

III. Facteurs influençant les perceptions de l'inégalité Une troisième dimension qui compose le discours des interviewés sur la perception des inégalités est constituée par les facteurs qui ont fortement influencé la manière dont les inégalités sociales sont devenues présentes dans le débat public. Il existe trois facteurs récurrents dans leur opinion: (1) le rôle joué par Internet et les médias sociaux dans l'accès et la diffusion d'informations en ce qui concerne les différences économiques; (2) Les conséquences d’une série de procès judiciaires civils et pénaux dans lesquels l’élite politique et économique chilienne a été impliquée ces dernières années, mettant en évidence la distance qui sépare ces groupes du reste de la population chilienne en fonction des montants économiques en discussion et les abus systématiques commis; (3) L'effet des mouvements sociaux liés depuis le retour de la démocratie, marqué surtout par les mobilisations étudiantes de 2011, dénonçant les inégalités socio-économiques et de traitement présentes dans la société chilienne.

Ces facteurs sont présentés comme des catalyseurs de perceptions. C’est-à-dire, en tant qu’éléments qui ont progressivement accéléré la perception critique des inégalités par les individus, qu’il s’agisse de justice distributive ou de traitement. Et, bien que l’information n’ait pas de caractère représentatif, telle que celle issue de l’analyse statistique, elle permet de manière générale de discuter des raisons de l’évolution des perceptions de l’inégalité, en intégrant de nouvelles dimensions qui ne sont pas présentes dans les enquêtes quantitatives.

Chapitre 4. Croyances sur l'inégalité Les croyances relatives aux inégalités sont directement associées au problème de la légitimité des différences sociales composant un ordre social. Il s’agit là d’une question très ancienne soutenant qu’à la base de toute société moderne, il existe un accord selon lequel les êtres humains soumettent leur volonté individuelle à un pouvoir souverain perpétuel (Hobbes 2008); un pouvoir qui serait incapable de se reproduire uniquement par la violence, car la validation de tout ordre social a besoin de normes et d'obéissance (Rousseau 1966). Affirmation similaire à celle formulée en sociologie classique (Weber 1978), selon laquelle les normes qui soutiennent les relations sociales ne peuvent être comprises uniquement du point de vue de la domination et de la soumission. La construction d'un ordre social doit être comprise dans sa complémentarité avec les processus d'acceptation et de justification inscrits légitimant tous systèmes sociaux.

Pour analyser les croyances relatives aux inégalités, ce chapitre utilise différents concepts qui doivent être interprétés de manière similaire. Les inégalités idéales, tolérables, justes ou justifiées sont utilisées pour décrire comment les individus conçoivent un seuil d'inégalité légitime, un niveau de répartition des ressources considéré (in)juste. La première partie du chapitre se concentre sur la reconnaissance de l’inégalité économique idéale à partir de données quantitatives. A l’appui de la comparaison de salaires de statuts sociaux différents, il est regardé comment différents facteurs, y compris les perceptions de l'inégalité, arrivent à influencer la notion d’inégalité idéale dans le temps. La deuxième partie s’appuie sur l’exploitation des informations rassemblées au cours des entretiens, relatives notamment aux expériences individuelles en matière d’inégalité, et explore le lien entre expérience et croyances à différents moments dans le temps, avec l'élaboration de différents récits expliquant les inégalités sociales actuelles dans la société chilienne.

Inégalité idéale. Différences de revenu tolérables Pour montrer l'évolution de l'indice d'inégalité idéale, on compare sa tendance avec l'indice d'inégalité perçue, ainsi qu’illustré en Figure 3. L'indice de perception fait apparaitre une rupture significative de tendance après 2009, reflétant l’existence d’un tel changement de l'inégalité perçue au sein de la population chilienne. Toutefois, en comparaison, il ressort

41 que l’indice d’inégalité idéale est beaucoup moins élevé et suit une courbe différente. En 2013, l'écart souhaité entre les professions à statut social élevé et défavorisé a augmenté tout comme l’indice d’inégalité perçue mais, à la différence de ce dernier, il n’a pas crû mais diminué en 2014. On peut donc observer que, si l’inégalité perçue a augmenté, l’inégalité idéale reste assez stable pendant 15 ans.

Figure 3. Inégalité perçue et idéale à travers le temps (médiane)

Note : : Les questions utilisées pour déterminer l'indice d'inégalité perçue sont les suivantes : "Selon vous, combien gagne un président d'une société nationale /un travailleur non qualifié ?". Les questions utilisées pour déterminer l'indice d'inégalité idéale sont les suivantes : « Selon vous, combien devrait gagner un président d'une société nationale / un travailleur non qualifié ?

Les résultats de l'étude montrent aussi un rapport étroit dans le temps entre inégalité idéale et statut social. Avec toutefois une tendance plus irrégulière dans le temps et des caractéristiques différentes de celles observées pour l’inégalité perçue. L’influence du statut social étant beaucoup plus marquée par sa composante « niveau éducatif » que par sa composante « groupe socioéconomique », sans véritable interaction du facteur temps.

Ce qui signifie que, bien qu'existe un rapport significatif entre les niveaux d'éducation et de revenu avec l'inégalité idéale, il n'y a pas de changement notable de ces variables dans le temps, contrairement à ce qui se passe avec l'inégalité perçue. En d'autres termes, les changements dans la structure sociale chilienne n'ont pas d'incidence sur les croyances relatives aux inégalités économiques.

Concernant l'incidence des variables de contrôle, le sexe est un facteur d'influence stable dans le temps, montrant que les femmes justifient moins l'inégalité que les hommes. L’âge tend à davantage justifier l'inégalité. La religion et l'emploi n’apparaissent pas avoir d’influence sur les croyances relatives aux inégalités économiques.

Néanmoins, le positionnement subjectif – c’est-à-dire le niveau auquel les individus s'identifient dans l'échelle sociale - est lui-même significatif et positivement corrélé aux croyances sur l'inégalité économique tous cas confondus. En d'autres termes, les personnes qui s'identifient avec des positions sociales plus élevées tolèrent des inégalités plus importantes dans le temps.

Finalement, quand on introduit l'indice d'inégalité perçue comme une variable indépendante, les modèles montrent un lien important, qui interfère aussi dans la relation du reste des variables explicatives avec la variable expliquée (l'inégalité idéale). Seules les catégories supérieures représentées par le statut social présentent encore une corrélation significative, ce qui implique que l’inégalité perçue joue un rôle de médiateur partiel dans l’effet du statut social sur les croyances relatives à l’inégalité. Cette tendance, vue dans le temps, signifie que les différences entre les groupes s’estompent lorsque les perceptions excluent le niveau d'éducation supérieur et le groupe socio-économique plus élevé.

Le poids des expériences des individus et l’acceptabilité des inégalités Les analyses statistiques développées dans la section précédente montrent les principales tendances dans lesquelles les facteurs structurels et subjectifs convergent. Cependant, comme il l’a été évoqué par d’autres études (Schröder 2016; Shepelak 1989), une fois que ce type de relations a été établi, un deuxième défi pour les chercheurs consiste à appréhender les mécanismes individuels qui sont derrières ces relations, et à essayer d’interpréter en quoi les expériences quotidiennes des individus peuvent façonner leur regard sur la justice distributive.

L’éventail de réponses à cette question est aussi large que la quantité d'information collectée au cours des entretiens. Cependant, la littérature a souligné deux aspects pertinents dans l’analyse des croyances relatives aux inégalités qui s’appliquent bien aux objectifs de cette recherche tout en analysant les représentations des inégalités dans le

43 temps. L'analyse est centrée premièrement sur les expériences des individus et leur influence sur l'évaluation des différences sociales. Deuxièmement, sur les principaux récits présents dans les discours des individus et leur influence sur l'explication et la justification des inégalités sociales dans la société chilienne.

I. Types d'expériences intervenant dans l'évaluation de l'inégalité sociale Lorsque les personnes interrogées parlent d’inégalité sociale en décrivant leurs expériences dans différentes situations, et la manière dont elles influencent leurs regards sur l’inégalité, il ressort deux types d’expériences majeurs :

Tout d’abord, un type d’expérience situé dans un domaine éloigné de leur quotidien, mais qui joue toujours un rôle hautement symbolique dans la détermination du présent. Ce sont des expériences de bifurcation, qui donnent un sens aux récits des individus pour évaluer les inégalités. Plus précisément, ce sont des « tournants » constitués par la relation qu'un individu ou un groupe social entretient avec une série d'actions caractérisées par une forte imprévisibilité et qui produisent des effets irréversibles sur leur vie (Grossetti 2010). Dans les entretiens, ces tournants sont associés à des expériences traumatisantes qui laissent une forte empreinte symbolique, telles que des expériences de discrimination, des crises familiales, des situations de divorces ou des moments de maladie vécus par la personne interrogée ou ses proches. Ils sont décrits comme des moments de rupture biographique. Ce sont des épisodes de bifurcation qui marquent un avant et un après dans la narration de la vie des personnes interrogées et qui sont associés à la manière dont les personnes interrogées tendent à évaluer les inégalités.

Ensuite, les personnes interrogées font allusion à une série d’expériences qui composent leur vie quotidienne et à partir desquelles une carte de leurs interactions avec leur environnement peut être construite pour évaluer les inégalités sociales. Ces repères permettent de construire un seuil de raisonnabilité associé aux différences sociales acceptées. Plus précisément, cela cristallise un mécanisme subjectif consistant en la capacité des individus à comprendre et à rationaliser les différences sociales évaluées par la commensurabilité des événements, en utilisant leur propre vie comme référence. Par exemple, le mécanisme de commensurabilité est associé à des évaluations négatives - les

44 gens considèrent que les différences sociales sont injustes - quand ils ne peuvent pas comprendre ou même imaginer comment des groupes placés aux extrêmes de la structure sociale gèrent leur vie. Cette évaluation revient à transformer les individus aux extrêmes en étrangers, sujets vulnérables ou super puissants.

II. Adaptations aux incohérences. Récits quotidiens de légitimation Lorsque des expériences d'inégalités apparaissent dans les discours des personnes interrogées, vécues parfois de manière dramatique ou en tant qu'observateur externe, ces situations ne sont généralement pas des cas isolés et déconnectés du reste de leurs opinions. En général, parler d'inégalité sociale fait partie d'une histoire plus large qui leur permet de rendre compte de la réalité sociale dans laquelle habite la société chilienne. Dans cet exercice argumentatif, plusieurs injustices sont critiquées, mais, en même temps, on observe la présence de narrations explicatives de la façon dont les inégalités sociales sont comprises dans le pays. Parmi elles, deux récits ressortent comme étant les plus récurrents : la croyance dans l'idéal méritocratique et l'identification avec la classe moyenne.

La croyance dans l’idéal méritocratique de la société chilienne renferme les mêmes contradictions que dans d'autres sociétés. La méritocratie est un idéal souhaité mais jamais atteint dans sa plénitude, cohérent dans sa logique mais plein de défauts dans son application empirique. Alors, pour surmonter ces incohérences, les individus adaptent leur discours sur la méritocratie en différenciant des espaces où la reconnaissance du mérite est présente ou ne l'est pas. Cet exercice met l'accent sur l'évaluation des expériences personnelles. La reconnaissance du mérite a lieu à deux niveaux d’interaction : le niveau macro et le niveau micro.

Au niveau macro, qui représente la vie publique, la société en général, la présence du mérite est perçue comme un échec. Par contre, au niveau micro, qui représente une dimension de la vie privée, le mérite est perçu comme un idéal de justice qui possède un corrélat dans la réalité. Cela est dû en grande partie au fait que les changements matériels et de bien-être vécus par les individus au cours des dernières décennies sont liés à l'effort et au travail individuel, et non à l'action d'agents externes, tels que des politiques de

45 redistribution adoptées par l'Etat. À partir de la reconnaissance du mérite au niveau micro, les individus sont plus tolérants aux inégalités car ils considèrent que les différences sociales aussi sont méritées.

Le deuxième récit, très proche de l’idéal méritocratique, est l'identification avec la classe moyenne. Cela est dû non seulement à la croissance qu’a connue la classe moyenne au cours des dernières décennies, mais également aux valeurs qu’elle représente. La classe moyenne constitue un point de référence auquel les individus ont tendance à se comparer et qui permet d’expliquer les différences sociales.

D'une part, les individus se situant au-dessous de la moyenne voient dans les valeurs des classes moyennes une représentation de leurs trajectoires qui leur permet de se démarquer du stéréotype de la dépendance et du manque d'effort associé aux individus de statut inférieur. Pour eux, leur histoire faite d'effort et de mobilité sociale témoigne du contrôle qu'ils exercent sur leur vie et produit un récit efficace pour expliquer pourquoi la pauvreté peut parfois être justifiée. Dans le même temps, les aspects identitaires qui confèrent le sentiment d'appartenir à une classe moyenne, "moralement supérieure", les conduisent à regarder d'une autre manière les classes disposant de plus grands privilèges, renversant ainsi le rapport de domination.

D'autre part, pour les individus appartenant aux couches les plus riches, la classe moyenne devient une source morale permettant de justifier leurs avantages et leurs privilèges comparatifs. En valorisant leurs efforts quotidiens, ils deviennent des citoyens communs ; des individus responsables et honnêtes comme le reste des chiliens. En même temps, le bon usage de l'argent et la décence présentée dans le discours identitaire de la classe moyenne, mais surtout la modestie en matière de privilèges, leur permettent de faire partie d'un groupe social représentant les "bonnes personnes". Cela leur permet de se sentir bien considérant qu’ils contribuent à la société et que, par conséquent, les différences sociales qui pourraient exister avec des groupes de statut social inférieur peuvent être mieux tolérées, car elles ne menacent pas la bonne entente entre les diverses strates composant la société.

Chapitre 5. Préférences sur l'inégalité Comme il a été défini dans cette étude, la notion de préférences introduit dans l’analyse une composante normative en dialogue direct avec un phénomène spécifique analysé. Contrairement à l'analyse des croyances sur l'inégalité, lorsque l'on étudie les préférences, l'inégalité n'est pas discutée de manière idéale. Les individus, lorsqu'ils parlent de leurs préférences, produisent une évaluation basée sur le choix entre différentes possibilités en termes d'exemples concrets, ce qui permet d'extrapoler un bilan entre ce qui est perçu et ce qui est souhaité. Ainsi, à partir de la discussion des scenarios d'inégalité dans différences sphères, l'opinion des individus permet de comprendre les différences sociales qu'ils considèrent (in)justes et leurs raisons.

La première partie de ce chapitre analyse les données quantitatives permettant de comparer, à partir de différentes bases de données, les principales tendances concernant les préférences des individus en matière d’inégalité dans la sphère éducative et de santé. Il est également analysée l’influence du statut social sur l’orientation des préférences ainsi que ce qui se produit lorsque ces relations sont observées au fil du temps. Enfin, est abordée la relation établie entre les préférences les deux autres indicateurs analysés dans les chapitres précédents que sont les inégalités perçues et idéales.

La seconde partie se penche sur les préférences de l'inégalité dans la sphère de l’éducation, du système de santé et du système de retraites, pour comprendre les principes et les raisons qui sont alors avancés pour les justifier. Comment les expériences et les opinions sur la justice sont-elles exprimées dans différentes sphères ? Est-il possible d'établir une comparaison entre elles ?

Facteurs structurels et subjectifs influençant les préférences en matière d’inégalité face à l’éducation et à la santé Le premier élément qui ressort des analyses statistiques est que la plupart des individus sont fortement en désaccord ou en désaccord avec le fait que ceux qui peuvent payer aient une meilleure éducation pour leurs enfants ou accès à de meilleurs soins de santé. Deuxièmement, les données montrent que les opinions s'accentuent avec le temps, en particulier pour ceux qui sont en profond désaccord ou en désaccord, alors que le nombre

47 d’indécis ou en accord tend à diminuer. Cette tendance peut être observée dans les deux domaines, mais c'est dans le domaine de la santé que les changements sont les plus importants. En 1999, 52% des personnes ont déclaré être fortement en désaccord ou en désaccord avec le fait que les personnes à revenu élevé pourraient avoir accès à de meilleurs soins de santé, alors qu'elles atteignaient environ 80% en 2013-2014. Cela montre une tendance que nous avons déjà pu suivre dans le chapitre des perceptions, avec des différences très marquées après 2009.

En comparant les pourcentages de réponses dans les deux sphères, on peut affirmer que les chiliens atteignent un degré de consensus plus élevé lorsqu'ils expriment leur opinion sur l'accès aux soins de santé. Au cours des années 2013-2014, seulement 12% de la population considéraient que les différences d'accès aux soins de santé liées au pouvoir économique étaient justes, et moins de 8% étaient indécis. En matière d’éducation, à la même période, la proportion de la population qui considère toujours les différences d’accès comme étant justes est du double. Environ 26% sont tout à fait d'accord ou d'accord, tandis qu'environ 9% ne sont ni en accord ni en désaccord.

Dans les analyses bivariées, la corrélation entre les préférences, quelque soit la sphère de justice, et le statut social est significative mais très instable à travers le temps. Cela rend difficile l'interprétation des données. Alors, quand elle est analysée dans des modèles de régression et leur interaction dans le temps, on observe plus proprement la relation entre les variables. A la fois dans la sphère éducative comme dans la sphère de santé, la variable niveau d’éducation est un prédicteur significatif qui permet d'observer que, après 2009, les préférences des personnes ayant un niveau d'éducation inférieur sont plus critiques vis-à- vis des inégalités d'accès dans les deux systèmes que celles des individus de statut social supérieur. Le groupe socioéconomique n'est pas alors une variable significative.

Les variables sociodémographiques sont quant à elles significatives dans les modèles développés dans les deux sphères, la variable sexe montrant une relation négative de femmes face aux inégalités d'accès à l’éducation et à la santé et la variable d’âge une relation positive. Cela signifie que les femmes présentent des opinions plus égalitaires. Au contraire, les générations adultes ont tendance à justifier les inégalités d'accès aux deux

48 systèmes. La position subjective des répondants au sein de l'échelle sociale aussi montre un effet sur les préférences. Ceux qui occupent les postes les plus élevés ont tendance à justifier les différences d’accès aux systèmes, tandis que ceux qui s'identifient eux-mêmes à des places inférieures ont tendance à les critiquer davantage. Le fait d'être au chômage n'influence pas de manière significative les préférences, alors que la variable représentant les croyances religieuses est, elle, significative et en lien positif avec les préférences, mais uniquement dans la sphère éducative. Cela montre l’influence du credo religieux dans le débat sur les principes de justice qui devraient guider le système éducatif, tel qu’il apparaît dans l’analyse de la réforme de l’éducation développée au Chapitre 2.

Finalement, lorsque l'on intègre les indicateurs d'inégalité perçue et idéale dans les modèles développés dans les domaines de l'éducation et de la santé, on observe dans les deux cas que les indicateurs d'inégalité économique montrent une relation inverse avec les préférences d'inégalité. Les personnes qui perçoivent le plus l'inégalité économique ont tendance à être en désaccord avec le rôle joué par le marché dans la médiation de l'accès à l'éducation ou à la santé. Au contraire, les individus qui justifient les inégalités salariales plus importantes ont tendance à être en accord avec les différences qui peuvent être établies, pour des raisons économiques, dans l'accès aux systèmes d'éducation et de santé. Ces relations restent stables dans le temps.

Les représentations individuelles confrontées à des scénarios d’inégalité Les résultats statistiques disponibles nous permettent donc de reconnaître l’influence de variables telles que la position sociale et les variables sociodémographiques sur les préférences en matière d’inégalité au fil du temps. Maintenant, comme l'a souligné une étude sur les inégalités économiques (Cramer and Kaufman 2011), une fois analysées les conditions sociétales qui influencent les préférences en matière d’inégalité, il est essentiel de poursuivre la recherche pour comprendre la manière dont les parcours personnels influent sur les préférences individuelles; c’est le sujet alors traité dans cette partie à partir du matériel fourni par les entretiens.

Dans un premier temps, on se penche sur les opinions des individus justifiant leurs préférences en matière d’inégalité dans les domaines de l’éducation, des soins de santé, et

49 du système de retraite. L'objectif est d'analyser les raisons utilisées pour expliquer leurs jugements et l'influence de l'expérience individuelle sur les représentations de l'inégalité. Dans un second temps, on analyse les préférences des individus en comparant l’importance de différents types d’inégalités, dans le but d’identifier quel type d’inégalité est considéré comme prioritaire et à quel type de principe de justice cette hiérarchie est associée.

I. L'inégalité à travers les sphères de la justice. L'expérience comme facteur de légitimation En général, les entretiens illustrent bien l’opinion résumée par les données quantitatives de la première partie de ce chapitre. La plupart des personnes interrogées considèrent que les différences qui peuvent être établies pour des raisons économiques en termes d'accès à une meilleure éducation ou à de meilleurs soins de santé sont injustes, et le degré d'accord varie en fonction de la sphère de justice analysée. De plus, associées à chaque domaine, les raisons que les gens utilisent pour justifier leurs préférences diffèrent, de même que le poids de leurs expériences dans l'élaboration de leurs jugements, tel que présenté lors de l'analyse de chaque type de scénario séparément.

Au niveau des préférences dans le système éducatif, d'un point de vue normatif, pratiquement toutes les personnes interrogées s'accordent pour dire qu'un accès égal à l'éducation devrait exister, sans différencier les types études à l'intérieur du système éducatif. Il y a peu de doutes sur cette position. Mais lorsque les personnes interrogées intègrent leurs expériences personnelles dans le débat, la plupart des cas indiquent qu'elles ne veulent pas être obligées de se trouver dans des établissements similaires. Compte tenu des conditions actuelles, leur liberté de choix ou la revendication légitime de la reconnaissance de leur mérite justifie une différence d’accès en matière d’éducation. En particulier, pour les individus éloignés des groupes d'élite, l'évolution de leurs biographies au fil du temps leur a permis d'accroître leur capacité de choix. Le choix implique également une décision morale en ce qu’il traduit leur intérêt (par exemple, la préoccupation qu’ils montrent pour l’éducation de leurs enfants). L’éducation est ainsi conçue quelque part entre un droit et le résultat du mérite.

Au niveau des inégalités dans le système de retraite, les préférences sont assez proches de celles observées dans le système éducatif. Il y a une critique partagée de la misère des pensions en général, cependant cela n'implique pas l'émergence de critères égalitaristes sur lesquels les individus pourraient défendre un système plus distributif. Les différences de pensions dues aux différences de revenus sont aussi validées car elles résultent des contributions effectuées au cours de toute une vie. De cette manière, les pensions ne sont pas considérées comme des montants "innocents" ou arbitraires, car elles rendent compte à la fois des efforts et des déficiences déployés par les individus. Ceci est l’illustration de ce qui apparaît dans de nombreux discours pour expliquer que les individus sont responsables de leurs actes et des conséquences de leurs actes, rappelant ainsi une idée très partagée dont le choix des individus compte plus que l’effet de la structure sociale sur leurs vies.

Finalement, dans la sphère de la santé, les préférences se montrent différentes, car les jugements sont construits dans un espace antérieur à l'expérience, donc les critères de mérite qui ont prévalu en matière d'éducation et de système de retraite ont tendance à s’effacer. Certaines personnes interrogées ont mentionné que l’égalité d’accès aux soins de santé pourrait être remise en cause en cas d’alcoolisme ou de toxicomanie, dans la mesure où ces fléaux ne devraient pas recevoir la même priorité que les soins à prodiguer aux enfants ou aux personnes âgées. Néanmoins, l'argument de la dignité humaine prévaut sur tout autre type de raison et permet l'émergence d'un autre type d'argument qui représente des concepts tels que la réciprocité, la responsabilité intergénérationnelle et interclasse dans le financement du système de santé. Un positionnement qui n'est pas observé dans les autres sphères.

II. Hiérarchie entre types d'inégalité et principes de justice En comparant les types d'inégalité et les principes qui justifient leur priorité dans un projet sociétal, les individus situent d'abord l'accès au système de santé justifié par le principe de nécessité, car ce qui est en jeu dans l'accès à ce service est la dignité de tout individu. Puis, l'accès au système éducatif, justifié par le principe du mérite, parce que c'est la base d'une société qui place au centre du projet commun la mobilité sociale et la productivité. Finalement, c’est une fois que l'accès au système de santé et à l’éducation ont été assurés,

51 que les individus s’intéressent à l'égalité dans le système économique. Cela s'explique surtout parce que les différences économiques sont considérées inhérentes au système capitaliste dans lequel vivent les interviewés. Pour les interviewés, il est certain que des écarts économiques excessifs peuvent mettre en jeu la cohésion de la société, mais cela est vu comme moins urgent que les mécanismes permettant aux citoyens de participer avec les mêmes droits et possibilités au système auquel ils appartiennent.

Cette tendance qui définit un ensemble de priorités autour des inégalités sociales place la discussion sur les préférences individuelles dans un plan où deux modèles de justice sont différenciés pour réguler les différences sociales. Comme cela a été décrit (Dubet 2010), d’une part, un accord social qui vise à réaliser un état d’égalité des chances, d'autre part, un accord social qui promeut l'égalité des places. En d’autres termes, un modèle social où il est prioritaire que tout le monde ait les mêmes possibilités d’atteindre les places dans lesquelles sont concentrées les plus grandes ressources, ou un autre où la priorité est de créer un état de conditions garantissant que les différences entre les professions à statut social élevé et défavorisé restent limitées.

Comme le souligne Deutsch (1975), lorsque l'égalité est le principe au centre de la coopération humaine, les relations sociales sont orientées vers le maintien du bon état des relations par elles-mêmes. C’est un principe qui représente un projet plus communautaire que la nécessité ou le mérite, qui met en exergue le bien-être et la bonne performance des capacités de l’individu. Les discours des personnes interrogées, interprétés à la lumière de cette définition, montrent que la place de l'individu et le désir d'approfondir l'égalité des chances semblent être définitivement au centre des priorités de la société chilienne.

Conclusion Dans le débat sur les transformations vécues par la société chilienne au cours des dernières décennies, la dictature marque un tournant décisif, non seulement dans la vie démocratique et institutionnelle du pays, mais aussi dans sa vie sociale. Et autour de cette phase, apparaissent deux types idéaux dans la société chilienne. Tout d’abord, il y a la période d'avant 1973, au cours de laquelle le Chili peut être décrit comme une société classique centrée sur le rapport industriel-national; c'est-à-dire, une société où les individus étaient fortement socialisés par le biais d'activités productives et politiques, générant une correspondance entre la vie économique, la politique et la culture (Garretón 2000). Il s’agissait d’une société marquée par un fort caractère communautaire, liée aux traditions rurales et influencée par la pensée sociale catholique très présente dans le pays (Bengoa 1996; Solimano 2012), où les projets collectifs primaient sur les initiatives individuelles et, par conséquent, les idées privilégiant des aspects particuliers tendaient à être exclues du récit social (Engel and Navia 2011).

Puis, avec les réformes politiques et économiques développées pendant la dictature et consolidées au cours de la période démocratique qui a suivi, apparaît une société néolibérale, identifiée comme une conséquence d'un processus de « modernisation capitaliste » (Peña 2017). Cela signifie un processus de transformation sociale où les récits collectifs associés à des catégories telles que la classe sociale ou le travail se sont vus dilués et réduits à l’échelle individuelle. Cela s'est également traduit par une croissance économique, une augmentation du niveau d'instruction, une mobilité sociale, l'externalisation de la main-d'œuvre et la flexibilité dans le monde du travail, ainsi que par une diminution progressive dans tout le pays de l’identification à la religion. En même temps, des transformations dans la composition de la famille et l’émergence de minorités réclamant, entre autres, une reconnaissance politique et identitaire ont fragmenté l’histoire de l’ancien Chili, celle d’une société communautaire ou, du moins, plus homogène au sein et entre les couches sociales.

Les deux modèles sociaux ainsi décrits sont des types idéaux. C’est pourquoi les transformations sociales que le Chili a connues au cours des dernières décennies ne

53 peuvent pas, en pratique, être conçues comme un processus tout à fait cohérent. Au contraire, ce parcours a été décrit comme un projet dans lequel les « deux Chili » coexistent encore. L'idée d'un homo-economicus chilien est un projet inachevé (Araujo and Martuccelli 2012). Néanmoins, à ce stade de la société chilienne où est désormais reconnue une prédominance de l'individu sur la société, sont également associés certains types de principes de justice qui prédominent dans la société. Tel est le cas de l'exaltation des principes encourageant la responsabilité individuelle, à l'instar du principe du mérite, qui a dominé le répertoire des idéaux de justice au détriment d'autres types de principes qui pourraient être plus proches d'un idéal de solidarité.

Dans ce contexte, au milieu d’une apparente stabilité sociale atteinte lors du retour de la démocratie, plusieurs études analysées tout au long de cette thèse font état d’un malaise qui s’est ancré dans la société chilienne, né du conflit entre les deux manières de concevoir la vie sociale, et qui s’est vu totalement exposé avec les mouvements sociaux de l’année 2011 et leur très fort soutien dans toute la population chilienne, dénonçant en particulier les différences et les faiblesses du système éducatif. Le mouvement a critiqué les inégalités structurelles qui configurent la société chilienne dans l’espace public, remettant en cause les principes mêmes qui avaient légitimé l’ordre social depuis la dictature.

Depuis lors, analysant l’impact des manifestations sur la vie publique et l’agenda politique, plusieurs études se sont interrogées sur la possibilité pour Chili d’entreprendre une seconde transition. Une transition qui ne soit plus centrée sur la politique, comme ce fut le cas du retour à la démocratie en 1990, mais sur la culture, dans la mesure où la période de politisation vécue par la société serait désormais associée à de nouvelles formes de représentation de la vie politique et sociale du pays. Revenant sur la tension entre les principes qui constituent les « deux Chili », le nouveau scénario des mobilisations a remis en question l'hégémonie des principes qui soutiennent le modèle chilien à son stade de néolibéralisme mature, soulignant la nécessité de renforcer l'intégration des mécanismes de redistribution dans un système hautement individualiste.

En d'autres termes, depuis 2011, la légitimation des différences sociales qui ont façonné la société chilienne aurait évolué, remettant en question l'équilibre des pouvoirs, la

54 concentration économique et même le rapport entre les individus eux-mêmes. En outre, cela impliquerait une modification des niveaux de tolérance aux inégalités, qui serait également associée à une redéfinition des rôles que l’État, le marché et la citoyenneté joueraient dans la configuration de la société, par exemple, dans l’accord des normes régissant l'accès aux biens essentiels tels que les soins de santé et l'éducation.

Dans cet esprit, la thèse a visé à examiner ces processus du point de vue des individus, afin de comprendre si les représentations des inégalités sociales - perceptions, croyances et préférences - ont changé au fil du temps, et les implications de ces représentations dans l’idée que les chiliens se font d’une société juste. Les points de vue des individus ont alors été analysés en tenant compte de leur position dans la structure sociale et de leurs propres expériences quant au sentiment de justice.

Les enseignements de la thèse montrent qu’après la période de manifestations publiques, les inégalités sociales sont devenues le centre symbolique du débat politique, quand bien même les inégalités économiques avaient elles-mêmes diminué. En analysant les programmes politiques des principales coalitions lors des différentes élections présidentielles qui ont suivi la période de mobilisations, il ressort un diagnostic commun à toutes les candidatures de centre-gauche selon lequel l'inégalité sociale est le principal obstacle auquel la société chilienne est confrontée pour atteindre un état de plus grand bien-être. Leur victoire électorale a eu pour effet de porter la discussion sur les inégalités sociales devant le parlement et de proposer des lois emblématiques pour régler les différends qui n'ont pas été résolus à travers le débat politique. La juxtaposition de ces trois espaces institutionnels - campagnes électorales, discours des présidents, débat parlementaire - avec le législateur a définitivement ancré l'inégalité sociale au centre de la raison publique, une raison citoyenne qui cristallise une série d'arguments, d'idées et de notions de justice venant constituer des repères dans la construction des jugements quotidiens des individus lorsqu'ils interprètent les inégalités sociales.

Lors de l'analyse de chacune des dimensions qui composent les représentations de l'inégalité au niveau individuel, on constate tout d'abord que, effectivement, après la période de mobilisation sociale, les niveaux d'inégalité perçue ont augmenté. Dans une

55 approche centrée sur l’inégalité salariale, les gens pensent que les salaires des professions plus élevées ont augmenté avec le temps, et de manière significative après 2011. Dans l’opinion des individus, cette croissance de l’écart se traduit par un discours dans lequel les groupes qui concentrent les ressources économiques se sont complètement dissociés du reste de la société chilienne, rompant ainsi avec les formes de coexistence sociale vécues dans le passé. Que ce soit par une accentuation des processus de ségrégation résidentielle ou éducative, ou par la manière dont les différentes couches de la société bénéficient du cycle de la croissance économique au fil du temps, il est généralement admis que les groupes de statut plus élevé sont hors de portée. Les plus riches ont été transformés en parfaits étrangers, à tel point qu'ils ne sont pratiquement plus perçus comme faisant partie de la même société.

L'augmentation du niveau d'inégalité perçue s'explique dans une large mesure par les changements survenus en matière d'éducation. En effet, même si ce sont les groupes de statut supérieur qui perçoivent le plus l'inégalité, ce sont les secteurs intermédiaire et inférieur qui ont le plus changé leurs perceptions avec le temps. Les opinions recueillies lors des entretiens permettent de constater que les mobilisations sociales ont constitué un tournant dans la manière dont les individus perçoivent les inégalités au sein de la société chilienne. D’autres facteurs qui ont fortement influencé l’évolution des inégalités perçues, même au niveau du traitement, sont liés aux processus judiciaires dans lesquels l’élite économique et politique du pays a été impliquée ces dernières années. Finalement, il est remarqué par les personnes interviewées que le renforcement de l’accès à l’information avec la connexion internet et l’émergence des réseaux sociaux a aussi contribué à souligner l'ampleur des différences sociales qui configurent la société chilienne.

Compte tenu de tous ces éléments, cet ensemble de facteurs montre que les perceptions individuelles suivent généralement l’état de la discussion publique au niveau national, où les inégalités acquièrent une attention accrue au fil du temps. De même, cette dimension des représentations est fortement influencée par les changements de l'environnement social et les transformations vécues par les individus eux-mêmes au fil du temps.

Cependant, lorsque les croyances relatives aux inégalités sont analysées, elles ne manifestent pas les mêmes niveaux de changement que les perceptions. Si l’on se concentre sur les inégalités économiques, on constate une tendance assez stable du niveau des écarts de salaires tolérés, même après la période de mobilisations sociales. La même chose se passe dans l’opinion des individus lorsqu’on analyse la manière dont les inégalités sont expliquées à l’intérieur du pays. Bien que l'expérience soit une source d'influence directe sur la manière dont les individus justifient les inégalités, un changement, par exemple au niveau des perceptions, n'est pas lié à un discours plus critique sur l'état des inégalités dans le pays. Cela s'explique en grande partie par le fait que la manière dont les inégalités sont comprises continue à être cohérente et valable pour les individus, quel que soit leur statut social, avant et après la période de mobilisations.

En considérant les mécanismes permettant de légitimer les inégalités, les deux classes de statut supérieur et inférieur sont étroitement associées à deux récits leur permettant d'expliquer les inégalités. Le premier est la validité de l’idéal méritocratique lorsqu’il est conçu au niveau micro ou individuel. Le deuxième, la tendance générale des individus à s'identifier à la classe moyenne, principalement en raison des valeurs d'effort et de décence qu'elle représente plutôt que du niveau de revenu généralement utilisé pour la définir. À travers ces deux récits, les individus parviennent à expliquer leurs trajectoires de vie à travers le temps et représentent les transformations sociales que la société chilienne a connues au cours des dernières décennies à leur propre échelle individuelle. Cela leur permet de séparer leur vie du reste de la société, la sphère privée de la sphère collective, ce qui réduit l'impact des inégalités. De cette façon, bien que l’on critique un ordre social injuste lorsque des inégalités configurant la société chilienne sont mises en avant, le fait que, au niveau individuel, les trajectoires de vie continuent d’être fluides, en termes de possibilités de mobilité sociale et d'épanouissement personnel, permet de contenir les critiques des conditions qui expliquent l’ordre social chilien.

Cela dit, le fait d’expliquer les inégalités ne signifie pas que les individus ne critiquent pas leur propre situation dans le pays, ou qu'il n'y a aucune possibilité de changement. Comme on peut le constater en analysant la troisième dimension des représentations, lorsque les préférences en matière d’inégalité sont discutées, les résultats de l’étude montrent qu’au fil

57 du temps, la société a une vision plus critique des inégalités générées pour des raisons liées à la réussite dans la sphère économique, lesquelles ont un impact sur d’autres plans comme l'accès aux systèmes d'éducation et de santé. En ce sens, lorsqu'on observe une tendance à établir des critères plus égalitaires régissant l'accès aux biens sociaux, il est possible d'identifier une association directe entre les perceptions de l'inégalité et le mouvement des préférences. Dans cet exercice, cependant, il est nécessaire de différencier les types de biens auxquels les individus font référence, car ils ont tendance à différencier les principes de justice pour évaluer ces inégalités par sphère. Cela leur permet de prendre en compte simultanément la relation significative qui s'établit entre les préférences et les croyances en matière d'inégalité.

L'accès au système santé est la sphère où l'on observe un plus grand consensus parmi les individus, fondé sur la transformation du modèle à partir de l’intégration de mécanismes solidaires et redistributifs. Cela s'explique par le fait que les soins de santé sont conçus par une grande majorité des chiliens comme un droit fondamental qui ne devrait pas être soumis à l'action du marché. Indépendamment de la position de l’individu dans la structure sociale ou de ses expériences personnelles, le principe de solidarité semble être étroitement associé à la justification de changements dans les institutions qui régissent ce système. Cependant, il a été constaté que lorsque les individus évaluent l'accès à d'autres systèmes, tels que l'éducation et celui de retraite, ils le font d'une manière différente, car leurs propres actifs sont conçus différemment. L'éducation et les pensions sont définies dans un seuil de principes où des critères tels que la nécessité, mais aussi le mérite convergent. Et cela permet d’accepter de plus grandes inégalités.

Ainsi, en observant le rapport étroit entre les trois dimensions qui configurent les représentations de l'inégalité, les perceptions, les croyances et les préférences, et leur stabilité dans le temps, cette thèse fournit les résultats empiriques d'une relation qui a été construite principalement à partir d'un argument philosophique. De même, les résultats de cette étude montrent comment les trois dimensions s'influencent mutuellement, une relation par ailleurs traitée comme très fragmentée lorsqu'elle a été testée dans la littérature d'études empiriques sur la justice sociale.

De plus, les résultats extraits des différents chapitres montrent qu’au-delà des éléments particuliers qui caractérisent chacune des dimensions, c’est la force des changements dans la structure sociale et l’interprétation au niveau des expériences individuelles qui permettent de mieux expliquer la représentation des inégalités sociales générées dans la société chilienne à travers le temps. De cette manière, les informations fournies par une analyse centrée sur la position occupée par les individus dans la structure sociale, et par leur expérience, fournissent un matériel complémentaire qui aide à intégrer différents niveaux dans la discussion des inégalités subjectives.

Enfin, lorsque les perceptions, les croyances et les préférences concernant les inégalités sociales sont comparées, il apparaît que la tension entre les critères de justice ancrés dans la responsabilité individuelle et les autres principes fondés sur la solidarité reste centrale. Mais, dans l’équilibre entre les deux extrêmes, on peut observer que la société continue de privilégier une perspective de justice dans laquelle l’égalité des chances l’emporte sur l’égalité des positions à travers le temps. En d'autres termes, il est préféré un accord social dans lequel une fluidité des trajectoires de vie est privilégiée par rapport à une proximité entre les extrêmes de la structure sociale. Les transformations opérées par la société au cours des dernières décennies, ainsi que les effets de la contingence politique et sociale, ont marqué une société plus critique, plus réflexive, mieux informée et plus exigeante. Cependant, un changement au niveau des principes de justice, énonçant ce que les chiliens conçoivent comme une société juste, semble appartenir à un ordre plus profond qui continue d’expliquer efficacement la structure des inégalités présentes au Chili.

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