Les Non Musulmans À Istanbul Aujourd'hui : Une Présence En Creux

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Les Non Musulmans À Istanbul Aujourd'hui : Une Présence En Creux Jean-François Pérouse* Les non musulmans à Istanbul aujourd’hui : une présence en creux ? Le cas de l’arrondissement de Fatih Abstract. Non-Muslims in Contemporary Istanbul: a Presence Defined in the Negative? The Case of the District of Fatih The district of Fatih, located in the heart of the Istanbul historic peninsula could be considered as one of the most characteristic cases when focusing on the place of non-Muslims in present urban space. In fact, we face there with a huge gap between, on one side, the rich and still visible heritages, in terms of architectural traces and of religious buildings – in spite of all the demolitions occurred during the last century – and, on the other side, the now insignificant demographic reality of non-Muslims. In addition, this district’s example shows how local authorities tend to consider more positively the cultural plurality of Istanbul population. Résumé. L’arrondissement de Fatih, au cœur de la péninsule historique d’Istanbul, est un des arrondissements les plus révélateurs de la place désormais tenue par les non musulmans dans l’espace urbain stambouliote. En effet, il se caractérise par un frappant décalage entre d’une part un héritage bâti et cultuel important et encore visible, malgré toutes les exactions et, d’autre part, une présence démographique presque insignifiante. L’exemple de cet arrondissement permet par ailleurs de prendre la mesure du changement d’attitude des pouvoirs publics locaux vis-à-vis d’une présence maintenant plus positivement envisagée, quoique de façon encore ambiguë. * Géographe, Institut français d’études anatoliennes, Istanbul. REMMM 107-110, 261-295 262 / Jean-François Pérouse Porter son attention sur les non musulmans à Istanbul aujourd’hui n’est pas simple, ni sans risques, pour des raisons à la fois d’éthique, de méthode et de sources. Malgré la publication récente de remarquables travaux d’historiens turcs1, il s’agit d’un sujet qui n’est pas encore abordé de façon sereine et dépas- sionnée, comme en a témoigné, dernièrement, la fureur déclenchée par une petite phrase éminemment maladroite ou provocatrice, tirée d’un rapport de l’Assemblée parlementaire du Conseil de l’Europe, présentant « Constantinople » comme une « (…) magnifique ville chrétienne, sous occupation »2. De même, l’offensive actuelle du « Parti des Travailleurs » (İşçi Partisi) contre le Patriarcat grec-orthodoxe et la mairie de l’arrondissement de Zeytinburnu3 à propos de la récupération, par son ayant droit, d’un terrain appartenant à une fondation orthodoxe4, montre le caractère encore sensible de la question des non musul- mans en Turquie. En effet, pour certaines mouvances nationalistes (de droite ou de gauche), ceux-ci continuent à être considérés comme des étrangers à la société turque et des agents des puissances étrangères (constituant une cinquième colonne) qui en veulent à l’intégrité du pays et cherchent à l’affaiblir ou à le dominer, de l’intérieur, par le biais de ces “alliés naturels”, perfides et suspects5. On est prêt à verser dans le discours du conflit de civilisations, mâtiné d’anti- européanisme6 et d’anti-impérialisme, voire dans un amalgame avec la situation en Palestine. Dans ce contexte, un chercheur occidental qui s’intéresse aux non musulmans est aussitôt soupçonné de faire le jeu des “ennemis de la nation”, en focalisant, une fois de plus, sur les gayrimüslim (non musulmans). Au plan méthodologique, le risque demeure de tomber dans une analyse par trop culturaliste et différentialiste, qui mettrait excessivement l’accent sur les aspects confessionnels (comme si ceux-ci conféraient automatiquement une identité spécifique), au détriment de facteurs économiques ou sociaux. De même, il faut s’interroger sur la légitimité de l’acte qui consiste à poser une catégorie, celle des non musulmans, définie sur des critères confessionnels, et considérée comme a priori pertinente et évidente. De ce fait, il nous faudra être vigilant par rapport à la naturalisation des différences confessionnelles qu’opère l’usage trop systématique d’une telle catégorie. Elle a néanmoins une pertinence d’ordre 1. Comme Aktar (2000) ou Akçam (1992). 2. Cf. “Hıristiyan köktendinciliği” (Fanatisme chrétien), Cumhuriyet, 22/03/2002 : 9. 3. Mairie (pourtant) tenue par un parti issu de l’islam politique turc, le Parti de la Justice et du Développement (AKP) (Kipal, 2002 : 4-7). 4. La Balıklı Rum Vakfı, en l’occurrence. 5. Nous n’exagérons pas ; un article entier pourrait être consacré à cette psychose de la conversion, qui travaille (étonnamment ?) autant les milieux de l’islam militant que ceux de la gauche nationaliste turque ; pour les réactions des milieux de la militance islamique, voir : « Islâmi Protestanlaştırma Projesi » (le projet de protestaniser l’islam), Umran, Istanbul, 2002, 96 : 26-68 ; pour la gauche turque, outre les articles déjà cités de Aydınlık, voir aussi, Türk Yolu, 2002 : 2-3. 6. La femme de l’ancien vice-premier ministre M. Yılmaz, en charge du dossier de l’intégration de la Turquie à l’UE, est accusée d’être allemande et d’avoir des relations privilégiées avec le Patriarcat orthodoxe ; cf. Kipal, 2002 : 5. Les non musulmans à Istanbul aujourd’hui… / 263 juridique7. Depuis la création de la République turque et le traité de Lausanne (juillet 1923), certains non musulmans ont un statut juridique reconnu par l’État turc et garanti par ledit traité ainsi que par d’autres lois ou décrets édictés par la suite. Mais une catégorie juridique, exprimée par une mention spéciale sur les cartes d’identité turques, ne suffit pas à faire de la différence. Minorités religieuses établies et reconnues, les non musulmans, ne peuvent pas être isolés sans quelque artifice ; ce d’autant plus que certains d’entre eux, au moment de l’adoption du Code civil de 1926, ont renoncé à leur spécificité en termes de statut personnel. En ce qui concerne les sources, si l’on dispose de nombreuses études pour les siècles passés, la situation actuelle demeure moins étudiée, si ce n’est d’un point de vue humanitariste et militant (autour de la question du droit, notamment immobilier, de ces minorités) et souvent communautariste (chaque commu- nauté ayant ses historiens attitrés8 et construisant sa propre histoire). Le livre de Demir et Akar paru en 1994, consacré au dernier grand “train” de départs forcés de grecs-orthodoxes (Rum), constitue pour nous une référence importante, en tant qu’il marque la prise en charge par des historiens turcs d’un passé récent et douloureux. Pour limiter notre étude, par non musulmans on désignera ici, de façon restrictive, les seuls chrétiens, et tout particulièrement les orthodoxes9 et les Arméniens (qu’ils soient grégoriens, catholiques ou protestants), disposant d’une reconnaissance statutaire à part entière depuis les années 193010. D’autre part, on se focalisera sur le seul arrondissement de Fatih. Il pourra paraître arbitraire de se limiter ainsi à un seul arrondissement parmi les 32 que compte la Municipalité métropolitaine d’Istanbul. Mais ce choix peut se justifier, à titre d’étude de cas, puisqu’il s’agit d’un arrondissement central et historique, qui regorge de vestiges grecs, romains, byzantins et ottomans (pensons à toutes les mosquées et à tous les mausolées impériaux), et d’un arrondissement marqué par l’événement de la Conquête (de mai 1453), qui reste une référence omniprésente dans le discours politique local11. Comme le titre d’un article le mentionne – de 7. Les polémiques de l’été et de l’automne 2002 concernant le statut des biens immobiliers des minorités religieuses viennent confirmer l’importance de la dimension juridique dans la construction de ces minorités. 8. Historiens professionnels ou amateurs, comme A. Yarman pour la communauté arménienne. 9. En mettant à part la petite église turque-ortodoxe, création des années 1920, qui compterait aujourd’hui de 23 à 40 fidèles ; sa principale église (on en dénombre trois) est à Karaköy (Radikal, 19/09/2001 : 2). 10. La nébuleuse des “chrétiens d’Orient” – selon la terminologie occidentale et orientaliste – ne sera donc pas prise en compte ici, même si elle entretient parfois des liens étroits, à Istanbul, avec les églises catholiques et orthodoxes. Ces “chrétiens d’Orient” ne relèvent pas, du point de vue de l’État turc, des minorités reconnues à Lausanne. Mais de nombreux syriaques, par exemple, fréquentent les églises catholiques et orthodoxes d’Istanbul, mieux organisées et disposant de plus de ressources. 11. La fondation orthodoxe citée plus en haut est ainsi accusée par le « Parti des Travailleurs » et certains des petits artisans expulsés de vouloir récupérer les terrains perdus en 1453 (Kipal, 2002 : 5). REMMM 107-110, 261-295 264 / Jean-François Pérouse façon discutable, d’ailleurs –, Fatih est souvent perçu comme « le premier secteur turquifié d’Istanbul »12. De fait, si l’on regarde le site Internet de la municipalité de Fatih13, il est impressionnant de constater qu’il est entièrement consacré à l’épisode de la Conquête et au personnage du Conquérant. Pour ne citer qu’un extrait, on peut ainsi y lire : « Si le Conquérant l’avait voulu, il aurait pu éliminer ou exiler tous les grecs- orthodoxes et tous les non musulmans se trouvant dans les limites de l’État ottoman… ». Comme si le passé de l’arrondissement, dont le nom – « Conquérant » – est éminemment emblématique, en tant qu’il renvoie en permanence à l’épisode fondateur de “l’autre présence” (i.e. turco-musulmane) et à son héros, le Con- quérant14, pouvait être réduit à cet unique “moment-rupture”, au détriment de toute son histoire antérieure, et même ultérieure… En outre, Fatih peut bien être considéré, avec ses multiples centres de confréries religieuses (tarikat) et maisons d’édition islamistes, comme un des territoires de prédilection et des laboratoires privilégiés de l’idéologie turco-isla- mique “Fethicilik”, que l’on pourrait traduire par le néologisme “conquêtisme”.
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