Guide to Local Redistricting for 2021
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Cabinet, President, Referendum: Turkey's Complex Political Calendar | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 1271 Cabinet, President, Referendum: Turkey's Complex Political Calendar Aug 10, 2007 Brief Analysis n August 9, the Turkish parliament elected Koksal Toptan, a deputy from the Justice and Development Party O (AKP) as its speaker. The AKP, which won 46 percent of the vote in July 22 parliamentary elections, controls 341 seats in the 550-member Turkish parliament. Thus has Turkey begun a very busy political season, with serious issues put off since the April constitutional crisis over the AKP's attempt to appoint its foreign minister, Abdullah Gul, as president. The new parliament's first order of business will be securing a vote of confidence for the AKP's new cabinet. Then the legislature will face the constitutional mandate of electing a new president, an executive post with important prerogatives such as appointing judges to the secular constitutional court. But while the Turkish parliament prepares to elect a president, Turks will vote in an October 21 referendum on constitutional amendments that would stipulate the direct popular election of the president. What are the timelines for these overlapping political processes and how smoothly will each of them run? Round I: Forming a New Government The next step for the AKP is to form government. According to Article 116 of the Turkish constitution, a new cabinet of ministers must be formed and then approved by the president and the parliament within forty-five days after the president authorizes the leader of the winning party to form government. The process of forming a government commenced on August 6, after Turkish president Ahmet Necdet Sezer commissioned AKP leader Recep Tayyip Erdogan to select a cabinet. -
Macro Report Version 2002-10-23
Prepared by: Institute of Social and Political Opinion Research (ISPO), KULeuven, Belgium Date: 15/01/2005 Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 2: Macro Report Version 2002-10-23 Country (Date of Election): Belgium 13 June 2003 NOTE TO THE COLLABORATORS: The information provided in this report contributes to an important part of the CSES project- your efforts in providing these data are greatly appreciated! Any supplementary documents that you can provide (i.e. electoral legislation, party manifestos, electoral commission reports, media reports) are also appreciated, and will be made available with this report to the CSES community on the CSES web page. Part I: Data Pertinent to the Election at which the Module was Administered 1. Report the number of portfolios (cabinet posts) held by each party in cabinet, prior to the most recent election. (If one party holds all cabinet posts, simply write "all".) Name of Political Party Number of Portfolios VLD 4 SP.a 3 Agalev 2 PS 3 MR 3 Ecolo 2 1a. What was the size of the cabinet before the election?………17…………………………… 2. Report the number of portfolios (cabinet posts) held by each party in cabinet, after the most recent election. (If one party holds all cabinet posts, simply write "all"). Name of Political Party Number of Portfolios VLD 5 SP.a 5 Spirit 1 PS 5 MR 4 FDF 1 2a. What was the size of the cabinet after the election? ……20……………………………… 2Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 2: Macro Report 3. Political Parties (most active during the election in which the module was administered and receiving at least 3% of the vote): Party Name/Label Year Party Ideological European Parliament International Party Founded Family Political Group Organizational Memberships (where applicable) A. -
Values, Volatility and Voting: Understanding Voters in England 2015-2019
VALUES, VOLATILITY AND VOTING: UNDERSTANDING VOTERS IN ENGLAND 2015-2019 Paula Surridge Paula Surridge School of Sociology, Politics and International Studies University of Bristol and UK in a Changing Europe [email protected] Please note: This paper is an early draft and may develop further before publication as new insights become available and modelling is refined. Comments are very welcome via [email protected] 1 ABSTRACT The EU referendum and subsequent general elections in the UK have renewed interest in the influence of values and identity on voting behaviour. This paper uses data from the British Election Study Internet Panel to study the influence of ‘core’ political values on voting behaviour in England at the 2015, 2017 and 2019 general elections. Using a two- dimensional model of political values, the paper shows that both the ‘old’ political values of left and right (associated with economics) and the ‘new’ political values (measured here as ‘liberal-authoritarian’ values) were important in vote choices at each of the three elections. Using the ‘funnel of causality’ model, it shows that values are a more important influence when voters have weaker attachments to political parties and that the interaction between the dimensions is critical for understanding voting patterns. 2 INTRODUCTION Prior to 2016, the study of elections in the UK had largely turned away from values-based models with those based on the ‘valence’ effects of party identity, leadership and competence almost ‘universally accepted’ (Denver and Garnett, 2014). Whilst the EU Referendum (and subsequent general elections in 2017 and 2019) have renewed interest in values and identity as influences on political behaviour, it is a mistake to think of values divides as ‘new’ or as created by the EU referendum. -
Gerrymandering Becomes a Problem
VOLUME TWENTY FOUR • NUMBER TWO WINTER 2020 THE SPECIAL ELECTION EDITION A LEGAL NEWSPAPER FOR KIDS Gerrymandering Becomes a Problem Battling Over for the States to Resolve How to Elect by Phyllis Raybin Emert a President by Michael Barbella Gerrymandering on a partisan basis is not new to politics. The term gerrymander dates back to the 1800s when it was used to mock The debate on how the President Massachusetts Governor Elbridge Gerry, who manipulated congressional of the United States should be elected lines in the state until the map of one district looked like a salamander. is almost as old as the country itself. Redistricting, which is the redrawing of district maps, happens every Contrary to popular belief, voters 10 years after the U.S. Census takes place. Whatever political party is do not elect the president and vice in power at that time has the advantage since, in most states, they president directly; instead, they choose are in charge of drawing the maps. electors to form an Electoral College “Partisan gerrymandering refers to the practice of politicians where the official vote is cast. drawing voting districts for their own political advantage,” During the Constitutional Convention says Eugene D. Mazo, a professor at Rutgers Law School and of 1787, a an expert on election law and the voting process. few ways to Professor Mazo explains that politicians, with the use of advanced computer elect the chief technology, use methods of “packing” and “cracking” to move voters around to executive were different state districts, giving the edge to one political party. -
Local Election Act;
1 AN ACT 2 RELATING TO ELECTIONS; ENACTING THE LOCAL ELECTION ACT; 3 PROVIDING FOR A SINGLE ELECTION DAY AND UNIFORM PROCESSES FOR 4 CERTAIN LOCAL GOVERNMENT ELECTIONS; PROVIDING THAT CERTAIN 5 BALLOT MEASURE ELECTIONS THAT ARE HELD AT TIMES OTHER THAN 6 WITH REGULAR LOCAL ELECTIONS ONLY BE CONDUCTED BY MAILED 7 BALLOT; REQUIRING SPECIAL STATEWIDE BALLOT QUESTION ELECTIONS 8 TO BE CONDUCTED BY MAILED BALLOT; PROHIBITING ADVISORY 9 QUESTIONS ON THE BALLOT; UPDATING CIRCUMSTANCES CAUSING A 10 VACANCY IN LOCAL OFFICE; NAMING CHAPTER 1, ARTICLE 24 NMSA 11 1978 THE "SPECIAL ELECTION ACT"; CHANGING THE LIMITS ON SOIL 12 AND WATER CONSERVATION LEVIES; REPEALING THE SCHOOL ELECTION 13 LAW, THE MAIL BALLOT ELECTION ACT, THE MUNICIPAL ELECTION 14 CODE AND OTHER PROVISIONS OF LAW IN CONFLICT WITH THE LOCAL 15 ELECTION ACT; MAKING CONFORMING AMENDMENTS TO OTHER SECTIONS 16 OF LAW; MAKING AN APPROPRIATION. 17 18 BE IT ENACTED BY THE LEGISLATURE OF THE STATE OF NEW MEXICO: 19 SECTION 1. Section 1-1-19 NMSA 1978 (being Laws 1969, 20 Chapter 240, Section 19, as amended) is amended to read: 21 "1-1-19. ELECTIONS COVERED BY CODE.-- 22 A. The Election Code applies to the following: 23 (1) general elections; 24 (2) primary elections; 25 (3) special elections; HLELC/HB 98 Page 1 1 (4) elections to fill vacancies in the 2 office of United States representative; 3 (5) local elections included in the Local 4 Election Act; and 5 (6) recall elections of county officers, 6 school board members or applicable municipal officers. 7 B. -
The National Popular Vote Plan and Direct Election of the President: an FAQ What Is the National Popular Vote Plan? the National
The National Popular Vote Plan and Direct Election of the President: An FAQ What is the National Popular Vote plan? The National Popular Vote plan (NPV) is a statute that, as of April 2009, had been introduced by state legislators in 48 states and publicly committed to be introduced in the remaining two states. NPV seeks to guarantee election of the presidential candidate who receives the most popular votes in all 50 states and the District of Columbia. It creates an agreement among states to award all of their electoral votes collectively to the presidential candidate winning the national popular vote once the number of participating states together have a majority (currently 270 of 538) of electoral votes. In considering the NPV bill, the choice for legislators is straightforward: passing NPV will guarantee election of the national popular vote winner once joined by enough participating states to make it decisive for determining future elections. Until that point, a state’s current rules will apply. The NPV plan is founded on two state powers clearly established in the U.S. Constitution: a state’s plenary power to decide how to apportion its electoral votes and a state’s power to enter into binding interstate compacts. As of April 2009, New Jersey, Hawaii, Maryland, and Illinois – which together possess a fifth of the total electoral votes necessary to trigger the agreement – have enacted the NPV compact. It has been adopted by a total of 26 state legislative chambers in 16 states, earning public support from nearly 1,300 legislators and national luminaries like the editorial boards of the New York Times and Los Angeles Times and former U.S. -
The Truth About Voter Fraud 7 Clerical Or Typographical Errors 7 Bad “Matching” 8 Jumping to Conclusions 9 Voter Mistakes 11 VI
Brennan Center for Justice at New York University School of Law ABOUT THE BRENNAN CENTER FOR JUSTICE The Brennan Center for Justice at New York University School of Law is a non-partisan public policy and law institute that focuses on fundamental issues of democracy and justice. Our work ranges from voting rights to redistricting reform, from access to the courts to presidential power in the fight against terrorism. A sin- gular institution—part think tank, part public interest law firm, part advocacy group—the Brennan Center combines scholarship, legislative and legal advocacy, and communications to win meaningful, measurable change in the public sector. ABOUT THE BRENNAN CENTER’S VOTING RIGHTS AND ELECTIONS PROJECT The Voting Rights and Elections Project works to expand the franchise, to make it as simple as possible for every eligible American to vote, and to ensure that every vote cast is accurately recorded and counted. The Center’s staff provides top-flight legal and policy assistance on a broad range of election administration issues, including voter registration systems, voting technology, voter identification, statewide voter registration list maintenance, and provisional ballots. © 2007. This paper is covered by the Creative Commons “Attribution-No Derivs-NonCommercial” license (see http://creativecommons.org). It may be reproduced in its entirety as long as the Brennan Center for Justice at NYU School of Law is credited, a link to the Center’s web page is provided, and no charge is imposed. The paper may not be reproduced in part or in altered form, or if a fee is charged, without the Center’s permission. -
AATP Front/Inside Cover
1998 Vote: Initiatives and Referenda Chapter 5 A Century Later—The Experiment With Citizen-Initiated Legislation Continues By M. Dane Waters It was 100 years ago last November that the statewide initiative and popular Proposition 227, another contro- referendum processes were first adopted in the United States. A vital and thriving versial initiative, called for all public example of citizen participation and self-governance, the initiative process has become school instruction to be in English. It one of the most important mechanisms for altering and influencing public policy at the was conceived and championed by Ron local, state, and even national levels. Changes made possible include women’s Unz, a Silicon Valley self-made mil- suffrage, the direct election of US senators, direct primaries, term limits, tax reform, lionaire who had seen first-hand the and much more. In 1998 alone, citizens utilized the initiative process to voice their lack of qualified candidates to fill the opinions on affirmative action, educational reform, term limits, taxation, campaign abundant jobs in the high-tech indus- finance reform, and environmental issues. try. He attributed this shortage to the fact that many immigrants who might possess the technical skills he was look- ing for weren’t able to excel academi- “ In 24 states, citizens can craft and then adopt laws or amend their cally in the United States because they state constitution, actions commonly referred to as the initiative were being taught only in their native tongues. He galvanized the immigrant process. In most of the same states, as well as others, citizens can population in California, as well as reject laws or amendments proposed by their state legislatures. -
Direct Democracy an Overview of the International IDEA Handbook © International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance 2008
Direct Democracy An Overview of the International IDEA Handbook © International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance 2008 International IDEA publications are independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members. The map presented in this publication does not imply on the part of the Institute any judgement on the legal status of any territory or the endorsement of such boundaries, nor does the placement or size of any country or territory reflect the political view of the Institute. The map is created for this publication in order to add clarity to the text. Applications for permission to reproduce or translate all or any part of this publication should be made to: International IDEA SE -103 34 Stockholm Sweden International IDEA encourages dissemination of its work and will promptly respond to requests for permission to reproduce or translate its publications. Cover design by: Helena Lunding Map design: Kristina Schollin-Borg Graphic design by: Bulls Graphics AB Printed by: Bulls Graphics AB ISBN: 978-91-85724-54-3 Contents 1. Introduction: the instruments of direct democracy 4 2. When the authorities call a referendum 5 Procedural aspects 9 Timing 10 The ballot text 11 The campaign: organization and regulation 11 Voting qualifications, mechanisms and rules 12 Conclusions 13 3. When citizens take the initiative: design and political considerations 14 Design aspects 15 Restrictions and procedures 16 Conclusions 18 4. Agenda initiatives: when citizens can get a proposal on the legislative agenda 19 Conclusions 21 5. -
A Decline in Ticket Splitting and the Increasing Salience of Party Labels
A Decline in Ticket Splitting and The Increasing Salience of Party Labels David C. Kimball University of Missouri-St. Louis Department of Political Science St. Louis, MO 63121-4499 [email protected] forthcoming in Models of Voting in Presidential Elections: The 2000 Elections, Herbert F. Weisberg and Clyde Wilcox, eds. Stanford University Press. Thanks to Laura Arnold, Brady Baybeck, Barry Burden, Paul Goren, Tim Johnson, Bryan Marshall, Rich Pacelle, Rich Timpone, Herb Weisberg and Clyde Wilcox for comments. The voice of the people is but an echo chamber. The output of an echo chamber bears an inevitable and invariable relation to the input. As candidates and parties clamor for attention and vie for popular support, the people's verdict can be no more than a selective reflection from among the alternatives and outlooks presented to them. (Key 1966, p. 2) Split party control of the executive and legislative branches has been a defining feature of American national politics for more than thirty years, the longest period of frequent divided government in American history. Even when voters failed to produce a divided national government in the 2000 elections, the party defection of a lone U.S. senator (former Republican James Jeffords of Vermont) created yet another divided national government. In addition, the extremely close competitive balance between the two major parties means that ticket splitters often determine which party controls each branch of government. These features of American politics have stimulated a lot of theorizing about the causes of split-ticket voting. In recent years, the presence of divided government and relatively high levels of split ticket voting are commonly cited as evidence of an electorate that has moved beyond party labels (Wattenberg 1998). -
2021 Regular Local Election Candidate Guide Here
2021 Regular Local Election Candidate Guide Version 2.0 – Published August 4, 2021 2021 Candidate Information Guide Revision History Version Updates Editor Date 1.1 Updates to list of Alexis Levy 5.25.2021 municipalities participating in RLE 2.0 Updates to list of Lauren Hutchison, Lee Ann 8.4.2021 Municipalities Lopez, Charles Romero participating in RLE; minor text, spelling and grammar updates 2 About This Guide This publication, prepared by the Office of the New Mexico Secretary of State, Bureau of Elections, serves as an easy-to-use reference for candidates seeking office in the 2021 Regular Local Election, and for anyone interested in the election process in New Mexico. Please note, this guide is intended merely as a reference, not as a legal authority. This guide does not supersede federal or state laws or rules, and it does not have the force of law. Please always consult the local government’s specific governing statute, charter, or ordinance for the specific requirements to hold elected office. Copies of the New Mexico Election Code and other applicable laws are available in the 2021 Election Handbook of the State of New Mexico, published on our website www.sos.state.nm.us. If you have any questions about this guide’s information or if you have questions regarding elections that are not provided for in this guide, please feel free to call the Bureau of Elections at 1 -800-477-3632 or (505) 827-3600, or email [email protected]. 3 Table of Contents 2021 Candidate Information Guide ............................................................................................................. 2 Revision History ........................................................................................................................................ -
The Initiative and Referendum Process
7KH,QLWLDWLYHDQG5HIHUHQGXP3URFHVVLQ:DVKLQJWRQ States with Initiative and/or Referendum Process Map courtesy of the Initiative and Referendum Institute %\ 7KH/HDJXHRI:RPHQ9RWHUVRI:DVKLQJWRQ (GXFDWLRQ)XQG Initiative & Referendum Committee Janet Anderson Tanya Baumgart Cheryl Bleakney Lael Braymer Patricia Campbell Cherie Davidson Elizabeth Davis Phyllis Erickson Rosemary Hostetler Marilyn Knight, Secretary Lee Marchisio Jocelyn Marchisio, Chair Jo Morgan Peggy Saari Ruth Schroeder Editor: Marilyn Knight Typographer: Jane Shafer Reading Committee Elizabeth Davis Steve Lundin Sue Mozer Liz Pierini Alice Schroeder Published by The League of Women Voters of Washington Education Fund October 2002 League of Women Voters of Washington 4710 University Way NE, #214 Seattle, WA 98105-4428 206-622-8961 LWV/WA Initiative and Referendum Study - ii Fall 2002 The League of Women Voters of Washington Education Fund 'LUHFW'HPRFUDF\ 7KH,QLWLDWLYHDQG5HIHUHQGXP3URFHVVLQ:DVKLQJWRQ 7DEOHRI&RQWHQWV Introduction ........................................................................................................................................... 1 The Initiative and Referendum in the United States .............................................................................1 Creating Initiatives and Referenda in Washington ...............................................................................4 Initiatives The Referendum Fiscal Impact Statement At the Local Level The Role of Money ..............................................................................................................................