PRAIRIE FORUM

Vol. 11, NO.1 Spring, 1986

CONTENTS ARTICLES The Red River Settlement: Lord Selkirk's Isolated Colony in the Wilderness Barry Kaye

The CPR and the Promotion of Tourism in Western Canada: Edward Whymper in the Crowsnest Pass Raymond J.A. Huel 21

Forging a New Protestant Ontario on the Agricultural Frontier: Public Schools in Brandon and the Origins of the Manitoba School Question, 1881-1890 T. S. Mitchell 33

Some Aspects of Technology and Leisure in Alberta, 1914-1950 Don Wetherell 51

Alberta Social Credit Reappraised: The Radical Character of the Early Social Credit Movement AIvin Finkel 69

The Westward Shift of Manufacturing on the Prairies Neil R. Seifried 87

PRAIRIE THESES, 1984-85 101

BOOK REVI EWS FRIESEN, Gerald, The Canadian Prairies: A History by James D. Mochoruk 11 3

DICKASON, Olive Patricia, The Myth of the Savage: And the Beginnings of French Colonialism in the Americas; PETRONE, Penny (editor), First People, First Voices by Sarah Carter 115 STANLEY, George F. G. (general editor), The Collected Writings of Louis Riel/Les Ecrits Complets de Louis Riel by Frits Pannekoek 120

PAYMENT, Diane, Batoche 1870-1910 by Jean Pariseau 124

McLEAN, Don, 1885: Metis Rebellion or Government Conspiracy? by Michael J. Carley 125

GIBSON, Dale, Attorney for the Frontier by W Stewart Martin 127

DUNCAN, Helen, Kate Rice Prospector by Susan Jackel 129

HOWARD, Victor, "we Were the Salt of the Earth!": The On-to-Ottawa Trek and the Regina Riot by George Woodcock 131

KINNEAR, Mary, Daughters of Time: Women in the Western Tradition by Patricia E. Prestwich 133

ECKHARDT, Ferdinand, Music from Within by Howard Leyton-Brown 136

RASPORICH, A. W. and James FRIDERES (editors), Ethnic Art and Architecture in Canada . by Radomir Bilash 137

LYNCH, Wayne, Married to the Wind:A Study of the Prairie Grasslands by D.M. Secoy 140

SIMMIE, Lois, Pictures; SILVESTER, Reg, Fish-Hooks by Ian Adam 142

ROSS, E. Stuart, The History of Prairie Theatre: The Development of Theatre in Alberta, Manitoba and Saskatchewan, 1833-1982 by David C. Jones 145

INDEX TO PRAIRIE FORUM, Vol. 1, NO.1 - Vol. 10, NO.2 147 PRAIRIE FORUM: Journal of the Canadian Plains Research Center Chief Editor: F. Pannekoek, History, Alberta Culture Associate Editors: I. Adam, English, Calgary A. Artibise, Urban Studies, Winnipeg J. Bennett, Anthropology, St. Louis, Missouri J. W. Brennan, History, Regina A. Finkel, History, Athabasca, Alberta P. Ghorayshi, Sociology, Winnipeg W. Last, Earth Sciences, Winnipeg A. Mills, Political Science, Winnipeg J. N. McCrorie, CPRC, Regina B. R. Neal, Biology, Saskatchewan K. Norrie, Economics, Alberta A. Paul, Geography, Regina D. Payment, History, Parks Canada, Winnipeg A. E. Smith, Agriculture Canada, Regina S.A. Smith, Archives, Winnipeg R. Sydie, Sociology, Alberta E.L. Syms, Archaeology, Museum of Man, Winnipeg Book Review Editor: G. W. Minifie, CPRC, Regina

PRAIRIE FORUM is published twice yearly, in Spring and Fall, at an annual subscription rate of $15.00, single copies and special issues $7.50 subscribers, $10.00 non-subscribers; back issues $10.00. All subscrip­ tions, correspondence and contributions should be sent to The Editor, Prairie Forum, Canadian Plains Research Center, University of Regina, Saskatchewan, Canada S4S OA2. Subscribers will also receive the Canadian Plains Bulletin, the newsletter of the Canadian Plains Re­ search Center. PRAIRIE FORUM is not responsible for statements, either of fact or opinion, made by contributors.

COPYRIGHT 1986 CANADIAN PLAINS RESEARCH CENTER ISSN 0317-6282

The Red River Settlement: Lord Selkirk's Isolated Colony in the Wilderness Barry Kaye Department of Geography University of Manitoba

ABSTRACT. This article provides an analysis of the circumstances surrounding the decision to establish a settlement at the junction of the Red and Assiniboine Rivers in 1812. Before 1870, the settlement founded by Lord Selkirk was the largest centre of population and agriculture between the settled lands of Upper Canada and the Pacific coast. It was also the only settlement colony in Rupert's Land, the chartered lands of the Hudson's Bay Company. The article questions the traditional explanation that the decision to found a colony on the Red River arose from Lord Selkirk's reading of the writings of the fur trader Alexander Mackenzie. It also suggests that the decision to focus specifically on the Red River was made not in 1802, as is stated in most accounts of the colony, but several years later.

RESUME. Cet article fournit une analyse des circonstances qui influencerent l'etablissement d'une colonie ala jonction des rivieres Assiniboine et Rouge en 1812. Avant 1870, cette colonie fondee par Lord Selkirk fut Ie plus important centre peuple et agricole entre la regiondeve­ lop pee du Haut-Canada et la cote Pacifique. Ce fut aussi la seule colonie habitee en Terres de Rupert, propriete de la Compagnie de la Baie d'Hudson. Cet article conteste l'explication traditionnelle que la decision prise par Lord Selkirk d'etablir une colonie sur la riviere Rouge fut tine c"onsequence des ecnts du commercant de fourrures, Alexander"Mackenzie. La plupart des recits suggerent que la decision de concentrerlacolonisation sur la riviere Rouge en particulierfut prise en 1802.Toutefois, cet article demontre qu'on est arrive acette decision beaucoup plus tard.

When the fur trader-historian Alexander Ross wrote that "the remote colony ofRed River may be said to be as far from England as any colony or people on the habitable globe," he was taking literary license to emphasize what were perhaps the most remarkable geo­ graphic features of the Red River Settlement-isolationand its relative location.' Founded in 1812 by the Scottish nobleman Thomas Doug­ las, fifth Earl of Selkirk, the colony was located almost at the geograph­ ical centre of the North American continent. It was separated on the east from the British settlement frontier in Upper Canada by one thousand miles of nearly empty Canadian Shield, and on the north from York Factory, its maritime connection to Europe, by almost as many miles of difficult and often dangerous water navigation. To the south stretched the seemingly endless and essentially unexplored grass­ lands of the interior Great Plains of North America which, on the borders of the colony, were controlled by the powerful and largely hostile Sioux Indians. The colony was established at the junction of the Red and Assiniboine R·ivers and, between 1812 and 1821, Selkirk placed emigrants from Europe at this location on the southern flanks of Rupert's Land, the chartered lands of the Hudson's Bay Company. Historical tradition has been that Selkirk's decision to found the Red River Settlement at this location derived from the sanguine de- 2 KAYE scriptions of the agricultural potential of the Red River valley, con­ tained in the writings of the fur trader Alexander Mackenzie. Closer scrutiny reveals, however, that this fundamental, and perhaps most important locational decision in the settlement history of Western Canada, derived not from Mackenzie's descriptions but from a com­ plex of factors that had coalesced in Selkirk's mind, and in Hudson's Bay Company affairs, about this time.

An Inland Colony in British North America Prior to his association with the Hudson's Bay Company, which began in 1807, Selkirk had submitted two proposals to the British Colonial Office outlining settlement schemes in British North Amer­ ica. The proposal of 1802 contains his earliest ideas about North American colonization. He initially urged that a settlement expressly for Irish Catholics be established in North America and he declared himself"willing to devote his exertions to the service of his country in conducting the proposed Colony to America, if a situation can be procured possessing such natural advantages as are requisite for the success of the plan.'? He wished to see the colonists located in a situation possessed ofa "favourable" climate, fertile soil, and access to navigable waterways, so that the settlers could direct their attention to "objects ofcultivation not only useful to the Commerce ofBritain, but for which at present she depends chiefly on the territories of her habitual enemies." From the start, Selkirk clearly had in mind a colony for which a mercantile, commercial agriculture would provide the economicjustification. It was his belief, at this time, that the wilderness lands of British North America did not have, for climatic reasons, the characteristics necessary for a successful colony. As a result, Selkirk eliminated these lands from consideration in his initial proposal and instead suggested Louisiana as the best location for his prospective colony. There it would be possible to find "a situation in which every advantage would be united; in which there would be the fairest pros­ pects both ofthe internal prosperity ofthe Colony and ofits becoming a valuable acquisition to the Commerce of Britain." Louisiana was a curious choice, for this territory lay outside British possessions in North America. It was also vaguely defined since Louisiana at that time embraced much ofthe valleys ofthe Mississippi and the Missouri. In 1880 New Orleans and Louisiana west of the Mississippi were retroceded by Spain to France. Selkirk was aware that the British might be able to persuade the French to give up Louisiana during the ongoing negotiations (1801-02) between Britain and France preliminary to the Peace of Amiens (1802). However, the British did not press the French for the transfer and Louisiana remained in French hands until its purchase by the United States in 1803. THE RED RIVER SETTLEMENT 3

The failure ofhis first proposal caused Selkirk to draw up another one, "Observations Supplementary to a Memorial Relative to the Security of Ireland," dated 3 April 1802, which he submitted to the Colonial Office.t Again, Selkirk discussed possible locations for his proposed colony in North America. No mention was made of Louisi­ ana, for by April 1802 Selkirk's mind had become fixed on the distant interior of British North America, particularly on the upper countries west of Lake Superior, the "Northwest" of the Montreal fur traders and the most important fur preserve of the continent. Selkirk's second document began by justifying his choice of an interior rather than a coastal location for a colony. His argument was that "no large tract remains unoccupied on the Sea Coast of British America, except barren and frozen desarts.":' In order "to find a sufficient extent of good soil in a temperate climate," it would, there­ fore, be necessary to "go far inland."> Such an inland situation would be an inconvenience, but "not however an unsurmountable obstacle to the prosperity of a colony," while advantages to be found in certain "remote parts of the British Territory" would more than compensate for its distance from the sea.> Selkirk then pinpointed the "remote area" he had in mind·. He wrote that, "At the western extremity of Canada upon the waters which fall into Lake Winnipeck [Winnipeg], & uniting in the great River ofPort Nelson fall into Hudson's Bay, is a country which the Indian traders represent as fertile, & ofa climate far more temperate than the shores ofthe Atlantic under the same parallel, & not more severe than that ofGermany & Poland. Here, therefore the Colonists may with a moderate exertion of industry be certain of a comfortable subsistence; & they may also raise some valuable objects of exportation."? Selkirk believed that an interior location might pre­ clude the export ofgrain. However, such a location would compensate by turning "the attention ofthe colonists to articles of greater value in proportion to their weight; & of these none can be more promising than hemp, which has been neglected in the maritime settlements, chiefly perhaps because the sure & ready market for grain has encour­ aged the inhabitants to persevere on the simple culture to which they had of old been accustorned.:" Selkirk's proposal for hemp cultivation was based on what he believed to be the similaries of climate and soil between parts of the Canadian Northwest and Russia, at that time the major hemp supplier in Europe. Interference with these supplies during the Napoleonic Wars made it imperative that the British establish alternative centres of hemp production, preferably in their overseas colonies." The lands of the Northwest, however, might be more than another Russia. Accord­ ing to Selkirk, they had the potential, because of their suitability for vine cultivation, to be another France. It was his information that "some of the British Canadians have extended their discoveries into a 4 KAYE climate apparently well adapted even to the vine, the successful cultiva­ tion of which would save immense sums, that go every year from this Kingdom into the hands of its enemies [France]." Selkirk tried to win over the British Government to his scheme for a colony in the interior of British North America by pointing out what he believed to be the favourable conditions of the area he had in mind. He anticipated no problems in moving agricultural products to the coast for export to Europe. The colony might make use of the well-established Nelson­ Hayes fur trade route to York Factory to facilitate passage to the Bay. "To a colony in these territories, the channel of trade must be the river of Port Nelson, which from the Lake [Winnipeg] to its discharge is between 3 & 400 miles, & a navigation interrupted by considerable obstructions-these however may probably be remedied." Selkirk surmised that if the British were to acquire territory on the Upper Mississippi in the future, settlements there would be able to take advantage of the same outlet to the Bay, since the southward flowing waters of the Upper Mississippi were separated by only a short, level divide from streams flowing north into Lake Winnipeg and Hudson Bay. Selkirk also suggested that colonization would stimulate com­ mercial developments other than those based on agriculture. In some unexplained manner agrarian settlement would initiate the exploita­ tion of the fishery resources of Hudson Bay and Hudson Strait. Once the "now so imperfectly known" Rupert's Land was opened up for settlement, hitherto unsuspected resources would quickly be revealed and developed. His final argument in favour of an inland colony concerned the broader imperial and commercial strategies in North America. "It appears particularly, that the branches of the River of the West, or Columbia, interlock not only with the heads of the Missouri, but with the waters of Lake Winnipeck [Saskatchewan River]. A communica­ tion might therefore be opened, and a post established on the Pacific Ocean, from which many of the advantages would be derived, which were formerly expected from the discovery of a North West Passage." In Selkirk's scheme, a settlement located on one of the streams drain­ ing into Lake Winnipeg would form one link in a great transcontinen­ tal water route to the Pacific. A port would establish Britain's relations with Asia and the Pacific trade, a real alternative to the elusive Northwest Passage. The question that might be posed is what caused Selkirk to reverse his opinions about the possibilities for colonization in the short time that elapsed between his initial "Proposal" and his later "Observa­ tions." In his "Proposal" he excluded from consideration for settle­ ment all of the empty lands of British North America for climatic reasons whereas, in his "Observations," parts of these same lands were THE RED RIVER SETTLEMENT 5 described as "temperate" and suited to the cultivation of hemp and the VIne. The few geographical considerations that Selkirk presented to the government, in making his case for a colony in interior British North America, were a mixture of known fact, distortion, and pure fantasy. Most scholars concerned with the source ofthese ideas have concluded that Selkirk derived most of his information about the Canadian Northwest and its agricultural potential from reading Alexander Mackenzie's Voyages, published in London in 1801.10 The great explorer-fur trader had reached the Arctic Ocean in 1789, via the Slave and Mackenzie rivers, and four years later reached the Pacific Ocean, via the Peace River and present-day British Columbia. His book, based in part on these epic journeys, became available about the time Selkirk submitted his colonization proposals to the British Govern­ ment and sought facts to bolster his belief that a colony in the interior of British North America would be viable. Scholars have frequently 'suggested that Selkirk read Mackenzie's book sometime between sub­ mitting his "Proposals" and writing his "Observations."The historian J. P. Pritchett, for example, has written that, "it was probably after a reading of Sir Alexander Mackenzie's account of his northern and western explorations, as published in 1801, that Selkirk conceived the idea of planting a colony in the distant interior of British North America."!' It was also his view that Selkirk wrote his "Observations" of 1802 with Mackenzie's book close at hand, and subsequently selected the Red River valley as the location of his colony on the basis of information it afforded. Mackenzie's book may well have aroused Selkirk's interest in the Canadian Northwest but, contrary to what has become standard inter­ pretation, 12 nothing in the historical record supports the belief that it was through reading Mackenzie that Selkirk settled upon the Red River valley as the best location for a colony. Indeed, the Red River is not mentioned in the "Observations." In 1802, Selkirk wrote only of "the waters which fall into Lake Winnipeck, & uniting in the greater River of Port Nelson fall into Hudson's Bay...." There is no reason to assume, as have most reading this quotation, that Selkirk had the Red River valley specifically in mind for his inland colony. Almost all of the prairie and parkland region of the western interior of Canada drains into Lake Winnipeg. Furthermore, there is nothing in Mackenzie's Voyages to support the frequent claim that he considered the Red River country to be outstanding for agricultural development. In fact, Mackenzie failed to mention agricultural possibilities in his short description of the Red River country. Of the Red River he wrote that The country on either side is but partially supplied with wood, and consists of plains covered with herds of the buffalo and elk, especially on the Western side. 6 KAYE

On the Eastern side are lakes and rivers, and the whole country is well wooded, level, abounding in beavers, bears, moose-deer, fallow-deer, etc., etc.!' He described the country between the Red and Assiniboine valleys as almost a continual plain to the Missisoury. The soil is sand and gravel, with a slight intermixture of earth, and produces a short grass. Trees are very rare; nor are there on the banks of the river sufficient, except in particular spots, to build houses and supply fire-wood for the trading establishments, of which there are four principal ones. Both these rivers are navigable for canoes to their source, without a fall; though in some parts there are rapids, caused by occasional beds of lime-stone, and gravel; but in general they have a sandy bottom. 14 There is nothing in these accounts that would generate visions of a great agricultural future for the Red River valley. Quite the opposite; references to sand, gravel, short grass, and timber scarcity would more likely have raised the spectre of sterility and low agricultural potential. The glowing account of the Red River country which Selkirk sup­ posedly found in his reading of the Voyages is not present. Perhaps Selkirk was influenced by Mackenzie's statement that "there is not, perhaps, a finer country in the world for the residence of uncivilised man ... It abounds in everything necessary to the wants and comforts of such a people. Fish, venison, and fowl, with wild rice, are in great plenty; while, at the same time, their subsistence requires that bodily exercise so necessary to health and vigour."15 But it would have been supreme folly for Selkirk to have presumed what Mackenzie consid­ ered a land of abundance for native hunters and gatherers might be a land of similar abundance for European agriculturalists. Elsewhere in the Voyages, it is made clear that rock and water predominated in the region west of Lake Superior and that soil was scarce. Mackenzie's most positive comment on the agricultural possibili­ ties of the lands draining into Lake Winnipeg referred to the large stretch of highly varied country between Lake Winnipeg's western shore and the South Branch of the Saskatchewan. He wrote of this area that "the soil is good, and wherever any attempts have been made to raise the esculent plants, etc. it has been found productive."16 If Mackenzie was Selkirk's sole authority for his "Observations," then this is the only statement in the Voyages that could have reasonably formed the basis for Selkirk's contention. The Voyages are less positive about the North Saskatchewan country, saying only that on the north and west side of the river, the country "is broken by the lakes and rivers with small intervening plains, where the soil is good, and the grass grows to some length."!" Neither did Mackenzie's summary remarks on the settlement possibilities of Rupert's Land offer encouragement for anybody seek­ ing information about the area in order to support plans for an agricultural settlement in the western interior. Of the section of the continent between Hudson Bay and the Pacific Ocean, Mackenzie wrote that THE RED RIVER SETTLEMENT 7

The whole of this country will long continue in the possession of its present inhabitants, as they will remain contented with the produce of the woods and waters for their support, leaving the earth, from various causes, in its virgin state. The proportion of it that is fit for cultivation is very small, and is still less in the interior parts; it is also very difficult of access; and whilst any land remains uncultivated to the South of it, there will be no temptation to settle it. Besides, its climate is not in general sufficiently genial to bring the fruits of the earth to maturity." 18 If, as is widely believed, Selkirk relied heavily on Mackenzie for the information in his "Observations," he either ignored the opinions and facts he found there or distorted them out of all recognition.'? In suggesting the possibility ofhemp and vine cultivation in the interior of British North America, Selkirk was clearly telling the British govern­ ment what he thought it wanted to hear. Cultivating hemp and vine in the British colonies was considered a desirable national objective, so Selkirk created, on very flimsy evidence, a physical geography that would support these crops in the lands he wished to colonize.w Although there is no evidence that Selkirk read an earlier publica­ tion by Edward Umfreville, it is worth noting that the ideas expressed in the "Observations" coincide more closely with those in Umfreville's The Present State ofHudson's Bay (published in London in 1790) than they do with Mackenzie's.t! Umfreville had worked for both the Hud­ son's Bay and North West companies and had seen service at Bayside posts as well as on the North Saskatchewan. He says nothing about the Red River but comments on the agricultural potential of the North Saskatchewan country, an area of which he had firsthand knowledge. How far the soil of this boundless country may be favourable to the culture of vegetables, I am not enabled to advance. Experiments, which should be our only guide to knowledge in these matters, never having been made use of; but if the opinion of an unexperienced person, could be of any weight, I think I may venture to say, that many parts would admit of cultivation.P Umfreville compared the climate ofthe North Saskatchewan favourab­ ly with that of Canada. It is true we are situated a few degrees more to the Northward, and about fifty degrees to the Westward of Quebec, but in four years experience I have had, I have not yet found a winter so severe, as one I passed near Montreal, where the weather is generally something milder than about Quebec. The cold sets in, and the river ice breaks up, much about the same time as it does here.P In comparing the Bayside and the interior of Rupert's Land, Umfre­ ville described the North Saskatchewan valley as "temperate and healthy, the land is dry, pleasant, and fertile in spontaneous produc­ tions, and the animal creation is various and excellent for the support of man: in it, a person who could live retired, might pass his days with ease, content, and felicity, and if he did not enjoy an uninterrupted state of health, it would not be the fault of the air he lived in."24 This was the type ofmaterial out ofwhich one could build a reasonable case for the viability of an agricultural settlement. Given Umfreville's san­ guine views on the settlement possibilities ofthe parkland region ofthe 8 KAYE

Canadian Northwest, one must wonder if Selkirk was familiar with these views when he wrote his "Observations" in 1802. Certainly, along with Mackenzie's Voyages, it was at the time one ofthe few published works containing information on the geography of the Canadian Northwest.25 Whatever the merits of Selkirk's case for encouraging Irish emi­ gration to North America, or the accuracy of his information about Rupert's Land, nothing came of the proposals put forward in the "Observations." In May 1802 Lord Pelham, Secretary of State for Ireland, declared himself against the proposal; the government was opposed to "colonizing at all en masse" and saw "great difficulties & objections to Government undertaking to Transport & settle people from Ireland or elsewhere."26 The government also declared its opposi­ tion to any interference with the trade and monopoly of the Hudson's Bay Company in Rupert's Land. This put an end to any immediate plans for an agricultural settlement in the Company's territories. In an audience on 11 June 1802, Lord Hobart, Secretary for War and Col­ onies, made clear to Selkirk "that at this state of events the section of the 'Proposal' which dealt with a colonization site in the interior of British North America met with most objection. The Secretary hinted at this interview that the government would probably be more willing to grant lands for settlement in Prince Edward Island than in the West."27 Once it became evident that the government was unwilling to back his plan for an Irish colony in interior Rupert's Land, Selkirk dropped the scheme and began to pursue his colonizing ambitions elsewhere in British North America. "To bring his plans as nearly as possible in line with the wishes of the government Selkirk now turned his attention from the Hudson's Bay Company's territories to Prince Edward Island and Upper Canada."28 In February 1803, Selkirk was granted land on the eastern peninsula of Prince Edward Island and soon after received a tract in western Upper Canada, between Lakes Erie and Huron, known as the Baldoon colony. For the next five years most ofhis attention was directed towards organizing the settlement of Scottish Highlanders on Prince Edward Island and at Baldoon.s?

The Choice of the Red River Country If Selkirk's hopes of a British colony in Rupert's Land were put aside for a number of years, they were not forgotten. By about 1807, matured by his colonizing experiences in Prince Edward Island and Upper Canada, Selkirk's interest was renewed in the affairs of the Hudson's Bay Company and in the possibilities of establishing a colony in the Winnipeg basin. It had been made clear to Selkirk that it was the charter of the Hudson's Bay Company, as much as the Government's opposition, that presented the major impediment to his colonization plans in Rupert's Land. Independent legal opinion had THE RED RIVER SETTLEMENT 9 informed Selkirk that the Company's charter of 1670 "made the Hud­ son's Bay Company sole proprietor of all the territories granted, with full powers of government, including the appointment of sheriffs, the trial of lawbreakers, and the leasing or alienation in fee simple, ofany part of its domain."30 Selkirk could only conclude from this that he must get the support of the Hudson's Bay Company if he wished to implement his plans for an agricultural settlement on its chartered lands. Consequently, he commenced to buy himself into a position of power and influence within the Company. In the summer of 1808 he began buying Company stock and continued to do so for the next few years. In 1810 he presented to the Company's directors his scheme for a settlement colony in the Winnipeg basin. Selkirk's intrusion into the affairs of the Hudson's Bay Company was timely. The relentless competition of the Nor'Westers in Rupert's Land and the exclusion of British goods, including furs, from Europe with the imposition of Napoleon's Continental System (1806) had brought the Company to insolvency. "In 1809 the company could not pay a dividend; its trade was being financed on credit, with Committee members often having to provide ready cash; and it had a heavy overdraft of£50,000 at the bank."31 However, the years 1809 and 1810 were marked by the emergence of a new determination on the part of the Company to improve its competitive position. These measures were known collectively as the Retrenching or New System and Sel­ kirk's plans fitted well with this scheme for reorganization. One area in which the London committee wished to economize was in the cost of sending provisions to Rupert's Land. In a lengthy statement, the Company later explained to the colonial office its reasons for support­ ing Selkirk's third colonizing venture: The servants of the Hudson's Bay Company employed in the fur trade, have hitherto been fed with provisions exported from England. Of late years this expense has been so enormous, that it has become very desirable to try the practicability of raising provisions within the territory itself; notwithstanding the unfavourable soil and climate of the settlements immediately adjacent to Hudson's Bay, there is a great deal of fertile lands in the interior of the country, where the climate is very good, and well fitted for the cultivation of grain. It does not appear probable that agriculture would be carried on with sufficient care and attention by servants in the immediate employ of the company; but by establishing independent settlers, and giving them freehold tenures of land, the company expected to obtain a certain supply of provisions at a moderate price. The company also entertained expectations of considerable eventual benefits from the improvements of their landed property by means of agricultural settlements. Having a due regard to the implied conditions of their charter, they deemed it a duty incumbent on them(as soon as the practicability of agricultural improvements was demonstrated) to give a liberal degree of encouragement to an experiment, which, independently of the advantages, promised to have the most beneficial effects on the civilization of the Indians.V The idea of an agricultural settlement in Rupert's Land was not new. Indeed, as E. E. Rich has noted, there was in the Company's charter"provisionfor a colony to be established and even for the whole 10 KAYE direction of the Company to be taken out to such a colony; but the Company had never seriously engaged in colonization."33 The Com­ pany had not colonized its lands> but nevertheless, it had long encour­ aged its officers in Rupert's Land to increase gardening activities, as far as circumstances and the environment would allow, at the posts under their charge." The establishment of an agricultural settlement was a logical extension of the Company's earlier policies and intentions. In cooperatingwith Selkirk in his plan for a settlement in Rupert's Land, on 12June 1811 the Hudson's Bay Company granted him a vast area of land, known as the Assiniboia Grant, for the purposes of agricultural colonization (Figure 1). Selkirk was apparently well­ satisfied with the area granted for he later claimed that it included land which, "in point of soil and climate," was "inferior to none of equal extent in British America." In reality, Assiniboia comprised land of varying agricultural potential. To the east it included areas of the Laurentian Shield, to the west the wooded heights of the Manitoba escarpment, with adjacent parts of the second prairie level, and to the north a swampy and stony plain. Assiniboia centred on the low-lying, flat corridor of the Red River valley draining north to Lake Winnipeg, with "the Forks," thejunction ofthe Red and Assiniboine rivers, as its focus. Before the departure ofthe first Rupert's Land settlers in 1811, it had been agreed that they should establish the colony on the Red River somewhere close to the strategic Forks. It is impossible to determine precisely when the decision was made that the Red River country was the best choice for the location of an agricultural settlement in the Northwest. The evidence suggests that the decision was made either in 1809 or, more likely, in 1810, after Selkirk became a major shareholder in the Hudson's Bay Company and made the acquaintance of its directors. Most likely the crucial choice ofthe Red River country was not Selkirk's alone, but was made in close consultation with the directors after he had put forward his scheme for an agricultural settlement on the Company's lands. As a Company shareholder Selkirk gained access for the first time to a new body of information about Rupert's Land-the journals and letters sent annually to London by the Company's officers. From references and information in his later writings we know that Selkirk spent time perusing these detailed documents. W. L. Morton has remarked that Selkirk's 1811 Instructions to Miles Macdonell were "written with the precision of a man who had pored over every description of his new domain [Assiniboia] until he had fixed every feature in his mind's eye."36 In these "instructions" Selkirk acknowledged his debt for much of his knowledge of the geography of the Red River country to the traveljournals ofPeter Fidler, the Hudson's Bay Company trader and surveyor.F Selkirk also increased his familiarity with the Red River and other parts of the Northwest by interviewing the Company's officers and servants retired from service or on leave in Britain. When -l ::t: l"T1 it' l"T1 0 it' :; l"T1 it' C/J l"T1 -l -l t""'" l"T1 ~ l"T1 Z .... " .. . ~-~ l ~ I -~ , ---, \.~ .~ ,. I -l 0Ci" ~ ""'1 ~ :- -l ::r' ~ ~ Vl 5" 0-: 0 ~" a ""'1 a~ 00

~ ~ 12 KAYE

Hugh Heney, a Hudson's Bay Company trader stationed at Pembina, discussed the Northwest with Selkirk in London he found "he[Selkirk] was uncommonly well versed in the Topography ofthis part ofAmer­ ica...."38 Whatever his sources of information about the Northwest, Selkirk had sufficient confidence in them to allow him to ignore the advice of University of Edinburgh philosopher, Dugald Stewart, that "whatever pains you may have taken to collect information, nothing short of a personal examination and survey of the place of your destination could justify you in forming arrangements ofso gigantic a magnitude, involving not only your own dearest interest but the fate of all such as may follow your fortunes."39 Selkirk did not visit Red River until 1817, five years after the beginnings of settlement.w There is no way ofknowing what facts were communicated orally to Selkirk, or what images of the Red River area he built up from reading the letters andjournals deposited in the Company's headquart­ ers. No doubt the information they contained was varied and contra­ dictory. What few indications there are suggest that by the early nineteenth century there was a body of opinion amongst both Hud­ son's Bay Company and Canadian traders that the Red River country, of all the areas in the Northwest, offered the greatest advantages for agricultural settlement. Hudson's Bay Company Trader John Sutherland, who travelled along the Assiniboine on his way back to Brandon House, commented on the"beautiful plains which only wants the hand ofindustry to make this one ofthe finest countries in the universe no clearing ofthe ground wanted, but the plow to till and the scythe to cut the finest hay; the woods along the river is still large and thick...."41 A month later at Brandon House Sutherland noted that"it is a known fact that anything will grow in this country."42 Archibald Mason, a Scots farmer from Invernesshire turned fur trader, who considered himself"a goodjudge of land," had this to say of the Red River valley: from Nattli [Netley] creek or below it, to the Forks of the Red River from Red River, to Pabin [Pembina] House or Sumer berry River, all the way to Red Lake, and to the Shoe [Sioux] country for hundreds of miles to the westrd. & south west of Pabina a remarkable rich soil of marl and black mold....43 He described the Red River country as "that famous Lands" and as "that Rich Fertile spontaneous Country." It was Mason's view that the Red River country had no equal elsewhere. "A Mason has seen much fine lands between Britian[sic], & America but Red River Hudson Bay is so far in head of all he ever have seen no strangers can form an idea thereof." North West Company traders were equally optimistic about the agricultural potential of the Red River lands. John Macdonell, aNorth West Company employee, informed his brother Miles that "from the Forks of the Assiniboine and Red Rivers the plains are quite near the THE RED RIVER SETTLEMENT 13

banks, and so extensive that a man may travel to the Rocky Mountains without passing a wood, a mile long. The soil on the Red River and the Assiniboine is generally a good soil, susceptible of culture, and capable of bearing rich crops .... The buffalo comes to the forks of Assini­ boine, besides in these rivers are plenty of sturgeon, catfish, goldeyes, pike and whitefish-the latter so common that men have been seen to catch thirty or forty apiece while they smoke their pipes."44 The Forks of the Red and Assiniboine was described by Daniel Harmon, who had travelled widely in the Northwest, as appearing to have "a richer soil than at any other place I have 0 bserved in this part of the World-and is covered with Oak, Basswood, Elm, Poplar and Burch etc., also are here Red Plumbs & Grapes etc."45 Although the Nor'Westers' opinions were not available to Selkirk, they indicate the generally favourable view of the region that was impressed on those who had spent all or part of their years of service there." The preliminary evaluation of the Red River country carried out by Selkirk and the Company judged it for agriculture and its overall position in the fur trade of the Northwest. The Red River lowlands had never been a rich fur preserve but a variety of animal pelts were still being taken out of the valleys of the Red and the Assiniboine during the first decade of the nineteenth century. However, the fur returns were by that time the remnants of a trade carried on with little interruption since the 1730s. As far as the fur trade companies were concerned, the Red River lowland was exhausted of prime furs by the early nineteenth century. The valuable beaver, in particular, had become scarce. In 1818 Bishop Provencher described the economic role of the Red River country as follows: Red River is by no means a place for trade. There are no furs here. The largest trade would be in buffalo robes, but the Companies do not take them.... All that the North West Company and Hudson's Bay Company obtain from this area is provisions, which consists of dry meats, for their voyageurs along the route to their scattered posts in the North and elsewhere." Although Provencher was incorrect in claiming that no furs came out of the Red River area, his estimate of the region's significance in the Northwest fur trade was basically correct. As MacLeod and Morton have stated, "it was its buffalo plains rather than its fur forests that made the Red River country significant to the fur traders in 1812."48 The depletion of furs in the Red River country was a major factor in its choice as the location for the colony. In his most direct comment about the choice of the general location for the colony, Selkirk wrote in 1819 that "the Red River country was selected, as a place where the natural resources of provisions were abundant, & where at the same time beaver and other valuable fur bearing animals had been so much exhausted, that the district was of little consequence for the fur trade."49 Fouryears earlier the Company had provided Lord Bathurst, Secretary of the Colonies, with similar reasons: 14 KAYE

In entering upon this transaction [granting of Assiniboia to Selkirk], the Hud­ son's Bay company had no reason to suppose that the intended establishment would meet any peculiar difficulties. The country on Red River, where it was to be formed, had been frequented by the servants of the company for a long course of years [since 1793];and they were in the habits of the most friendly intercourse with the natives. The district had been much exhausted of valuable furs, so that the trading posts in it had proved of late years unprofitable, and doubts had been entertained whether they ought to be continued; and the Indians had, on various occasions expressed much anxiety, lest the Hudson's Bay company should abandon the posts from which they had so long been accustomed to receive their supplies of British manufacturers.50 Colonization attempted at this time in the Northwest would inevitably have had a disruptive influence on the fur trade. However, by 1810 or 1811 it seems that the directors of the Hudson's Bay Company were persuaded that the advantages of any agricultural colony would more than compensate for any injury it might cause the trade. The relative absence of furs in the Red River valley meant that such injury would be minimal there. This was sound reasoning as far as it went. But in evaluating the Red River's position in the trade solely on the basis of its fur produc­ tion, Selkirk and the Company ignored the crucial provisioning role that the posts on the Red, Assiniboine and Qu'Appelle rivers played in the trade, especially for the North West Company. The proposed settlement on the Red would lie astride the river routes by which the Nor'Westers carried pemmican, the food staple of the fur brigades, to their depot at Bas de la Riviere, near the mouth ofthe Winnipeg River. Moreover, the whole east-west transcontinental water route of the North West Company would be seriously threatened if Bas de la Riviere was cut off from its annual pemmican supplies from the Red River country. It was the fear of such an interruption of their trade and transport that caused the Nor'Westers to oppose the colony strenu­ ously, both before and after its establishment. This opposition eventu­ ally led to the PemmicanWar and the break-up ofSelkirk's Red River Settlement in 1815 and 1816.

A Site on Red River The first important decision confronting Macdonell after his ar­ rival at Red River in 1812 with the founding settlers was "the choice of a situation for the colony." In deciding this important question Mac­ donell was to apply a number of basic criteria outlined by Selkirk.>' These included good drainage on a level site above a river where the banks were backed by an expanse offertile soil, yet close to supplies of timber; the site of the colony should also be dry and airy "for the sake of health." Specific suggestions found in Selkirk's correspondence with his governor included the examination of the Red River at Stony or Pelican Ripple (later St. Andrew's Rapids). This was the location of the first "plain" going up the river, as well as the first break in naviga­ tion, and a place of possible future importance. Selkirk cautioned THE RED RIVER SETTLEMENT 15

Macdonell that information from Peter Fidler's survey suggested that the site at the rapids might be too low and, consequently, subject to flooding.v Macdonell was also advised that if it was necessary to go beyond the Forks "to the edge of the great plains," he should examine both the Assiniboine and the upper Red in his search for a site. From the information he was able to collect, Macdonell thought "the tract of the country below the Forks" as the most likely to provide a suitable location.v He spent three days early in September examin­ ing "the different points and bays" along that stretch of the Red, searching for a site that met the requirements he had in mind. Macdon­ ell was seeking a spot which could be cleared quickly, tilled, and sown with wheat before the onset of the winter. The colonists planned to spend the winter months at Pembina, some sixty miles south of the Forks, living offthe hunt. After examination, the site at the rapids was judged inadequate. Macdonell's choice as "the most eligible spot" to locate the first settlers was "an extensive point of land" a little below the Forks.>' The place chosen was the promontory formed by a meander of the Red, about a mile below the Forks, known for a short time as Point Sherbrooke(later Point Douglas, commemorating Lord Selkirk's family name). Macdonell was informed of the suitability of this point of land for settlement by an old freeman named Peltier, whom he encountered during his travels along the lower Red. 55 Mac­ donell's original choice had been a location somewhere below the point. Macdonell made clear the reasons for his final choice. A fire had recently swept through the point and destroyed the timber and under­ brush, leaving it with only a light cover of "weeds, brush & under­ wood." As "these could be easier overcome than woods or grass," the land could readily be put into cultivation. Furthermore, in Macdon­ ell's judgement the soil was excellent, and nearby there were stands of timber for initial building operations. The proximity of the Forks, dominated by the recently erected North West Company post of Fort Gibraltar, might have seemed like an additional recommendation. During the early weeks of colonization, when relations between the North West Company and the settlers appeared friendly, Macdonell received considerable aid and advice from the men at the fort. There was no important Hudson's Bay Company settlement at the Forks at this time. The major disadvantage of Macdonell's choice of the site just north of the Forks was spring-melt flooding, as events in 1811 had shown. William Auld, writing from Churchill, had informed the Gov­ ernor and Committee of serious flooding along the Red River then. "The Red River down thro' its whole course particularly to its junction with the Assiniboine River had 50 feet of water above its usual level of5 feet the average width of the river was 8 miles instead of 80 or 100 16 KAYE

yards."56 This information was conveyed to Selkirk for he wrote to Macdonell in December 1811 that flooding was "a serious considera­ tion notwithstanding the rarity of the occurrence."57 In proposing a settlement on the Red, Selkirk had been under the mistaken impres­ sion that what he called "the upper banks" were quite out of reach of any flood waters. In the same communication Selkirk proposed a pos­ sible alternate location for the colony, although he claimed that the 1811 flood was not the reason for doing so. The alternate location was near the northern edge of the Assiniboia Grant, on the western shores of Lake Winnipeg at, or near, the mouth of the River Dauphin. This stream flows out of Lake St. Martin, reaching Lake Winnipeg in what was then called St. Martin's Bay (present-day Sturgeon Bay).58 It was Selkirk's beliefthat a location on the River Dauphin would offer several advantages over one on the Red provided that "plains" could be found in its vicinity. Included amongst these advantages would be access to good harbours on Lake Winnipeg and greater proximity to Hudson Bay. This latter advantage would largely offset any handicaps arising out of the fact that the River Dauphin was 2° farther north than the Red. Selkirk understood, correctly, that the bedrock along the western shores of Lake Winnipeg was limestone, a material that in itself would be useful to a settlement and which was also a reliable indicator of "good land" and fertile soi1. 59 Any disad­ vantages stemming from the distance of a River Dauphin location from the Company's posts on Red River would be offset by its closer proximity to the fur posts of the Saskatchewan. Selkirk, however, seems to have been ignorant of the most impor­ tant fact: that for climatic reasons the agricultural potential of the western shore of Lake Winnipeg is very low, and an agricultural colony founded there would be only a futile venture. On learning of Selkirk's proposal, Auld wisely cautioned him that a settlement on the River Dauphin would have serious difficulty in obtaining country provi­ sions, although, being further from the United States, it would be "less exposed to the inroads of the Americans or Indians instigated by them."60 But Selkirk was not to be dissuaded. He again raised the possibility of a River Dauphin settlement in a letter of20 June 1813, by which time colonization was already underway on Red River.v' A decision about the location of the settlement had already been made by Macdonell, yet Selkirk still urged that the vicinity of the River Dau­ phin"be well examined." In addition, Selkirk advised that the extreme northwestern shore of Lake Winnipeg, from the Grand Rapids of the Saskatchewan River to the Limestone River, be considered. Selkirk wrote that "the good land of the interior country may be more easily accessible from the sea than at any other point." This area lay well outside the Assiniboia Grant. THE RED RIVER SETTLEMENT 17

Once settlement was underway, however, Macdonell made no attempt to relocate the colony and Selkirk's suggestions about the River Dauphin and the north shore of Lake Winnipeg were wisely disregarded. The advantages of access to the Red and the belt of woodland along its banks seem to have been more than enough to cancel out the disadvantages arising from periodic spring flooding. 62 The colonists themselves challenged Macdonell over his selection of the site for initial settlement.s- In the spring of 1814 they informed him of their reluctance to settle at the Forks, asking instead for land at Pembina, a location which they believed presented superior opportun­ ities for agriculture because of its slightly milder climate. In response, Macdonell promised them land at Pembina in three years if their efforts at the Forks during that time proved "unproductive." In the same letter in which he informed Selkirk of this request, Macdonell also justified his choice of the Point Douglas site, which he compared favourably with Pembina.vThere a small settlement of free­ men and half-breed hunters, as well as renegade colonists, was emerg­ ing about Fort Daer, erected in 1812. Macdonell expected a "fine settlement" to develop at Pembina, but everything considered, he judged the location at Point Douglas in no way inferior for an agricul­ tural colony. Pembina's more southerly location may have given it the edge climatically, but the soil at Point Douglas was, in Macdonell's opinion, potentially as fertile as that at Pembina, and the Forks had the crucial advantage of freedom from "troublesome Indians." This meant that the Point Douglas colonists would be able to toil in comparative safety and, unlike the people gathering at Pembina, would be able to herd cattle with little chance of theft or slaughter. Macdonell's expe­ rience during winters spent at Pembina had made him aware that the Pembina hunters and settlers lived under constant threat from the Sioux. As early as 27 June 1812, Macdonell had been advised by his brother John that "the safest places from the incursions of these barbarians [the Sioux Indians] and the best lands lay between our post [Fort Gibraltar] of the Forks or junction of the Red and Assinbouan and Lake Winipick, a distance our canoe men reckon twenty leagues."65 The outbursts of violence between the Nor'Westers and the colo­ nists in 1815 and 1816, and the resulting dispersal of the settlers, provided opportunities for relocating or even abandoning the colony. Nevertheless, the surviving settlers made their way back to the Red River valley and re-established the colony just below the Forks.

NOTES The authorthanks the Hudson's Bay Companyfor granting permission to consult and quote from the Company's archives. 1 Alexander Ross, The Fur Hunters ofthe Far West 2 (London: Smith, Elder and Co., 1855), 259. 18 KAYE

2 Lord Selkirk, A Proposal tending to the Permanent Security of Ireland. Provincial Archives of Manitoba, Selkirk Papers (hereafter cited as SP) 52, p. 13, 893. 3 Selkirk, Observations Supplementaryto a Memorial Relative to the Security of Ireland by the E. of S., SP 52, p. 13, 913. 4 Ibid. 5 Ibid. 6 Ibid. 7 Ibid. 8 Ibid., p. 13, 914. 9 Also Selkirk to Lord Pelham, 4 April 1802, SP 52, p. 13, 908: "Expectations have often been held out, of a supply of Hemp from other colonies, & these have been so repeatedly disappointed, that perhaps a positive engagement to furnish from that now proposed, a specific quantity annually might be considered a sufficient ostensible motive for the expense of the settlement." 10 Alexander Mackenzie, Voyages from Montreal on the River St. Laurence, through the Continent ofNorth America to the Frozen and Pacific Oceans in the years 1789 and1793 with a preliminary account of the Rise, Progress, and Present state of the Fur Trade of that Country (London: T. Cadell, jun. and W. Davies, etc., 1801). 11 J. P. Pritchett, The Red River Valley 1811-1849: A Regional Study (Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1942),26. 12 An exception is the early historian of Manitoba, F. H. Schofield, who believed that it was the fur trader Colin Robertson, at a meeting in Montreal during the winter of 1803-04, who advised Selkirk to locate his inland colony in the West at the junction of the Red and Assiniboine. But modern historians appear to lend little credence to this view. See J. M. Bumsted, "The Quest for a Usable Founder: Lord Selkirk and Manitoba Historians" Mani-: toba History No.2 (1981): 6. 13 W. Kaye Lamb (ed.), The Journals and Letters of Sir Alexander Mackenzie (Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 1970), 111. 14 Ibid., 112. 15 Ibid., Ill. 16 Ibid., 113. 17 Ibid., 118. 18 Ibid., 411. 19 The intent here is not to deny that Selkirk read Mackenzie's Voyages. In his diary for January-February 1804 Selkirk makes a reference to Mackenzie's book. See Patrick C. T. White, ed., LordSelkirk's Diary 1803-1804. A Journal ofhis Travels in British North America and the Northeastern United States (Toronto: Champlain Society, 1958), 204. 20 The opinions about Mackenzie and Selkirk expressed by the author in the preceding paragraphs are an attempt to elaborate upon a brief but suggestive comment made several years ago by the geographer Gary Dunbar, who wrote that "It has been said that Selkirk's interest in the Northwest was aroused by reading Mackenzie's Voyages (1801), but Mackenzie's book made no great claims for the settlement possibilities of the Northwest, and Selkirk was then investigating several other regions as well." G. S. Dunbar, "Isotherms and Politics: Perceptions of the Northwest in the 1850's" in Prairie Perspectives 2, A. W. Rasporich and H. C. Klassen, eds., (Toronto: Holt, Rinehart and Winston of Canada, 1973), 83. Dunbar seems to be the only scholar to have questioned the extent of Mackenzie's influence on the thinking of Selkirk. 21 Edward Umfreville, The Present State ofHudson's Bay Containing a Full Description ofthat Settlement, and the Adjacent Country; and Likewise ofthe Fur Trade (London: Printed for C. Stalker, 1790). 22 Ibid., 151. 23 Ibid., 152. 24 Ibid., 156. 25 The only other accounts of the Company's territories based upon personal observation that would have been available to Selkirk were Joseph Robson's An Account of Six Years Residence in Hudson's-Bay, From 1733 to 1736, and 1744 to 1747 (London: Printed for J. Payne and J. Bouquet, etc., 1752), and Samuel Hearne's A Journey from Prince of Wales's Fort in Hudson's Bay to the Northern Ocean,-in the Years 1769, 1770, 1771 & 1772 (London: A. Strahan and T. Cadell, 1795). The report of the Parliamentary Enquiry of 1749 also contained testimony of men who had lived and worked on Hudson Bay. See United Kingdom, Report from the Committee appointed to Enquire into the State and Conditions of the THE RED RIVER SETTLEMENT 19

Countries Adjoining to Hudson's Bay and of the Trade Carried on There (London: n.p., 1749). 26 Pritchett, The Red River Valley, 28. 27 Ibid. 28 Ibid., 28-29. 29 Selkirk's settlement plans in Prince Edward Island are discussed in J. M. Bumsted, "Settle­ ment by Chance: Lord Selkirk and Prince Edward Island" Canadian Historical Review 59 (1978): 170-88. 30 Pritchett, The Red River Valley, 37. 31 Glyndwr Williams, "Highlights of the first 200 years of the Hudson's Bay Company," The Beaver (Autumn 1970), outfit 301, p. 37. 32 United Kingdom, Papers relating to the Red River Settlement (London: n.p., 1819),4. 33 E. E. Rich, The Fur Trade and the Northwest to 1857 (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1967),205. 34 As early as the 1680s, the London Committee had put forward plans for the establishment of an agricultural colony on Charlton Island in James Bay. The plan never came to fruition. See D. W. Moodie, "An Historical Geography of Agricultural Patterns and Resource Appraisals in Rupert's Land 1670-1774" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Alberta, 1972), 34-43. 35 For an examination of the role of agriculture in the operations of the Hudson's Bay Company see, Barry Kaye, "The Historical Geography of Agriculture and Agricultural Settlement in the Canadian Northwest 1774-ca. 1830" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of London, 1976). 36 W. L. Morton, Manitoba: A History (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1957), 47. 37 Selkirk's Instructions to Miles Macdonell, 1811, SP I, p. 174. 38 Pembina post journal, 25 March 1813, Hudson's Bay Company Archives, Provincial Archives of Manitoba (hereafter HBCA, PAM), Winnipeg. B 160/a/4, p. 22. 39 Stewart to Selkirk, Observations on American Plan, SP 52, pp. 13, 905-13, 906. 40 He had, however, toured areas of eastern North America in 1803-04 and several accounts of the origins of the Red River Settlement state that during the time he spent in Montreal, Selkirk increased his knowledge of the basic geography of the Canadian Northwest through his conversations with fur traders who had first hand experience of that region. 41 Brandon House post journal, 31 August 1796, HBCA, PAM B/22/a/4, fOe 13. 42 Ibid., fo. 14, 27 September 1796. Similarly, Alexander Kennedy, also stationed at Brandon House, wrote in 1812 of the Red River country as "one of the finest countries and the richest soils to be found in the upper country." John Bellanden to Selkirk, 17 June 1813, quoting a letter from Alexander Kennedy, dated 10 August 1812, SP 3, p. 737. 43 A description of Hudson's Bay in North America by Archd. Mason, 23 February 1812, SP 2, pp.522-23. 44 Quoted in Pritchett, The Red River Valley, 56. Pritchett does not date this communication. 45 D. W. Harmon, Sixteen Years in the Indian Country: (His) Journal, 1800-1816, W. Kaye Lamb, ed. (Toronto: Macmillan Co. of Canada, 1957), 91. Harmon's journal was not published until 1820 so his comments would not have been available to Selkirk. 46 It is relevant to note that Ian Alexander Bell Robertson, the imaginary author created by Eric Ross to expedite his survey of the Canadian Northwest in 1811, also considered the Red River country "to be much richer than other parts of the Northwest." Eric Ross, Beyond the River and the Bay (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1970), 141. 47 G. L. Nute,ed., Documents Relating to Northwest Missions, 1815-1827(St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society, 1942), 141. 48 M. A. MacLeod and W. L. Morton, Cuthbert Grant ofGrantown (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart,1963), 13. 49 M.S. by Lord Selkirk Relating to Red River, 1819, SP 47, p. 12,641. 50 United Kingdom, Papers relating to the Red River Settlement, 4. 51 Selkirk's Instructions to Miles Macdonell, 1811, SP 1, pp. 173-75. 52 Fidler mentions the Pelican Ripple in hisjournal of Exploration and Survey, 1794-1808, entry for 24 May 1808. "Pelican ripple when the water or heavy winds from NE in Lake Winnipeg the waters dam up the water to this ripple." HBCA, PAM, E3/3, fo. 58. 53 Macdonell's journal of his first trip along the lower Red to the Forks in late August 1812, contains several references to the excellent quality of the soil and of land "fit for tillage." 54 Miles Macdonell's journal, 7 September 1812, SP 62, p. 16, 747~ Macdonell to Selkirk, 17July 1813, SP 3, pp. 765-66. 20 KAYE

55 This was probably Joseph Peltier, a leading Metis of the Red River country at this time. See Marcel Giraud, Le metis canadien; son role dans l'histoire de l'Ouest (Paris: Institut d'ethnol­ ogie, 1945),608. 56 W. Auld to Governor and Committee, 24 August 1811,HBCA, PAM, All / 16,fo. 15.See also W. Auld to A. Wedderburn, 5 October 1811, SP 1, pp. 86-87. 57 Selkirk to Macdonell, 23 December 1811, SP 1, p. 125. 58 Ibid. It is difficult to determine why Selkirk had his mind so strongly fixed on the River Dauphin as an alternate location to Red River for his colony. Most likely it came out of reading the writings of Alexander Mackenzie and Peter Fidler. There is nothing in their writings, however, to suggest that the western side of Lake Winnipeg would be a good location for an agricultural settlement. 59 Limestone of Ordovician age forms the bedrock throughout much of the Interlake area of Manitoba. In 1819 Selkirk reaffirmed his belief that "The Western Shores ·of this Lake [Winnipeg] are formed of limestone covered in general with a fertile soil." Selkirk, M.S. by Lord Selkirk Relating to Red River, 1819, SP 47, p. 12, 819. 60 W. Auld to Selkirk, 12 September 1812, SP 2, p. 492. 61 Selkirk to Macdonell, 20 June 1813, SP 3, p. 726. In raising the possibility of a settlement at River Dauphin there is an echo of Selkirk's decision prior to establishing his Baldoon colony to investigate the agricultural potential of the Sault Ste. Marie area. 62 Macdonell soon had firsthand experience of Red River flooding as parts of the colony were under water in the spring of 1815. 63 Macdonell to Selkirk, 25 July 1814, SP 4, p. 1, 195. 64 Macdonell to Selkirk, 25 July 1814, SP 4, p. 1, 187. 65 Quoted in Chester Martin, (Lord) Selkirk's Work in Canada (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1916),44, n. 3. 21

The CPR and the Promotion of Tourism in Western Canada: Edward Whymper in the Crowsnest Pass Raymond J. A. Huel Department of History The University of Lethbridge

ABSTRACT. After the inauguration of its transcontinental service, the Canadian Pacific Rail­ way (CPR) began to promote tourism. Emphasis was placed on the mountain region-"fifty Switzerlands in one." The company acquired the services of Edward Whymper, a prominent lecturer and author, as a publicist and consultant. Whymper, who was the first to ascend the Matterhorn in 1865, made four voyages to Western Canada, two to the Crowsnest Pass. A difficult man whose excursions to the Pass were punctuated by misfortune, he was ineffective as a promoter. Eventually, the company lost interest in the Pass and put its energies into the promotion of the Banff and Lake Louise areas.

RESUME. Apres l'inauguration de son service transcontinental, la Compagnie des Chemins de Fer Canadien Pacifique commenca apromouvoir activement Ie tourisme. La Compagnie con­ centrait surtout ses activites dans la region des montagnes rocheuses-"Cinquante fois la Suisse." La Compagnie prit a son service Edward Whymper en tant qu'agent de publicite et conseiller. Important conferencier et auteur, il fut Ie premier homme a monter Ie Matterhorn en 1865; Whymper fit quatre voyages dans I'Ouest canadien, dont deux au Col du Nid de Corbeau. Le travail de cet homme opiniatre ne reussit pas vraiment apromouvoir Ie tourisme car ses excur­ sions connurent beaucoup de malchance. A la fin, la Compagnie se desinteressa du Col et con­ centra ses energies adevelopper la region du Lac Louise et de Banff.

Canadian Pacific Railway (CPR) officials understood from the company's inception the tourism potential of the majestic mountain regions of Alberta and British Columbia. Since the scenery was not an exportable commodity, the company's general manager, William Van Horne, embarked upon an imaginative programme to promote tourism. These endeavours, recently detailed by E. J. Hart in The Selling ofCanada, initially consisted of the inauguration of parlour, sleeping and diner car service. The CPR then built Swiss-style restaur­ ant-hotel stops at strategic places such as Field, Roger's Pass and North Bend. A more palatial edifice was constructed in Banff. To cater to the needs of the tourist explorer the company also began to build trails and chalets and, in 1899, the CPR employed the first Swiss guides to assist mountaineers.' In an attempt to entice an even larger number of tourists and mountaineers, the company engaged the services of Edward Whymper as a publicist and consultant. Whymper, conqueror of the Matterhorn and dean of British mountaineers, was also an accomplished photog­ rapher, lecturer, and author of guide books on Chamonix and Mount Blanc, Zermatt and the Matterhorn. His duties were to explore areas near the main line, establish trails, make ascents and take photo­ graphs. He was then to prepare a formal report on the tourism poten­ tial of the Rockies, as well as write promotional articles for newspapers and popular journals. 22 HUEL

While Whymper's qualifications made him an ideal consultant, his personality offered several disadvantages. He was demanding, class conscious, and his British middle-class attitude alienated the more liberal and egalitarian Western Canadians. He was also in constant fear of being cheated by his servants. His fondness for alcohol, which eventually became legendary, exacerbated these difficulties. Unfortu­ nately, great deeds were expected from Whymper during his Canadian excursions and his failure resulted in disenchantment and resentment. Throughout his life Whymper kept a detailed diary. It reveals an inquisitive scientific mind as well as a self-centred egotist incapable of meaningful relationships. Whymper took great pleasure in noting imperfections in the physical and human environment, and even the mighty CPR did not escape his caustic comments. Few things meas­ ured up to his expectations: prices, for example, were always exorbi­ tant, quality inferior. His diary leaves the impression that sinister forces were always conspiring against the author. Between 1901 and 1905 Whymper made four trips to western Canada for the CPR. During the second and third excursions in 1903 and 1904, he visited the Crowsnest Pass, an area which appealed to him, especially its striking landmark, Crowsnest Mountain. Here Whym­ per was to identify suitable locations for the construction of hotels and chalets. He was also to examine Turtle Mountain, scene of thetragic 29 April 1903 Frank Slide, to determine the possibility of future slides. The major thrust of Whymper's 1903 exploration was a five­ hundred-mile walk along the CPR right-of-way from Kananaskis Falls in Alberta to Yale in British Columbia. When this was completed on 9 September, Whymper began to prepare for a preliminary survey ofthe Crowsnest Pass.? While in Revelstoke, he was amazed to learn that nobody could provide him with any information on the Pass. It was finally suggested that the company's agent in Lethbridge was probably the most knowledgeable person. To complicate matters, the two maps of the region which had been ordered from the Surveyor General's office had not yet arrived. 3 On 29 September Whymper left Calgary for Frank. En route, he questioned the conductor's use of the term "town" to describe DeWin­ ton, nothing more than "a barn and a couple ofwooden shanties." By such standards, Okotoks was a "city." Whymper found the country west of Fort Macleod "distinctly uninteresting." The section houses called Peigan and Brocket were only crossing places for trains and Pincher Station was "the first station." The scenery improved as the train approached Frank." Whyrnper's arrival in Frank was greeted by a twelve-minute show­ er of stones from Turtle Mountain. It came down near the centre of the great slide of 29 April 1903, and raised a cloud of dust preceded by boulders which he estimated as being "at least six feet cube."> THE CPR AND THE PROMOTION OF TOURISM IN WESTERN CANADA 23

The Frank Slide had been of such gigantic proportions that it could not fail to arouse Whymper's interest and curiosity. It was a subject which the locals were eager to discuss. The innkeeper at the Imperial Hotel stated that a number of buildings, including a long stable, were buried somewhere under the slide. However, he did not consider Frank to be a dangerous place in which to live. The railroad conductor, on the other hand, declared that he would not live "in the place even if all its riches were bestowed upon him." The barber, who shaved Whymper, affirmed that the slide "did not sound very alarm­ ing" and thought that the noise had been caused by the wind. Other residents also shared this opinion. The innkeeper stated that no win­ dows had been broken in Frank and Whymper concluded that there could not have been a great shock or violent wind. Furthermore, trees standing at the west end ofthe Slide were evidence that there had been no great blast of air." Whymper then walked across and around the Slide taking eleva­ tions with his aneroid barometers and photographing some of the more prominent features. He measured one ofthe largest boulders and found it to be 41' x 36' x 12'. After completing his elevations and making allowance for the railbed which was 34 feet above the floor of the valley, Whymper concluded that the debris, after falling to the bottom ofthe valley, then rose more than 400 feet above it. According to Whymper, there were only two explanations for this phenomenon. Either the rocks had fallen to the valley floor and then pressure forced them 400 feet upwards or, after rolling down Turtle Mountain, the huge blocks flew through the air to the opposite side of the valley. He was at first inclined to accept the latter explanation until he noticed that none of the huge boulders had made any indentation in the ground. Whymper pursued the matter with local residents but learned nothing because a large part of the rock fall had taken place before dawn and visibility had been obscured by clouds of dust and smoke." The following day Whymper boarded a freight bound for Cran­ brook. At first he was not certain it was the correct train since he could find no one to ask. At a lengthy stop in Blairmore, Whymper com­ mented that the town consisted of three hotels, "all small," and about fifty houses. After the train resumed its journey, he obtained his first view of Crowsnest Mountain which he described as attractive for alpinists. He also noted the great amount of snow on its upper levels, but felt that earlier in the season there would be very little. The different sides ofthe mountain and the cave alongside Crowsnest Lake were photographed.f Further west, Whymper noted that the elevation of Crowsnest Station was one thousand feet less than that of the Great Divide. The loop in the line near Corbin was photographed, as well as a nearby short stretch of abandoned line which had been replaced by a tunnel. 24 HUEL

Whymper noted McGillivray, a section house below the loop, and described Michel as "simply a coal mining town.... Quite a place" that could accommodate a thousand people or more.? On the whole, however, Whymper was disappointed with the scenery and noted that, insofar as near or distant views were con­ cerned, the Crowsnest line was inferior to the main line. He expressed great relief when the train finally reached Fernie, "thefirst place having the semblance of a town since leaving Macleod."!" Between Fernie and Morrissey, Whymper complained that there was nothing to photo­ graph and that there were only a few houses between Fernie and Elko. Despite its new hotel, Jaffray was "nothing but a lumber camp."!' A few days later, Whymper reached Arrowhead, his final destination. On 29September, his season's work terminated, Whymper left Revelstoke to return to England. His trip was punctuated with an unusual number of trials and tribulations even by Whymper's standards. 12 The following year, Whymper returned to Canada to resume work undertaken earlier on trails in Yoho. Upon arriving in Field, he secured the services of Tom Wilson, the famous packer and guide. By 18 July, a trail had been blazed from Emerald Lake to Field, and Whymper prepared to return to the Crowsnest Pass to undertake a more comprehensive evaluation of its tourist potential. In Field fate again conspired against Whymper. On 18July, he noted that Wilson had become inebriated andshut himself up in his room. A few days later Whymper, Wilson, and an individual named Robb departed for Frank. Arrangements had also been made for Christian Hasler and Friedrich Michel, two Swiss guides employed by the CPR, to meet Whymper in Frank. Misfortune struck Whymper in Fort Macleod. The train to Crowsnest was late, entailing a six-hour delay. Whymper decided to wait in the hotel rather than at the station. He complained that the charges to convey his party to the hotel and the rate for the room were exorbitant. In addition, the waiting room and refreshment room were "very poor."13 The following morning Whymper arrived in Frank. A large forest fire impaired visibility. Whymper noted that the station agent in Frank was as uncivil as he had been the year before, despite the fact that he had been shown Whymper's credentials and travel orders. The agent informed Whymper that he would have to wait for the local train since no freight trains were due. A few moments later, however, a freight came along; the brakeman recognized Whymper and helped to load the party's equipment on board. 14 At Crowsnest Station this baggage was unloaded near the water tank. As there were "Chinamen and section men about" Whymper decided that it would not be prudent to camp and instead took three rooms in the Summit Hotel, whose proprietor "seemed civil." That THE CPR AND THE PROMOTION OF TOURISM IN WESTERN CANADA 25 evening, Whymper made the acquaintance of a roadmaster named McKee who had offered his assistance. Whymper invited him to have a drink, only to discover that he could put away a bottle ofScotch in one sitting. Wilson did not drink. The following morning McKee com­ plained of stomach pains and Whymper gave him some chlorodyne.t- Whymper then went to nearby Summit Lake to bathe but could not find a suitable place to get in or out ofthe lake. Later on, he went to inspect the cave, which he identified as the main source ofthe Old Man River, near the line on Crowsnest Lake. He was obviously impressed by this cave and suggested that a bath house could be erected nearby without interfering "with its picturesqueness" and that a few steps should be cut into the rock to allow people to inspect the cave. The proprietor ofthe Summit hotel had two boats on Island Lake and took Whymper across to the island which was covered with trees and provided the only sandy beach suitable for bathing. Nevertheless, Whymper suggested that bathing places could be created easily in other locations. 16 While Whymper was exploring the lakes a passerby brought news that the Swiss guides had arrived in Frank. Upon returning to the Summit Hotel Whymper walked to the station but could obtain no information on the whereabouts of Hasler and Michel. He wired the agent in Frank to have them proceed at once to Crowsnest. 17 When the guides finally arrived the following day, they were indignant at having to pay their fares. For some unknown reason their passes had been taken from them on the train, and the agent in Frank had ignored the transportation orders Whymper had sent. 18 After the arrival of the guides at Crowsnest Station there were other delays. McKee's men were out and could not transport Whym­ per's party and their equipment. Finally, after a halfday ofwaiting, the group was "dumped" seven and one-half miles up the line. Leaving Wilson and the guides to sort out the equipment, Whymper and Robb went to the loop and walked through the tunnel above it. While Whymper found some subjects to photograph near the loop, there were no "striking views." Whymper did note several smouldering fires along the line and that no effort was being made to extinguish them. 19 Upon returning to the Summit Hotel, Whymper found the pro­ prietor ill with a stomach ache and gave him a dose of chlorodyne. When awakened by Whymper the following morning, Robb also complained of the same disorder and was given the same medicine. A suspicious Whymper felt that there was an attempt to do nothing that day. This sentiment was reinforced when he went to enquire about transportation to the loop. The roadmaster said he could do nothing until afternoon because all of his men were out. Whymper had to content himself with giving a second dose of chlorodyne to the hotel 26 HVEL keeper and repairing his dark box for slides, as it had been damaged in transit despite the fact that it had been carefully wrapped.v Later on that afternoon, Robb and Whymper went to Island Lake. Using one of the boats, Whymper took soundings between the island and mainland and then proceeded along the line to inspect the forest fires burning on each side of the lake. He dismissed the conven­ tional wisdom that forest fires were started by lightning and prospec­ tors. Whymper argued that some were certainly caused by CPR em­ ployees setting fire to piles of old ties along the line. Nobody was left to watch these fires and the wind blew sparks and embers into the sur­ rounding dry forest which quickly ignited." The island in the lake became the object ofWhymper's attention. He found that the average depth of water between the island and mainland was five to six feet and that the temperature of the water was suitable for bathing. Whymper felt that the island was the most suit­ able place in the region to build a chalet or hotel. He recommended that it be built at the eastern end of the island with an east-south frontage to capitalize on the attractive views. Since the island was covered with trees, he suggested that "charming trails might be cut amongst them." Although the bottom of the lake was weedy, Whym­ per believed that bathing places could be established with little diffi­ culty.22 The following day, 26 July, Whymper returned with his camera and photographed the lake and its island. After bathing, he went to the east end of Crowsnest Lake by hand-car and walked up a hill which provided a view of Crowsnest Mountain. He estimated that its summit was approximately seven miles from the railway and that there was a "craggy second peak" behind the main summit. Despite the distance between them, the col between the two summits appeared accessible. To the west of Crowsnest Mountain there was a large mountain with a long summit range (Mount Tecumseh). It did not appear on the map and Whymper suggested the name "Longfellow" because it reminded him of "the forest primeval, Bearded with moss, etc."23 Returning to Crowsnest Lake, Whymper examined what he re­ ferred to as the Old Man River emerging from the lake. He found that in some places it was only thirty feet wide. As to possible sites for a hotel, Whymper found two that were suitable near the east end of the lake. He also suggested that boats be placed on the lake because there was good fishing. In addition "Crows Nest Peak would always be an attraction."24 That same day, Wilson, Hasler and Michel were dropped off near Sentinel and made their way to the west side of Crowsnest Mountain where they established a camp. They were to cut a trail around the mountain, examine its features and then report to Whymper. The THE CPR AND THE PROMOTION OF TOURISM IN WESTERN CANADA 27 following day, Whymper and Robb were also dropped off near Sen­ tinel and told the direction Wilson's party had taken. Whymper walked back to Crowsnest Lake and photographed the view from the sites he had proposed for a hotel. In the evening he and Robb took the train to Frank and lodged at the Imperial Hotel.P When Whymper awoke next morning, the weather had changed completely. It was windy, cloudy and cold. Instead of photographing the Slide, he visited the local coal mine and was greatly surprised by the coal that was brought up: it was "50 percent or more coal dust." He was equally amazed that it was purchased by the railroad. 26 He then walked along the shore ofthe lake that had been formed when the Slide created a dam across the Crowsnest River. At the eastern end of Turtle Moun­ tain Whymper noticed a patch of fir trees that had debris above and below but none in their midst. The higher trees were intact and upright, the lower ones consisted ofdead stems, and some trees whose tops had recently been broken off. In attempting to explain how the higher trees escaped being damaged and why there was no debris in their midst, Whymper concluded that the slide did not jump over the higher trees but rather "it streamed around the corner." He estimated that the railroad was covered by twenty-five feet of debris and that in some places it was sixty to seventy feet thick. As the weather continued to make photography impossible, Whymper went fossil hunting; he was guided to a spot where a large number were to be found and he collected "a fair quantity." More distressing than the weather was the fact that he was forced to pay the exorbitant sum of "25 cents for an ordinary bottle of Beer, and 15cents ofa glass ofBeer!" at a local beer parlour.?? Whymper intended to leave early the next day to photograph various points on the Slide. The weather was dismal and he had to wait forty-five minutes before the sun shone through the clouds. Returning to Frank, he was advised that the train heading west was six hours late. In his characteristic style Whymper added "we caught it easily." For­ tune, however, was not yet ready to smile 'on the conqueror of the Matterhorn. When he arrived at the Summit Hotel a telegram from Wilson announced: "Flag on Crows Nest Mountain. Waiting orders."28 The first ascent of Crowsnest Mountain had taken place on 28 July. While the news greatly displeased Whymper there is no con­ clusive evidence to suggest that this was due to the fact that he had been deprived of the honour ofbeing the first to stand on the virgin summit. There is only a hint of such an ambition in Whymper's journal. There he reiterated the orders given to Wilson and the guides. To cut a trail around Crows Nest Peak, to examine the mountain, and to report to me; which they should have done, and I then should have gone up Crows Nest Peak. 29 It is significant to note that the pronoun "I" was added later. 28 HVEL

The most plausible explanation for Whymper's irritation was that his orders had been disobeyed. This interpretation is substantiated by the sentence which concludes the quotation cited above: "This obliged me to revise my programme as I had no time to lose.'?" According to Whymper, Wilson was not the least bit concerned that he had acted improperly. For their part, Hasler and Michel wanted to leave and Whymper told Wilson to discharge them. The Swiss guides, however, reconsidered and asked to remain with the party. Whymper allowed them to do so. Whymper concluded his narrative of these events with, "This was a very troublesome day."31 Whymper also noted that when Wilson and the guides left to establish a camp near Crowsnest Mountain, the latter had requested a bottle of brandy. Whymper refused, but discovered later in settling his bill at the hotel that Wilson had taken a bottle. Whymper wondered whether this had been the cause of the group's irresponsible behav­ iour.F On 31July, Whymper, Robb, Wilson, Hasler and Michel with one tent and "one 70 lb. box of provisions and a number of etceteras" were let off on the railway line and set off for the camp near the base of Crowsnest Mountain. On starting out, Hasler asked for a bottle of brandy but Whymper refused to provide one. When the party reached camp, the guides began to eat and drink but did not offer anything to their patron. Afterwards when their tent was set up, Michel and Hasler retired leaving Whymper, Robb and Wilson to do all the work.P Afterwards, Whymper explored the trails which led in the direc­ tion of Crowsnest Peak and recorded temperature and aneroid read­ ings. The bulldog flies were numerous; there were also some mosqui­ toes. In the afternoon, he photographed Crowsnest Mountain from a patch of open ground. On his way back to camp Whymper counted the 232 fallen trees which had to be crossed before reaching camp.> The next day, 1 August, Robb remained in camp complaining of sore toes while Whymper, Wilson and the guides left for the col between Crowsnest Mountain and the smaller summits behind it (Seven Sisters Mountain). A disgruntled Whymper complained that the mem­ bers of the party had to stop twice before reaching the top of the tree line. It was not necessary for him to do so. Another stop was made on a grassy knoll higher up where Whymper counted five species of butter­ flies and collected centipedes and millipedes. According to Whymper, the col was not reached "in consequence of the dawdling." He had to content himselfwith taking aneroid readings and comparing the eleva­ tion of his position with that of Sentinel Peak and the highest point on "Longfellow."35 Upon returning to camp, Whymper sent Hasler and Michel back to Field. Their services were no longer required. He gave the Swiss J THE CPR AND THE PROMOTION OF TOURISM IN WESTERN CANADA 29

guides three dollars each for "wayside expenses" and advised the proprietor of the Summit Hotel to give them each two meals and charge these to his account. A cautious Whymper added the following caveat: You must distinctly understand that I do not agree to supply these men with wine, beer or spirits; and that, if they order any, it will be on their own account. I will not be responsible for any debts they may incur.w In the meantime, Wilson and Robb went exploring. Whymper remained in camp, washing pans, preparing food and writing notes in his journal. The fire had to be maintained and, much to his dismay, Whymper learned how easy it was to start a forest fire. During a momentary absence, a spark set fire to cleaning rags and then to the grass and moss. Whymper extinguished the fire. Upon their arrival, Robb and Wilson informed Whymper that they had discovered the skeleton of a bull buffalo well above the timber line. According to Wilson, the buffalo had gone there to escape hunters and, from its appearance, he estimated that the remains had been there for seventy to one hundred years. 37 While Robb looked after the camp next day, Wilson and Whym­ per went above the tree line to examine adjacent valleys. While forest fires obscured visibility, they were able to examine the buffalo bones and to go around the cliffs at the base of the mountains, reaching the col between the main summit and lesser peaks." With the completion of the exploration of Crowsnest Mountain, Whymper sent Wilson ahead to arrange for return transportation to the Summit Hotel. A hand-car, sent to Sentinel to convey the party, was "attacked in the rear" by a freight train. The occupantsjumped off quickly, unloaded the equipment and lifted the car offthe rails before the train"flashed by." The bundles were not replaced carefully and one box was off centre between the handles of the car. Whymper had a finger smashed and nearly fainted from the pain.'? To add insult to injury, Whymper noted that the individual who had brought the baggage from camp to the rail line had not even said "Thank You" when he was given three dollars for his labours.w For his part Whymper went to Frank where he climbed Turtle Mountain to examine its cracks and fissures. He concluded that sooner or later portions of the northwest peak might comedown causing damage to the mine entrance and adjacent buildings. The southeast peak, on the other hand, posed no problems because its rock fall would descend on the centre of the old slide." Whymper also took some photographs but did not expect them to turn out because of the smoke and wind. He was disappointed at not being able to obtain a fine view of Crowsnest Mountain.F He was shown a photograph of Turtle Mountain taken before the slide and 30 HUEL he described it as a "tasteless production neither going high or low enough." Nonetheless, it had some interest because of the contrast it presented between before and after the slide. What impressed Whym­ per was the: complete obliteration of a forest which formerly extended across the base of the mountain and almost 1000 feet up its face. Both this and isolated patches of trees which were above the edge of the forest here and there right up to the top of the mountain, are completely swept away." The high cost of the basic necessities of life in Frank also came under Whymper's scrutiny. He noted with some disgust that in one place he was charged forty cents for a "nominal pint" of Guinness stout. At the Imperial Hotel he was charged forty cents for a glass of beer. The price of a "nominal pint" bottle of yellow chartreuse was a scandalous $2.50. 44 On 8 August, Whymper wound up his affairs and left Frank. When the train arrived in Fort Macleod, he was astonished to find that Wilson and Robb had left all his baggage behind.v Whymper decided to remain at the station rather than incur the expense of the trip into town. Upon presenting his orders, he was put up in an inner room "where I passed the night on the floor, immediately under a telegraph machine which made a horrid noise all through the night."46 The following morning, Whymper went to the dining room where he was confronted by "the Chiefwoman" who "was as rude as before." It was with 0 bvious relief that Whymper noted that the train "left punctually at 7:00 a.m."47 Returning to Field a few days later, Whymper examined the trails that had been cut in the Yoho Valley during his absence. Quite dis­ satisfied with the progress, he concluded that it was useless to send men out "by themselves one must go along with them."48 On 13 August, Whymper left Field for Montreal. There he pre­ sented a preliminary report of his activities to CPR officials. During the 1904 season he had examined the area adjacent to the line in the Crowsnest Pass region for the purpose offinding suitable locations for chalets or hotels. In addition, he had made a circuit ofCrowsnest Peak and examined Turtle Mountain to ascertain the possibility of future slides.s? Whymper also advised the company that his photographs would be ofpoor quality because the smoke and haze from forest fires had rendered the mountains invisible. This greatly distressed Whym­ per. I particularly wished to obtain a series taken around Crows Nest Peak in order to give the public some idea of that remarkable mountain, which is one of the most striking of the Canadian Rockies, and which will I think attract many visitors in the future. 50 In the absence of sufficient documentation it is very difficult to evaluate the influence ofWhymper's work on the formulation ofCPR THE CPR AND THE PROMOTION OF TOURISM IN WESTERN CANADA 31 policy. Along the main line, Whymper developed existing trails and established new ones. As the national parks system was extended, however, the federal government assumed jurisdiction for such activi­ ties. Whymper made a series of credible first ascents but the great prize, Mount Assiniboine, the "Matterhorn of the Rockies," was claimed by a compatriot, J ames Outram, assisted by two ofthe company's Swiss guides. Insofar as the Crowsnest Pass is concerned, the company did not act upon Whymper's recommendations because it was more inter­ ested in enhancing services along the main line near Banff and Lake Louise. It is difficult to ascertain precisely what the CPR expected of Whymper. The company provided him with the necessary passes and travel orders but beyond this seems to have left Whymper to his own devices. Relations between him and company officials were decidedly cool. It may very well be that Whymper's reputation generated unwar­ ranted expectations on the part of the CPR. This, along with the difficulties created by his personality and behaviour, decided the com­ pany to tolerate him only until the terms of his contract expired. It is not surprising that in his examination of the CPR's efforts to promote tourism, E. J. Hart concluded that Whymper's work pro­ duced the least tangible results. Whymper's contribution was a literary one with articles such as "A New Playground in the New World" published in Scribner's Magazine. 51 In addition, his catchy phrase "fifty Switzerlands in one," which appropriately described the majesty of the Rockies, was used extensively in CPR publicity.v However, Whymper does not appear to have mentioned the Crowsnest Pass in his articles. Whymper's evaluation of the Pass's potential came at a time when mining and lumbering were dominant in the region's economy. Iron­ ically his diary contains no pertinent observations on them. It would take nearly three-quarters of a century for these extractive industries to lose their preeminence and be replaced by tourism and recreation. Whymper was indeed prophetic when he predicted that Crowsnest Mountain would "attract many visitors in the future." It is unfor­ tunate, however, that of the thousands of tourists who view that "remarkable mountain" each year few, if any, can associate it with the man who conquered the Matterhorn and who was called "the Homer of British mountaineering."

NOTES I E. J. Hart, The Selling ofCanada. The CPR andthe Beginnings ofCanadian Tourism (Banff: Altitude Press, 1983), Ch. I-III. The Author wishes to thank the University of Lethbridge Research Fund for financial assistance to complete this project. The assistance of E. J. Hart, Director of the Peter Whyte Foundation in Banff and Len Gottselig, Chief Librarian, Glenbow-Alberta Institute, is also gratefully acknowledged. 32 HVEL

2 The Diary of Edward Whymper (hereafter cited as Diary) M309(9), 7 July 1903. This comprehensive journal is in the Scott Polar Institute, Cambridge, England. A photocopy of the sections dealing with Whymper's ventures in Canada is to be found in the Archives of the Canadian Rockies, Banff. 3 Ibid., M309( II), II September. 4 Ibid., M309( 12), 24 September. 5 Ibid., 25 September. 6 Ibid. 7 Ibid. 8 Ibid., 26 September. 9 Ibid. 10 Ibid. II Ibid. 12. R.J. Huel, "Edward Whymperin the Rockies, Part II," Alberta History (Winter 1982),30-31. 13 Diary, M309(l3), 22 July 1904. 14 Ibid., 23 July. 15 Ibid. 16 Ibid., 24 July. It should be pointed out that the water from the cave enters Crowsnest Lake which in turn feeds Crowsnest River. East of Lundbreck, the Crowsnest River merges with the larger Old Man River. Whymper's misleading reference to the waters of the cave being the main source of the Old Man River was obviously obtained from local residents. The "Tourist Map of the Crowsnest Forest and Area," published in 1964, identifies the cave in a similar fashion. 17 Ibid. 18 Ibid., 25 July. 19 Ibid. 20 Ibid., 26 July. 21 Ibid. 22 Ibid. 23 Ibid., 27 July. 24 Ibid. 25 Ibid., 28 July; M309(l4), 30 July. 26 Ibid., M309(l3), 29 July. 27 Ibid. 28 Ibid., M309( 14), 30 July. 29 Ibid. 30 Ibid. 31 Ibid. 32 Ibid. 33 Ibid., 31 July. 34 Ibid. 35 Ibid., 1 August. 36 Ibid., 2 August. 37 Ibid. 38 Ibid., 3 August. 39 Ibid., 4 August. 40 Ibid. 41 Ibid. 42 Ibid., 5 August. 43 Ibid., 7 August. 44 Ibid., 6 August. 45 Ibid., 8 August. 46 Ibid., 9 August. 47 Ibid. 48 Ibid., II August. 49 Ibid., 17 August. 50 Ibid. 51 Scribner's Magazine, Vol. XXXIII, No.6 (June 1903). 52 E.J. Hart, The Selling of Canada, 67. 33

Forging aNew Protestant Ontario on the Agricultural Frontier: Public Schools in Brandon and the Origins of the Manitoba School Question 1881-1890* . T. S. Mitchell Dean of Student Services Brandon University

ABSTRACT. The origins of the Manitoba School Question grew out of the determination of Manitoba's Ontario-bred population to develop institutions consistent with those they were familiar with in Ontario. The financial difficulties encountered in achieving this 0 bjective, insofar as schools were concerned, led Protestant community leaders in Brandon, and James Smart, the Minister of Public Works in the Greenway government, in particular, to reassess the foundations of public schooling in Manitoba. As well, the institutional imperatives of evangelical Protestant churches on the agricultural frontier, and the continuing sensitivity of new Manitobans to the anti-Catholicism of Ontario Protestantism were of central importance in provoking the attack on Manitoba's denominational school system.

RESUME. Les origines de la Question Scolaire au Manitoba furent causees par la determination de la population d'origine ontarienne qui residait au Manitoba, de vouloir developper des etablissements semblables it ceux qu'ils connaissaient en Ontario. Les difficultes financieres rencontrees pour atteindre cet objectif amenerent, au moins en ce qui concerne les ecoles, les dirigeants de la communaute protestante de Brandon it reexaminer les bases du systeme des ecoles publiques au Manitoba. Un des plus fervents defenseurs de cette cause fut James Smart, Ie ministre des travaux publics du gouvernement Greenway. L'attaque contre Iesysteme des eccles confessionnelles du Manitoba fut provoquee d'une part par les imperatifs institutionnels des eglises protestantes evangeliques, pour une mainmise sur cette nouvelle frontiere agricole et d'autre part par la susceptibilite constante des neo-Manitobains aux sentiments anti-catholiques du protestantisme ontarien.

In his recent synthesis of the history of the Canadian prairies, Gerald Friesen has provided a historiographical framework for the revision of much that has been written on the history of the prairies. 1 He suggests that the schools issue was not a result ofD'Alton McCar­ thy's interference in Manitoba's affairs, but rather that it had a local origin. In particular Professor Friesen notes the work of J. A. Hilts. Hilts argued: The origins of the conflict were based in Manitoba as James Smart, with Greenway's concurrence, precipitated the controversy prior to the speeches of D'Alton McCarthy and Joseph Martin.? An examination of the development of public schools in Brandon, Manitoba, during the 1880sprovides an opportunity to examine why the predominantly Ontario-bred population of the city came to reject the province's dual school system and why James Smart ignited the school controversy in the summer of 1889. The first Brandon census, taken in 1885-86, showed that 51 per­ cent of the population had been born in Ontario. The Protestant 34 MITCHELL character ofthe city was assured by the fact that Presbyterians, Meth­ odists, Baptists, and Anglicans comprised 91 percent ofthe citizenry. Though 5 percent ofthe residents of Brandon were Roman Catholics of Irish and French-Canadian descent, the Brandon of the 1880s was an outpost of Protestant Ontario, occupied by a people intent on establishing the social order of their home province.' The process by which Ontario immigrants endeavoured to ensure the preeminence of their institutions and values in Manitoba has been described by a number of historians." In Brandon the process was evident very early with the creation of various Protestant churches common to Ontario and their attendant associations. That Brandon's community leaders looked to Ontario as a model for the city's devel­ opment is evident from a January 1883 debate held by the Methodist Literary Society at which Clifford Sifton noted that Brandon was still inferior to Ontario communities, for it lacked "mechanical institutes, academies, agricultural schools, etc."5 Allied with the city's Protestant churches were organizations such as the Brandon chapter of the Women's Christian Temperance Union, founded in early 1884. Reflecting Brandon's close relations with On­ tario, the Brandon organization was based on the "constitution, by­ laws, etc., of the Association of Ontario."6 The membership of the Brandon Union was, as in Ontario, Protestant and middle class. The wives of prominent businessmen and local evangelical ministers oc­ cupied the executive positions of the organization." The Union's first public meeting, held in Brandon's Methodist Church, was attended by three hundred people, including members of the city's Sons ofTemperance, another Ontario-derived organization." The activities of the Union included monthly prayer meetings, the distribution of temperance literature (the Brandon Mail made free space available in its front page for temperance tracts), visitations to the Gaol, and the operation of a coffee and reading room in conjunc­ tion with the ministers ofBrandon's Episcopal and Methodist churches. A kindred union, the Young Men's Christian Association ofBran­ don, was organized in 1886 to promote "the spiritual and intellectual welfare, also physical and social of the young men of Brandon."9 The Brandon Association was created with the help of Mr. R. D. Richard­ son, who had been active in the Toronto Young Men's Christian Association before moving to Winnipeg in 1879, where he and J. A. M. Aikens founded the first permanent chapter of the organization in Western Canada. 10 The members of the Brandon Association, which was open to young men ofgood standing in evangelical churches, rose from a mere dozen in 1886 to sixty-two by 1888. In addition to its yearly Prayer Week, during which each of Brandon's evangelical min­ isters gave a special sermon for the young men ofthe city, the Associa­ tion operated a reading room, held noon-hour prayer meetings, sent FORGING A NEW PROTESTANT ONTARIO 35

delegations to the Gaol, sponsored debates and entertainments and found jobs for the unemployed. Another institution in the city, modelled on its Ontario counter­ part, was the Protestant school. While the school was created on a denominational basis, in keeping with Manitoba law, the responsibil­ ity of the Protestant School Board to provide formal schooling for a variety of denominations gave the school a non-denominational, albeit Protestant, character consistent with the non-sectarian public schools of Ontario. Indeed, both Catholics and Protestants in the city referred, in the manner of Ontario, to the Protestant school as the city's "public school."11 The first Brandon Protestant School Board, reflecting well-estab­ lished Ontario tradition, was composed of individuals drawn from the community's "better classes." 12 Unlike the city's Catholic school, Bran­ don's first Protestant school was constructed with funds secured by city council when they issued $20,000 in debentures on behalf of the Protestant School Board. The close relationship between the Protes­ tant Board and City Council was a clear acknowledgement that, as in urban centres of Ontario, Brandon also had a "public" school which was an integral aspect of its general municipal system, and the subject of broad community interest. The Protestant Board took obvious care to select only those teachers who were fit to shape the moral and intellectual character of Brandon's school-age population. In doing so the Board reflected the preoccupation of Ontario schoolmen with the role of teaching in the development of "character." The first teacher and principal of the Brandon Protestant school, T. A. Lamont, a native of Bruce County, Ontario, had attended the Collegiate Institute in Hamilton, Ontario. 13 Throughout the decade the principals of the Brandon Protestant school were, like Lamont, Ontario-educated. Further evidence of the determination of Brandon's Protestant community leaders to emulate the educational achievements of On­ tario is evident in the Board's decision, taken in June 1883, to create a collegiate division in the Brandon school. 14 In fact, it had been only in .October 1881 that Reverend W. E. Pinkham, the Superintendent of Protestant Schools of Manitoba, had travelled to Ontario to examine the province's system of normal and high schools with a view to rec­ ommending the creation of a similar system in Manitoba. IS In July 1883 the Board hired E. J. Popham, an Ontario native, as principal of the school and teacher of the collegiate department. 16 When Rever­ end Pinkham arrived in Brandon to address the newly-established Western Manitoba Teachers' Association (an organization which un­ dertook in-service education through annual teachers' institutes sim­ ilar to those of Ontario) he noted that Brandonites did not need to be "educated to the fact that schools are necessary."17 36 MITCHELL

The rapid development of public schools and other institutions in Brandon, modelled on those of Ontario, reflected the fact that metro­ politan influences were important in shaping the character of com­ munities on the agricultural frontier of western Canada. By 1871 Ontario had evolved a comprehensive system of non-denominational public schools which were of central importance in the maintenance of Ontario's social structure. 18 While separate schools accommodated the distinctive needs of the province's Roman Catholic population, it was Ontario's non-sectarian public schools which reflected an emerging consensus among the province's English-speaking Protestant popula­ tion that a system of non-denominational, free public schools was essential to the progress and stability of the province. The Ontario consensus represented an alien tradition in Manitoba where a dual system of Catholic and Protestant schools had been given legislative form with the creation of the province of 1870. When, early in the development of Brandon, the city's schools were established on the principal of Catholic-Protestant duality the potential was created for a clash of two traditions of public schooling. Significantly, during the early years of the city's development the attitude of Protestants toward the Catholic school system was benign, ifnot tolerant and supportive. Though the number of Roman Catholics in Brandon was small­ the census of 1886indicated the presence of only 171-theeducation of Catholic children was taken in hand very early in the development of the city.'? During the winter of 1882 a Catholic School Board was created, and under its direction St. Joseph's Convent was built on land donated by Archbishop Tache of St. Boniface.w Funds for the con­ struction of the Convent were acquired through bank loans and money borrowed by the Catholic School Board from Archbishop Tache. 21 As well, $2,400 was raised at a bazaar sponsored by the congregation of St. Augustine's Church.P It may be inferred that members of Bran­ don's Protestant community must have contributed to the success of the bazaar for only twenty families and eleven single Catholic par­ ishioners were affiliated with St. Augustine's Church in 1884.23The last prerequisite for Catholic education in the city was met during the summer of 1883 when Archbishop Tache secured three members of the Faithful Companions of Jesus (an order of nuns founded in Amiens, France, in 1820) to provide instruction in the Convent school.>' St. Joseph's Convent was a three-storey building located to the south of Brandon's commercial district, on the corner of Third Street and Lorne Avenue. The two classrooms on the second floor could accommodate one hundred students. "No place is healthier," reported the Brandon Sun, a paper that in 1889would be the first in the province to demand the abolition of denominational schools, "and the situation ofthe Convent is among the best in the City, commanding as it does, a pleasing view of the surroundings of the City."25 FORGING A NEW PROTESTANT ONTARIO 37

When the Convent school began operation on 3 October 1883, two of the students in attendance were the daughters ofS. Clement, the Protestant Sheriff of the County of Brandon and a future member of the Protestant School Board.w The close proximity of the Catholic school to his residence partially explains the attendance of his children there.?? As well, it is likely that the Clement children, who did not arrive in Brandon until the fall of 1882, attended the Catholic school, as did other Protestant children, because there was simply no room in the Protestant school. The original Protestant school was already crowded by the summer of 1882, and on 23 October 1882 Reverend Ferries, the City's Presbyterian minister, and W.J. White, editor of the Brandon Sun, appeared before City Council on behalfof the Prot­ estant Board to request that funds be made available for additional school construction. Even with the completion of new facilities in the spring of 1883, crowding was such that the Brandon Mail printed the following observation: The San Francisco Board of Education had decided to exclude all Mongolian scholars. The heathen would fare no better here. Neither the Mongolian nor Caucasian can get in. The schools are too crowded." The "public school" had a capacity of 300; by the end of June 1884 there were 435 students enrolled.s? In the Convent school enrollment grew to 50 by June 1884 and when classes began in August 63 students were in attendance.w The increase was composed primarily of Protestant children whose par­ ents, reported the sisters, "wished to confide their children to the sisters, finding the education given them far preferable to that of the public school."31 While crowding in the "public school" was an obvious problem­ in May 1884 the Protestant Board directed that children in the lower grades attend only halfdays-the explanation of the sisters concerning the attendance of Protestants at the Convent school was also valid.P Support for their explanation was provided by a member of the Protestant School Board, Mr. J. Russell, who noted during a Board discussion in August 1886 concerning the problem of Protestants attending the Catholic school, that while crowding in the "public school" was a contributing factor, it was also true that parents sent their children to the Convent school to give them accomplishments not taught at the public school, and if we desire their attendance it would be necessary to take up the same branches. 33 Specifically, Russell was referring to the fact that instruction in French and Music was available at the Convent, but not at the Protestant school. 34 Moreover, the practice of sending Protestant children to the Convent school was not discouraged by Protestant community leaders 38 MITCHELL early in the decade. The editor of the Brandon Sun, W. J. White, a member of the Protestant Board, praised the Convent school in an article in January 1884. St. Joseph's was, he reported, [an] institution of which Brandon has good reason to be proud; not only be­ cause it adds a large measure to the general appearance of the city, but also for the intellectual training that is afforded there.v In the same article, White described the teaching staffof the Convent in glowing terms, outlined its extensive programme ofstudies, and noted uncritically that Protestant children attending the Convent school were more numerous than Catholics. 36 The evidence indicates that while Brandon's Ontario-bred Pro­ testant population was intent on re-creating Ontario's institutions, their attitude toward Manitoba's dual school system was not initially antagonistic. Two developments changed this and laid the basis for the schools controversy of 1889. The first was the increasingly difficult financial situation of the Protestant School Board as the decade pro­ gressed. By 1886 this led to demands that the basis of financing pu blic education in the province be re-examined. Second, militant Protes­ tants demanded an end to the attendance of Protestants at the Convent school. This development led to a series of assaults on the Convent school in the summer of 1887. Both developments had the effect of undermining the principle ofduality upon which the Manitoba school system was based and encouraging a comprehensive reassessment of the province's education system. The public schools ofManitoba were funded by local taxes, levied by local boards of trustees, and by provincial grants to the Board of Education for allocation to school districts. For the Brandon Protes­ tant Board, the problem ofeducation finance existed at two levels. At the provincial level the continuous financial difficulties of the provin­ cial government during the 1880s made it impossible to provide signifi­ cant financial support to local school districts. For example, there were no grants in support of the collegiate division of the Protestant school. 37 Also the collapse of the 1882 boom made it increasingly difficult for the Protestant Board to secure funds at the municipal level. The problem offinancing the Protestant school reached a crisis in 1885, and in June of that year the Board was forced to slash teachers' salaries. Shortly thereafter, the City Council indicated to the Board that ... owing to the depressed state of the City's finances it ... [was] impossible to grant schools the $1,600 asked for by the Board.v The Board responded that unless the $1,600 was paid it would be necessary to close the Protestant school. To confirm this the Board directed that no teacher be re-engaged until such time as salaries and arrears could be paid. FORGING A NEW PROTESTANT ONTARIO 39

The immediate crisis was resolved when Council forwarded the funds and teachers accepted a reduction in pay. Nevertheless, at the end of the fiscal year in January 1886 the Protestant Board still owed teachers $437.50 in back pay and had outstanding debts of $300.00 in addition to the debt of $20,000 acquired with the construction of the Central school in 1883.39 Local education taxes due and unpaid amount­ ed to $8,685.62. 40 The financial problems of the Protestant Board prevented im­ provements in the school or the expansion of school facilities, both of which were needed. In 1886 the Report of the Superintendent of Protestant Schools had the following observation concerning the city's Protestant school: We would like to draw attention to the very inconvenient and unsatisfactory arrangement of the school building in Brandon. The ventilation is poor, the stairs are narrow, and altogether the whole building is unfit, in our opinion, for the carrying on of an efficient school. 41 As well, austerity had resulted in the resignation ofE. J. Popham, who had served as principal of the school and teacher for the collegiate division, and suggestions that the collegiate division be abolished. 42 In June 1885 City Council indicated to the Protestant School Board that it was the view of Council that the collegiate division be closed for ... the City ... [could not] afford to educate teachers for the country districts unless we secure some revenue therefrom." The Brandon Mail also questioned why the taxpayers of Brandon should burden themselves with the maintenance of the collegiate divi­ sion. To the M ail,edited by university graduate Charles Cliffe, the limited value of what the upper division had to offer was made evident by the fact that ... the young Englishmen who came to the country since opened for settlement by the railway, and who after proving themselves failures returned in disgust are graduates of some English college.s- The Mail was a Tory newspaper, sensitive to criticism of the provincial Conservative government. Its condemnation of the collegiate division may be partially explained by the fact that ultimately the problems of financing the Protestant school and maintaining the collegiate divi­ sion were laid at the door of the provincial government. The Norquay government had, until the middle years of the decade, benefitted from a non-partisan legislature. However, by 1886 an opposition had formed under the leadership of Thomas Greenway. By 1886the Liberal Party of Manitoba was well-organized and attack­ ing the government on a wide range of issues including education finance. In Brandon, the Liberal Association had been organized on the initiative of James Smart.v James Smart, the future MLA for Bran- 40 MITCHELL don and Minister of Public Works in the Greenway government, had arrived in Brandon in 1881 from Brockville, Ontario, and established a hardware business. He was elected to City Council in 1882 and served as Mayor in 1885 and 1886. When a provincial election was held in late 1886 Smart was nominated as a Liberal in the Brandon constituency and was elected. One of the central concerns of Smart's campaign was the problem of education finance. As Smart had been the Mayor of Brandon during the financial crisis of 1885 he was intimately familiar with the pro blems offinancing the Protestant "public" school. During a campaign speech in December 1886 Smart asserted that The amounts devoted to schools were altogether too small, and ... the collegiate division ofthe school in Brandon had no grant while in Ontario more grants were made.w Smart's provincial leader, Thomas Greenway, had touched on the same theme when he spoke in Brandon in October 1886. Greenway was of the opinion that while the provincial'government faced a number of severe problems "... the cause of education needed assistance most of all today."47 While the problem of financing the Protestant school in Brandon did not, at this point at least, lead to a complete reassessment of the basic structure of the province's dual school system, it is apparent that the problem did result in some analysis of how schools might be more effectively financed. Smart's experience as mayor during the Protes­ tant School Board financial crisis of 1885, and his knowledge of the continuing financial problems of the Board, led him to become the Liberal party's chief exponent of reform of the education system. The direction this reform would take was apparent as early as 1886 when Smart cited the Ontario model of public schooling as an alternative to that of Manitoba. While the Convent school was also financed by provincial grants and local taxes levied on Catholic ratepayers it had fewer costs and additional sources of income. Protestants attending the Catholic school paid one dollar a month, as provincial law forbade the taxation of Protestants to support Catholic schools. 48 While funds were obviously required to support the sisters, the Catholic school was not required to pay teachers' salaries at a level comparable to the Protestant school. As well, the maintenance of the school was part and parcel of that of the parish. That the financial situation of the Catholic school was signifi­ cantly better than that of the Protestant was evident in the construction of a new classroom addition to the Convent school in the spring of 1886.49 The future of the Convent school seemed secure when in June 1887 the enrollment had risen to 110 students including 75 Protes­ tants.>? However, during late June and early July 1887 the Convent suffered a series of vigorous attacks initiated by leading members of FORGING A NEW PROTESTANT ONTARIO 41

the Methodist Church of Manitoba and the North-West Territories, as well as Brandon Protestant community leaders. While no less than five distinct Methodist churches came to the Canadian West, the difficulties of maintaining denominationalism on the agricultural frontier had led to a union in 1884. The Methodist Church in Western Canada was an aggressive institution intent on defending and expanding its congregational influence. In late June 1887 Methodist ministers and lay representatives from Manitoba and the North-West Territories assembled in Brandon for a convention. Upon learning that a significant number of Meth­ odist children were enrolled at the Convent, church leaders rose in anger. While press reports oftheir actions did not appear in Brandon's press, the Annalsofthe Sisters Faithful Companions ofJesus for 1887 report that these zealous personages were very scandalized at seeing our day school fre­ quented by so many children of their sect, and they lost no opportunity of protesting against such an indignity; in public and in private, they assured the parents that sooner or later, they would bitterly regret having confided their children to the nuns, telling them, among other things, that faith and morals were very quickly lost at the Convent. 51 Significantly, five members of the Brandon Protestant School Board acted as "hosts" to Methodist ministers and laymen visiting the city. Included among this group were W. J. White and T. E. Kelly who had, in August 1886, moved and seconded a motion of the Protestant Board calling for an investigation into the reasons for the attendance of Protestants at the Convent school. As well, J. C. Robinson, J. E. Powers, and S. Clement, whose five children were attending the Con­ vent school, acted as "hosts" for the visiting Methodists.V The strictures of the Methodists, critical of Protestant parents whose children were attending the Convent, gained almost immediate credibility when, at the end of June, S. Clement's daughter Emma announced her determination to become a nun. The reaction of her father was immediate and forceful. Arriving at the Convent shortly after learning of his daughter's proposal Clement told the sisters that "he bitterly regretted the confidence he had had in ... [them], for ... [they] had strangely abused it." As a result, he intended to "withdraw his five children ... formally forbidding them ever again to put their foot into the Convent."53 A week after the withdrawal, Reverend C. Chiniguy of the Ameri­ can Protestant Missionary Society arrived in Brandon. Chiniguy, formerly a Roman Catholic priest, had been excommunicated in 1858. He became a Presbyterian, and under the auspices of the Missionary Society travelled widely denouncing Roman Catholicism.54 While it is not clear whether Chiniguy's visit was prompted by the preoccupation of Protestant community leaders with the attendance of Protestant 42 MITCHELL children at the Convent, or the controversy created by Emma Clem­ ent's proposal, Chiniguy's activities in Brandon served to further dis­ credit the Convent school and discourage the attendance of Protes­ tants there. While in Brandon, Chiniguy drew what the Mail described as the largest public gathering in the city "outside of a political demonstra­ tion."55 Protestants of various denominations attended Chiniguy's three public addresses at the city's Presbyterian Church. While press reports did not outline the substance of Chiniguy's speeches, the An­ nals ofthe Sisters Faithful Companions ofJesus report that Chiniguy ... sent for the most revolting calumnies against the Catholic Church, and particularly against priests and nuns, describing the Convent as a den of all that is bad and corrupted. 56 When the Convent school opened in August 1887, only 52 students appeared where there had been 100 of them when the school closed in June.>? Even more damaging than the loss of students, was the fact that Brandon's Protestant community had come to perceive the Con­ vent and the Catholic school as institutions which served the sectarian interests of one group at the expense of the general community. 58 In Brandon during 1888 a number of developments heightened the anti-Catholicism generated in 1887. In February 1888 a convention of the Orange Lodge, which drew representatives from all parts of Manitoba and the Northwest Territories, was held in Brandon. It was, the Brandon Mail observed, "one of the most important gatherings of the kind ever held in the province."59 The growing influence of the militantly anti-Catholic Orange Lodge coincided with the arrival of Jesuit priests in the city. Late in the spring of 1888 Father Robillard, who had served the city's Catholic population since 1881, and who had developed cordial relations with many Protestants, was replaced by no fewer than three Jesuit priests: Father McDonald arrived in March 1888, Father S. J. Paquin and Ed Proux in August.v? When, in the spring of 1889, the national controversy over the Jesuit Estates ques­ tion in Quebec erupted, it took little effort on the part of Brandon's press and the city's Orange Lodge to transform the debate on the Jesuit Estates issue into an attack on Manitoba's tax-supported Catholic schools. These events in Brandon during 1887 and 1888 occurred against a background of political turbulence in the province which, though only partially related to schools, would by 1888 lead to the election of a government intent on reforming the province's education system. The election of 1886 had been the first really partisan provincial election in Manitoba and James Smart, the Liberal candidate in Brandon com­ mitted to dealing with the financial problems of schools in Manitoba, had been elected. During 1887, the province experienced what W. L. Morton described as a "political agitation over disallowance ... [which FORGING A NEW PROTESTANT ONTARIO 43 grew] to a pitch of bitterness scarcely to be kept within constitutional bounds."61 In 1887 the Norquay government fell from power when financial irregularities between the government and the Hudson's Bay Railway were exposed. Norquay was succeeded by the Hon. D. H. Harrison of Minnedosa, but the new government failed to secure the re-election ofits new ministers. When the provincial legislature met on 18 January 1888 the government resigned and the Liberal leader, Thomas Greenway, was called to form an administration in which James Smart was appointed Minister of Public Works. The accession to power of the Greenway government marked a dramatic shift in the provincial politics of Manitoba for now the old order, whether the dual system of language and schools with all it meant to the French, or the influence of the old settlers exercised through their communal institutions and their representatives led by John Norquay, now existed only at the discretion of the new majority, largely Ontario-born and Protestant by creed.s- Following the passage of a bill redistributing electoral districts on the principle ofrepresentation by population, an election was held in June 1888 which returned thirty-five Greenway supporters. Although arguments for making changes in the education system were being marshalled by James Smart during 1888, decisions concern­ ing the nature of the reform had not been made.s- However, as J. A. Hilts has observed, in the spring of 1889 "a number ofcabinet meetings were held ... and the decision was reached to alter the existing school system. The guiding spirit was James Smart rather than Joseph Mar­ tin. "64 Significantly, the first attack on the province's denominational school system appeared in the Brandon Sun, a paper of which early in the decade Smart was a part owner.w It is possible that the Sun, edited by W. J. White, Smart's confidant and well-known to Thomas Green­ way, was prompted by the government's desire to assess public reac­ tion to a reform of the school system. It is equally important to note that the Sun's attack was part and parcel of the debate on the Jesuit Estates controversy which, reflecting the impact of the debate on the issue in Ontario, had been initiated in Brandon's press a month prior to the Sun's editorial attack on denominational schools. The Brandon Mail, edited by Charles Cliffe, had set the broad framework for the debate when it observed on 11 April 1889, in reference to the Jesuit Estates question, that, "We had thought the day of church and state was past, as indeed it should be for the people's good."66 By 12 May 1889 the Brandon Sun had transformed the Jesuit Estates legislation into "a manifestation of the aggressiveness of the Roman Catholic Church that menaces the existence of Protestantism in Canada."67 44 MITCHELL

On 16 May 1889 the Sun made the link between the national debate on the Jesuit Estates question and the tax-supported Catholic schools of Manitoba. Arguing that "nothing in the state can exceed the importance and value of an educational system and institution," the Sun asserted that the grants to Roman Catholic schools should be stopped, for ... if the educational policy of the country is to be confined to limits regulated by sectarian narrowness and pettyjealousies we cannot hope for the best results and a distinct loss must be the consequence.s" By 30 May 1889 White was able to report to readers of the Sun that "the Sun's course in opening the attack on the separate school system in this province is meeting with almost universal approval."69 White then articulated a position which reflected his knowledge of the financial difficulties ofthe Brandon Protestant Board, of which he had been a member throughout the decade. Noting that "Until our rev­ enues are very considerably increased schools must suffer for lack of financial support, or an excessive burden of taxation must be im­ posed," White concluded with a reference which reflected his knowl­ edge of the Convent school controversy of the summer of 1887.70White asserted that the "separate" school system "can only work harm and create division and jealousy. There should, therefore, be no hesitation or delay in abolishing such a system."?' In late June the Sun's editor renewed his attack on the dual school system. In doing so White, who had served his journalistic apprentice­ ship on the Toronto Globe, reflected the influence in the schools debate of Protestant Ontario's narrow conception of the Canadian national­ ity. It was White's view that Canada was an English-speaking country and "all who come here know and expect to adopt our language, [and] customs...."72 Separate schools ofany kind were simply an obstacle to the development of a Canadian nationality. The increasingly strident editorials of the Sun, and other rural newspapers, can only have confirmed the government's determination to reform the province's schools. If further impetus was needed, the Sun provided it on 11 July 1887 when it disclosed that the Catholic section of the Provincial Board of Education had, in accumulating a surplus of $13,900 not used "Grants of provincial money ... as it was intended by the state."73 While action was taken by the provincial government to retrieve the accumulated surplus, more damaging to the cause ofdenominational schools was the perception that the duplica­ tion of schools in the provincewas not only financially wasteful, but created opportunities for the manipulation of public funds. In addition to the Brandon Sun, the city's Orange Lodge, which had been relatively inactive until the latter years of the decade, played an important role in shaping public opinion on the question ofdenom­ inational schools. The membership of the Lodge had grown rapidly FORGING A NEW PROTESTANT ONTARIO 45

during the spring of 1889 in reaction to the agitation over the Jesuit Estates question. This growth, observed the Brandon Mail, simply demonstrated that there was plenty of the right mettle in and around Brandon and it is likely to assert itself much in advance of the progress of Jesuitism." The Brandon Sun was a Liberal newspaper and its call for the abolition ofdenominational schools had caused the Tory Mail to be cautious in taking a firm position on the question. However, the growing support for abolition evident in the province led the Mail, edited by Charles Cliffe, Vice President of the Conservative Party Assocation of Mani­ toba, to call, on 11 July 1887, for the abolition of the province's dual school system and the official use of French in provincial institutions. "Separate schools," observed Cliffe, were unacceptable for they were simply the cause of"... a duplicate ofexpenditure for the gratification of a sentimentutterly devoid of public gain...."75 On 18 July, the Mail editor urged his fellow Conservatives to adopt education reform and the abolition of French as party policy in order to prevent the Greenway Liberals from taking the sole credit for these reforms." The death of John Norquay and the need for Mani­ toba Conservatives to meet in convention to select a new leader pro­ videdan opportunity. The Greenway government was not to be forestalled. "During a series ofCabinet meetings in May and early June, ... the decision [was] reached that action would be taken to alter the existing school system in a radical manner."?" The intention ofthe government was disclosed by The Winnipeg Sun on 1 August, and at a picnic in Souris, Mani­ toba, attended by Greenway, where James Smart outlined the gov­ ernment's intentions." Noting that "There was now an agitation to have them abolished, and the Government had been asked to take hold of the matter," Smart asserted that In the province we had a double barrelled school system-two sets all round, two superintendents, two boards of education and so on. The cost of this was borne by the people and he believed but one system should exist, (hear, hear), and that it should be conducted under the direct supervision of the government to whom the people could appeal when they desired their grievances redressed. 79 In addition to the unnecessary and unfair burden of taxation borne by Protestant taxpayers, Smart observed that it was the gov­ ernment's position that it was in the interests of the people to have ourschools made national, at least so far as the qualifications of the teachers and the secular course of instruction are concerned.w Smart concluded by affirming that the Greenway government was "prepared to undertake the task of giving in the matter ofconduct of the educational rights to all citizens of the province...."81 46 MITCHELL

Professor Clark has argued that all the Government had announced, prior to McCarthy's speech of August 5, was its intention to replace the dual-structured Board of Education by a Department of Education which would be under the direct supervision of a Cabinet Minister. No more than in Ontario (which had established such a department in 1876)did this involve the abolition of Roman Catholic schools. 82 However, given Smart's strong Ontario Baptist background and the virulence of the attack on Catholic denominational schools in the province, it is hardly possible that Smart would have been disposed to anything less than the creation of a unified system of public, non­ denominational schools. It is clear that a variety of observers, both Catholic and Protestant, took Smart's speech as a clear indication that a radical reform of the province's educational system was intended.P The Manitoba Schools controversy did not descend "out ofa clear sky"84 nor is it accurate to argue that it "arose not from any necessities inherent in the local situation, but from the actions of a demagogue and bigot," D'Alton McCarthy.85 The origins of the controversy grew out of the determination of Manitoba's Ontario-bred population to develop institutions in Manitoba consistent with those they were famil­ iar with in Ontario. The financial difficulties encountered in achieving this objective, insofar as schools were concerned, led to a reassessment of the foundations of public schooling in Manitoba. James Smart's experience as Mayor of Brandon during the financial crisis of 1885, and his familiarity with the fiscal problems of the Protestant school in Brandon convinced him of the need to reform the province's educa­ tional system. The fact that Smart was the main advocate of education reform in the Greenway government is evident from a letter of Joseph Martin to Thomas Greenway, written on 7 August 1889, in which Martin asserted concerning the government's policy on school reform that "... it was Smart who pressed the strongest for it...."86 The continuing sensitivity of new Manitobans to the anti-Cathol­ icism of Ontario Protestantism was also of central importance in pro­ voking the attack on Manitoba's dual school system and in shaping the policy of the Greenway government. Like their Ontario counterparts, Manitoba's Ontario-bred population rejected "separate" schools.s? This attitude was reflected in the legislation introduced by the Green­ way government in the spring of 1890 to create a department of edu­ cation and a system of non-denominational schools modelled on the contemporary School Act of Ontario with the provisions for separate schools omitted. The fact that the initiative taken by Brandon's press and its provincial representative in the Greenway government pro­ voked widespread support for abolition of the denominational school system simply demonstrated that the forces which activated Brandon's Protestant community were active throughout the province by the summer of 1889. FORGING A NEW PROTESTANT ONTARIO 47

NOTES *The author would like to acknowledge the advice and assistance of Dr. W. R. Morrison and Dr. Ken Coates, in the preparation of this paper. 1 Gerald Friesen, The Canadian Prairies:A History (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1984). 2 J. A. Hilts, "The Political Career of Thomas Greenway" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Manitoba, 1974), 221. 3 Census ojManitoba, /885-86, pp. 10-11, 18-19,26-27. 4 See W. L. Morton, Manitoba: A History, 2nd ed., (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1967); Douglas Owram, Promise ojEden: The Canadian Expansionist Movement and the Idea of the West 1856-/900 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1980); D. M. Sprague, "The Manitoba Land Question, 1870-1882," Journal of Canadian Studies 15, no. 3 (Fall 1980); A. A. Roscoe, "The Manitoba Act in Transition, 1870-1896:The Transformation of Manitoba's Political, Cultural Institutions" (unpublished M.A. thesis, University of Mani­ toba, 1968). 5 Brandon Mail, 27 January 1883. 6 Brandon Sun, 3 January 1884. The WCTU was created in the United States in 1874. One of the first Canadian Unions was formed in Picton, Ontario, in 1875. See H. M. Sheehan, "Temperance, Education and the W.C.T.U. in Alberta, 1905-1930," The Journal ofEduca­ tional Thought 14, no. 2 (August 1980). 7 Brandon Sun, 30 January 1884. 8 Clifford Sifton's father, J. W. Sifton had been associated with the Ontario Sons of Tem­ perance since 1852. It is likely that he founded the Brandon organization following his arrival in the city in 1881.See D. J. Hall, "The Political Career of Clifford Sifton 1896-1905"(unpub­ lished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Toronto, 1973), 4-5. 9 Minute Book ofthe Young Men's Christian Association of Brandon, 4 November 1886. 10 Murray G. Ross, The ~M.C.A. in Canada (Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1951), 149-50. 11 The Protestant school was consistently referred to as Brandon's "Public School" by both the Brandon Mail and the Brandon Sun. See Brandon Mail 4 April 1883; 23 December 1883; Brandon Sun 2 February 1884;8 May 1884. As well the Annals ofthe Sisters Faithful Com­ panions ofJesus consistently refer to the Protestant school as the "public school." 12 Like those of other nineteenth century commercial centres in Canada, Brandon's "better classes" were composed of craftsmen, merchants, professionals, public employees, and suc­ cessful farmers. See discussion of class in nineteenth century communities in Neil Sutherland, Children in English Canadian Society: Framing the Twentieth Century Consensus (Toronto and Buffalo: University of Toronto Press, 1976), 14-15. The Brandon Protestant School Board of 1883included Chairman William Winter, a grocer; J. F. Woodworth, merchant and realtor; W. J. White, journalist and proprietor of the Bran­ don Sun; Thomas Lockhart, agent for the Manitoba and Northwest Loan Company; Dr. Alex Fleming, medical doctor; Reverend J. Ferries, Presbyterian minister; Charles Pilling, hotel operator; James A. Deacon, realtor and merchant; and J. A. Johnston, realtor and cattle dealer. 13 The Story of Manitoba, vol. III (Winnipeg: The S. J. Clarke Publishing Company, 1913), 347-49. 14 Brandon Protestant School Board Minute Book, 1 March 1883. 15 Report ofthe Superintendent ofProtestant Schools ofManitoba 1881, p. 2. 16 The Story of Manitoba, Vol. II (Winnipeg: The S. J. Clarke Publishing Company, 1913), 189-90. 17 Brandon Mail, 3 February 1883 18 Fora discussion of the development of Ontario schools see Michael Katz and Paul Mattingly, eds., Education and Social Change: Themes from Ontario's Past (New York: New York University Press, 1975);Alison Prentice, The School Promoters: Education and Social Class in Mid- Nineteenth Century Upper Canada (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1977);Robert Stamp, The Schools ofOntario /876-/976 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1982);N. McDonald and Alf Charton, eds., Egerton Ryerson and His Times (Toronto: Macmillan, 1978);R. D. Gedney and Darcy Lawr, "Egerton Ryerson and the Origin of the Ontario Sun­ day Schools," Canadian Historical Review 60, no. 4 (1979). 19 Census ofManitoba /885-/886, pp. 10-11. 20 P. J. O'Sullivan, By Steps, Not Leaps: St. Augustine of Canterbury Parish, /88/-/89/ (Brandon: Inter-Collegiate Press, 1981), 5. 21 Ibid., 5 48 MITCHELL

22 Ibid., 5 23 Ibid., 5 24 Annals ofthe Sisters Faithful Companions ofJesus St. Anne 1883. The order of the Faithful Companions of Jesus was "founded in France by a French lady, born Marie Madeleine Victoire de Bengy, widow of Anatole Joseph De Bonnault and known in religious life as Madame de Houet. The first Convent was opened in Amiens, France, in 1820. The first Con­ vent of the Faithful Companions of Jesus outside France was founded in London in 1830, the year of the Catholic Emancipation Act in England...." From a letter from Sister Teresa, FCJ to Mr. P. J. O'Sullivan, 19 September 1979, in possession of author. 25 Brandon Sun, 18 January 1884. 26 Annals ofthe Sisters Faithful Companions ofJesus, 1882. 27 Martin Kavanagh, The Assiniboine Basin (Surrey, England: The Gresham Press, 1966), 116. 28 Brandon Mail, 16 April 1883 29 Martin Kavanagh, The Assiniboine Basin, 214. 30 Annals ofthe Sisters Faithful Companions ofJesus, 1884. 31 Ibid. 32 Brandon Protestant School Board Minute Book, 6 May 1884. 33 Brandon Sun, 12 August 1886. 34 Ibid., 18 January 1884. 35 Ibid. 36 Ibid. 37 Report ofthe Superintendent ofProtestant Schools ofManitoba, 1886, p. 19. 38 Brandon Public School Board Minute Book, 23 June 1885. 39 Report ofthe Superintendent ofProtestant Schools ofManitoba, 1886, p. 15. 40 Ibid. 41 Ibid., p. 62. 42 Brandon Protestant School Board Minute Book, 24 October 1885. 43 Ibid., 23 June 1885. 44 Brandon Mail, 2 July 1885. 45 Beecham Trotter, A Horseman and the West (Toronto: The Macmillan Company of Canada, 1925),193. 46 Brandon Sun, 2 December 1886. 47 Ibid., 18 October 1886. 48 Ibid., 18 January 1884. 49 Annals ofthe Sisters Faithful Companions ofJesus, 1886. 50 Ibid., 1887. 51 Ibid., 1887. 52 Brandon Sun, 16 June 1887. 53 Annals ofthe Sisters Faithful Companions ofJesus, 1887. 54 Brandon Sun, 7 July 1887. See Mason Wade, The French Canadians /760-/967 (Toronto: Macmillan, 1968), 390, for a detailed description of Chiniguy's career. 55 Brandon Mail, 7 June 1887 56 Annals ofthe Sisters Faithful Companions ofJesus, 1887. 57 Ibid. 58 In a letter to Mr. P. J. O'Sullivan dated 1June 1977 a member of the Faithful Companions of Jesus observed, on the basis of conversation with a sister who had served in Brandon, that in addition to the withdrawal of students this episode also resulted in "... harrassment and insulting words [being] hurled at sisters when they were on their way to school or out shop­ ping." 59 Brandon Mail, 1 March 1888. 60 P. J. O'Sullivan, By Steps, Not Leaps, 7. 61 ~.L. Morton, Manitoba: A History, 222. 62 Ibid., 233. 63 J. A. Hilts, "The Political Career of Thomas Greenway," 195. 64 Ibid., 196. 65 Martin Kavanagh, The Assiniboine Basin, 230. 66 Brandon Mail, 11 April 1889 67 Brandon Sun, 12 May 1889 68 Ibid., 16 May 1889 69 Ibid., 30 May 1889 FORGING A NEW PROTESTANT ONTARIO 49

70 Ibid. 71 Ibid. 72 Ibid., 20 June 1889 73 Ibid., 11July 1889 74 Brandon Mail, 4 July 1889 75 Brandon Mail, 11 July 1889 76 Ibid., 18July 1889 77 J. A. Hilts, "The Political Career of Thomas Greenway," 201. 78 Brandon Sun, 8 August 1889 79 Ibid. 80 Ibid. 81 Ibid. 82 J. A. Hilts, "The Political Career of Thomas Greenway," 206. 83 See J. R. Miller, "D'Alton McCarthy, Equal Rights, and the Origins of the Manitoba School Question," Canadian Historical Review 54, no. 4 (December 1973):389-90, for a description of the reaction to Smart's speeches in Souris and Clearwater. 84 J.W. Dafoe, Clifford Sifton in Relation to His Times (Toronto: Macmillan, 1931),36. 85 L. C. Clark, ed., The Manitoba School Question: Majority Rule or Minority Rights? (Toronto: Copp Clark, 1968), 4. 86 J. A. Hilts, "The Political Career of Thomas Greenway," 212. 87 As early as 1847 the Executive Committee of the Canada Baptist Union had formally peti­ tioned against financial support to sectarian educational institutions. In 1857 the Synod of the Presbyterian Church issued a formal statement opposing financial support for schools designed only for Roman Catholics. By the 1860sAnglican support for tax-supported sepa­ rate schools waned in reaction to the fear that "continued demand for separate schools would disrupt the common school system having won the day." Report ofthe Royal Commission on Education in Ontario, 1950(Toronto: The King's Printer), 887-88. The quotation is from p.887.

51

Some Aspects of Technology and Leisure in Alberta, 1914-1950 Donald G. Wetherell Research Consultant Edmonton

ABSTRACT. This article reviews the evolution of leisure activities in Alberta in the early decades of the twentieth century. The advent of radio, movies and the automobile were to create perma­ nent changes in the recreational and social lives of Albertans. The film industry, dominated by American interests, was subjected to government censorship in order to protect local values. Radio, a technological innovation which could be controlled by the family, and which was used by the Social Credit government to expound its religious and political doctrines, was viewed more favourably than the film industry. The automobile revolutionized transportation patterns, frequently to the detriment of existing leisure facilities in smaller urban and rural areas. How­ ever, the economic benefits of greater mobility served to mitigate criticism of the automobile. A combination of economic, political and moral factors shaped the response to the impact of modern technology on leisure and social life in Alberta.

RESUME. Cet article examine l'evolution des activites de loisirs en Alberta durant les premieres decennies du vingtieme siecle. L'avenement de la radio, du cinema et de l'automobile devait entrainer des changements permanents dans la vie sociale et recreative des Albertains. Le gouvernement de l'Alberta soumit l'industrie cinematographique, dominee par des interets americains, it. la censure afin de proteger les valeurs morales. Par contre, les gouvernants avaient moins de reserves quant it. la radio, une innovation technologique qui pouvait etre controlee par la famille, qu'ils utiliserent d'ailleurs pourexposer leurs doctrines religieuses et politiques. L'auto­ mobile revolutionna les modeles de deplacements, souvent au detriment des equipements recre­ atifs existant dans les regions rurales et les plus petites villes. Neanrnoins, les avantages econom­ iques tires de cette grande mobilite des gens attenuerent les critiques portees contre l'automobile. Ce fut done une combinaison de facteurs economiques, politiques et moraux qui determina la reponse it. l'impact qu'eut la technologie mod erne sur les loisirs et la vie sociale en Alberta.

The history of recreation in the first half of the twentieth century in Alberta has generally been dominated by a popular view that focusses on the image of a poor but happy people. This mythology .holds that life was harsh and economically difficult, yet that it was enlivened by a community-based recreation and social life that compensated for the hardships. But the reasons for studying recrea­ tion or, more broadly, the leisure time activities available to Albertans during the first halfofthe twentieth century, lie well beyond the image ofa marginalized but fun-loving people. Within the past three decades, the history of leisure activity has been accepted as a significant part of cultural and social history. Studies such as those of Peter Bailey and J. H. Plumb have provided important insights into the history of eighteenth and nineteenth century British society" The value of these studies also lies in their articulation that leisure and recreation were integral to and even primary factors in a number of social issues. The same pattern can be seen in Alberta where leisure activity was often the focus of a number of social, economic and political issues. In Alberta before the end of World War II, the social dimensions of leisure were based upon widely accepted views about behaviour 52 WETHERELL and character formation and the place of the home in social organ­ ization. These concerns interlocked with twentieth century com­ municationsand transportation technology to create new recreational opportunities or to alter established ones drastically. Film and radio were two examples of new forms of recreation that arose because of twentieth century communications technology. Transportation also must be seen as part of this revolution in communications for it too changed leisure activities by broadening accessibility to certain activi­ ties, by transforming others, and even by creating new recreational opportunities. These new and changing recreational opportunities were criticized or supported within the framework of provincial eco­ nomic and political priorities and socioeconomic interests. As such, recreation did not mirror its society; rather it was integral to the matrix of provincial cultural history. George Lewis has observed, in the wider but generally applicable context of popular culture, that the character­ ization of popular culture as a mirror of the society is "too simplistic, too vulnerable" because such an analysis does not "point to a way to discover the social and psychological concerns culture reflects."2 The same observation applies equally to the narrower but related issue of leisure activity. Broadly, leisure activities in Alberta were included in a number of issues concerning what was called "modern civilization" even as late as the 1930s.On the one hand modern civilization posed a threat to social stability, yet on the other hand, it also presented opportunities for the enrichment of life. At its core, "modernism" meant the machinery of the twentieth century, especially that relating to the areas of transpor­ tation and communications. This machinery changed leisure activities by providing new forms of recreation and also by increasing individual mobility. Its impact was varied but the public reaction to it rested upon widely held assumptions about the operation of society. But because the technology itself was considered to be passive, the concern rarely focussed upon the machinery. Instead, it focussed upon preserving, or enriching, the basis of the social order. The fundamental problem arose because some of these new and technologically-conditioned activities represented a challenge to ac­ cepted social authority embodied in the home and family. Moreover, and of special importance in an agricultural society, it was feared that modernism represented an implicit criticism and denial of the virtues of a rural life. Yet, it was believed that the society could use some of the modern phenomena to its own advantage if it chose to do so. This picture was further complicated because the new technology rapidly created new economic interests and opportunities within the province which helped to precondition public attitudes towards the new leisure activities. Crucial to these matters were the accepted beliefs about how and SOME ASPECTS OF TECHNOLOGY AND LEISURE IN ALBERTA 53 why people behaved as they did. To generalize, it was believed that character formation resulted primarily from environmental influences. It was accepted that character was formed, for good or bad, during childhood. Character was formed not simply through instruction and discipline, however, but also through example, precedent, and imita­ tion. This attitude created a deep and unquestioned division between childhood and adulthood; children needed protection, guidance and, above all, they needed structures in their lives that would mould and form their character in the proper way.' Adults, too, needed proper structures in their lives in order to prevent the lapse of their childhood socialization. Of crucial impor­ tance was the home. Here the child was socialized and provided with models of good behaviour by his or her parents. Such responsibilities, in turn, impressed parents with the need for stability and diligence at work and exemplary behaviour and self-discipline; all of which would provide their children with the proper models of behaviour. Such an approach neatly solved both the problem of controlling and socializing children and of keeping adults' responsibilities squarely before them. The home was thus the central social institution but it was comple­ mented and reinforced, at least in theory, by institutions such as the church, the public school system and the neighbourhood community. In school, children were taught rudimentary academic skills and the socialization that they received at home was also confirmed. The church, by adding divine justification, often served to further comple­ ment these forces of socialization and social stability. The community provided a social framework for daily life and it also reinforced stan­ dards of behaviour through informal enforcement of commonly accepted standards of conduct. In Alberta, the whole complex of social institutions operated in a largely rural society. The majority of the provincial population lived in small towns or on farms, and this rural base was often said to be one of the strengths of Alberta society. The pragmatic, common-sense life on farms and the social networks of rural community life contrasted sharply with the evils and anonymity of urban and industrial life. Accordingly, there was a twofold objective behind state social policy in Alberta: the preservation of rural communities and the reinforcement and support of the home, school and church as the primary agencies of social stability. In the twentieth century, these concerns increasingly involved modern technology. For example, in the case of movies, public control was necessary in order to preserve local social values from the precepts and models of behaviour shown in films. In other cases, such as ·those of radio and transportation, the new machinery and methods could be used to confirm the basic.values of the society. Movies were among the most potentially damaging forces in the developing technology. By the mid-1920s motion pictures had devel- 54 WETHERELL

oped to a point where their style and format would be recognizable to modern movie goers. Most films shown in Alberta were made in the United States and American domination ofAlberta movie screens was confirmed when sound pictures began commercial production in the United States in 1926. For a society which believed that imitation was a powerful determinant of human behaviour, the movie represented a powerful social force. Acco-rdingly, it was necessary to control movies in order to ensure their "integrity ... as we protect the integrity of our churches" and the quality of .movies was to be developed "as we develop the qualities of our schools."4 This "protection" took two forms in Alberta. Censorship and classification were used and both precisely illustrate the prevalent behaviourist reaction in Alberta to modern technology. The province began censoring films in 1913. At the beginning, censorship was relatively informal but by the early 1920s it had become systematic. By 1920 the province was censoring all 35mm films enter­ ing the province. The standards used in this censorship were flexible but, usually, violence and sex figured as the most prominent targets of censorship.' Since the medium was almost entirely visual up to 1928 when the first talkie was shown in Alberta, censorship was relatively simple-either the offending scenes were cut or the whole film was banned. Sound films, however, presented new problems for censorship since the language had to be censored as well. The censors argued that sound made movies an even more powerful force and thus further justified the need for censorship. Thus the censors were careful in their attention to both the actual words and to the nuances and double meanings.s The complete banning of films continued. In 1932 the censor observed that censorship in Alberta aimed to "eliminate as far as possible" those things that "flaunt our laws" and which would by "direct scene or statement or by suggestion, influence people to immorality or wrong doing."? The basic problem was that movies made in the United States did not support Alberta values because they were made for the "larger and sophisticated audiences of the great American cities" rather than the "smallertowns and rural communities of Alberta where families constitute the largest part" of the audience. Consequently, censorship in Alberta was forced to go "further" than in many other parts of North America." In some cases, a whole genre of films was banned. In 1932 the Calgary Board ofTrade demanded that all gangster movies be banned in Alberta because they "glorified" crime and corrupted youth. The merchants had specific fears and advocated the banning of gangster movies in "the interests ofbusiness in general and for the protection of the business man." Alberta businessmen would then never "be sub­ jected to racketeer and gangster terrorism."9 On direction from his SOME ASPECTS OF TECHNOLOGY AND LEISURE IN ALBERTA 55 political "superiors,"!" the censor complied with the demands. Clearly, social order in Alberta could be preserved, in this case at least, through simple expedients. In the same fashion, the government hoped to inculcate respect for the North West Mounted Police and for the church by banning derogatory depictions of both institutions. II Others felt that loyalty to the Crown would be strengthened if cinemas were encouraged to show a patriotic trailer with a picture of the King and to play the anthem at the end of the performance. 12 Of more direct importance in ensuring loyalty, however, was the censoring of propaganda whether "Ameri­ can"13 or "communist" in nature. The issue of "communist" movies first arose in 1924 when a Russian "political propaganda" film was bannedt- and arose again in 1946-47 when the province extended censorship to 16mm films in order to prevent the showing of what it termed communist propaganda films. Through censorship of 16mm films, the provincial government reportedly intended to "eliminate communist thought from Alberta-shown movies."15 Political censorship, of course, had implications beyond mere behaviourist ideas but, generally, the behaviourist criticism of films remained dominant. Accordingly, the admissibility of children to movies, not surprisingly, became an issue. Before 1927, films shown in Alberta were not classified as to their appropriateness for children. However, reform groups like the Canadian Council of Child and Family Welfare were concerned about the impact of movies on chil­ dren. During the 1920s the Council published lists of movies that par­ ents could, without fear, send their children to see."This system, how­ ever, was not comprehensive enough and the Calgary Branch of the Council demanded that the province institute a compulsory classifica­ tion system that would prevent unsupervised children from attending unsuitable movies. The province complied in early 1928. 17 Thus, after 1928, unaccompanied children under the age offourteen could attend only news films or movies that had been classified as "Passed D." To see any other movie, the child had to be accompanied by a parent or a bona fide guardian. 18 Classification was an attempt to mitigate possible evils resulting from modern, mass-produced recreation. Yet it was a system that was nearly impossible to police. It created a recurring and insoluble prob­ lem for the Censor Board because there were continual complaints that children were getting into adult films through various subterfuges and tricks. 19 But even if the system was not wholly effective, it did repre­ sent an attempt to control mass communications directly. This effort, however, created an age distinction in a recreational activity where no such distinction had been present before. The hardening of lines be­ tween adult and children's entertainment flowed directly and perhaps inevitably from the behaviourist reaction to mass communications, 56 WETHERELL

and the problem, once formulated, could be solved only by the state. Parental control had obviously been deemed ineffective in this case and, as a result, compulsory state regulation was adopted. Of related importance to censorship and the problem that most movies were foreign-made was the fact that film distribution, where major profits in the industry were made, was also controlled by foreign interests.w Increasingly.too, cinemas themselves were foreign-owned; by the mid-1930s Famous Players enjoyed a near monopoly owner­ ship ofcinemas in Calgary and elsewhere.s! The film industry was thus "big business"; profit-oriented, amoral and foreign-controlled. More­ over, it drained capital from the province. In this connection the Dep­ utyProvincial Secretary made the unsavoury but revealing comment that the profits earned by.the film exchanges left "the country for the benefit of the Yankee Jew interests'w-s-a clear expression of the film industry's isolation from local economic and social structures. Con­ sequently, the film industry was more vulnerable to criticism than would have been the case if it had been a major employer or if it had had major Alberta or Canadian ownership. The reaction to radio, the other great development in communica­ tions technology, provides a contrast to the reaction generated by movies. While radio programmes were also often commercially mass­ produced in the United States, the same opprobrium rarely attached to them as it did to similarly produced films. Obviously, the visual dimen­ sion offilm was crucial in qualifying it as a more powerful psychologi­ cal force. But equally important was the fact that radio was an example of "modern civilization" that could be controlled through the tradi­ tional social agency of the family: almost everyone who listened to radio did so at home. Moreover, radio producers seem to have been more cognizant oftheir wider audience than were film producers who produced films for a narrower, more clearly defined and more profita­ ble urban American market. Also important was the fact that almost all radio stations in Alberta were locally-owned and thus became local defenders of the radio industry. Moreover, Social Credit widely used radio for political-religious broadcasting; a use that must have given legitimacy to the argument that radio was a "family" medium. By 1922 Edmonton and Calgary both had radio stations. But it is clear that during the 1920s radio was largely a novelty in Alberta even though it was the topic of much discussion in the province. By 1931 only 17 percent of Alberta farm households had radios.P During the 1930s the number of radios increased dramatically and by 1941 72 percent of rural households and 89 percent of urban households had radios.>' Nevertheless, the 1940s were the most important for radio. Francis Martin of station CJCJ in Calgary recalled that "it wasn't until the 1940s that radio really started to move" in Western Canada. He saw the war as the catalyst of this change; people's eagerness for SOME ASPECTS OF TECHNOLOGY AND LEISURE IN ALBERTA 57

Front of Capitol Theatre, with "If Winter Comes," 2 November 1923

Children listening to radio, Calgary 1920s, Red Cross programme 58 WETHERELL war news kept them "glued to their sets for the latest news from the front, and they developed habits of listening that stayed 'with them. "25 From its inception, radio was seen as a positive social force. Indeed, it was sometimes cited as evidence that technology could preserve and intensify traditional values and relationships. Thus, mod­ ern technology, rather than presenting a challenge to those values, was said to confirm them. It was argued, for example, that radio would preserve the family farm because it alleviated rural isolation and made farm life more attractive.w Such popular notions were widely used by radio manufacturers who claimed that radio was "the new heart of the home" because in this day when the mad rush for pleasure tends to scatter families-when the home is in danger of losing its sacred meaning ... a new influence has come into the lives of people, an influence that will make the home once more a place where desire for pleasure and entertainment may be fully gratified. This influence is radio.?? ' The advertisers' rhetoric seems to have been an accurate representation of popular thinking. However, the value of radio was not limited to popular entertainment but extended to educational considerations as well. In 1930, E. A. Corbett, Director of Extension at the University of Alberta, looked forward to the time when it would be possible by means of radio to "place within reach of everyone who cares to listen, courses that will, in full, be equivalent to a course at the University."28 Others hoped that it would create a taste for classical music, serious drama and good books, and that it would raise the quality of enter­ tainment demanded by the people of Alberta. Despite such hopes, radio programming in Alberta was dom­ inated by mass-appeal shows produced in the United States. By 1936it was clear that Canadian listeners had "grown accustomed to the highly expensive broadcasts produced in the United States and regard these as a normal standard of entertainment."29 Yet the dominance of Amer­ ican tastes in entertainment seems to have raised little popular concern in Alberta. True, the creation of the CRBC in 1932,and its replacement in 1936 with the CBC, had partly countered American dominance of Canadian radio broadcasting. Most parts of the province could receive CRBC and, later, CBC programming through affiliated local sta­ tions.P However, while the CBC produced a great number of notable Canadian programmes, especially in the area of-radio drama, it relied in the main upon popular American-produced programmes to draw its audience. The prime hours of CBC broadcasting from 1936to 1939,for example, were almost totally taken up with American programmes.!' By the mid-1940s it was becoming clear that radio had indeed ushered in a new age. Just as in the case of the movie industry, however, it was one in which commercial considerations were dominant. Ameri­ can programmes dominated Alberta airwaves, and public taste had SOME ASPECTS OF TECHNOLOGY AND LEISURE IN ALBERTA 59 shown an alarming responsiveness to form rather than content. As G. R. A. Rice, one of the fathers of radio broadcasting in Alberta, observed in 1948, "it is an established fact that most people will listen to anything that is well done, but few if any, will listen to anything poorly done."32 What "well done" meant, of course, was American broad­ casting format-slick, highly commercialized, technically advanced programming in which quality of content was secondary to the quality of the technical and structural format." This American domination was reflective ofpopular demand and of the power of advertisers. The latter were especially important for private stations but the CBC also kept its eye firmly upon advertisers' wishes; a fact made necessary by government underfunding of the Corporation. In 1942, for example, the Manager of the University of Alb-erta radio station observed somewhat bitterly and regretfully that the policy of the CBC has always been subservient to the interests of the advertiser and the station owner who insist on the highest possible audience and the greatest volume of sales. It is a matter of common knowledge that the largest audiences as indicated by surveys and "box top" returns are for programmes which are purely enter­ tainment or whose educational content is either very low or even negative. Examples are Fibber Magee and Lux Radio Hour for entertainment and the soap operas for the "box top" returns.P Yet radio, despite its commercialization and its foreign content, was never criticized or censored in the way that movies were. The focus of radio continued to be tied to the home, which no doubt provided people with at least the illusion that they could directly control and, if need be, counter its impact. As well, radio provided relatively cheap entertainment and helped to dispel the boredom and isolation of winter with laughter, drama, music, documentary pro­ grammes and religious and political broadcasts. The latter program­ ming, while not dominant, also provided, together with news, weather and commodity reports, a utilitarianjustification for radio that movies could rarely achieve. Moreover, because of extensive local and Cana­ dian control of radio stations in Alberta, criticism was perhaps mit­ igated through local interest groups. Because broadcasting was wholly within federal jurisdiction, it could also be suggested that provincial interference in broadcasting was limited by constitutional factors. However, it must be recognized that, traditionally, Alberta had no hesitation in challenging areas of federal jurisdiction; provincial demands for banking and tariff reform, for example, were not lessened because those concerns lay outside the province's ambit. Doubtless, the province would have demanded reform of broadcasting had it felt that such reform was warranted. Radio, like movies, was a new leisure activity dependent on tech­ nological change. Of equal importance in this technological revolution were changes in transportation, notably the expansion of the rail 60 WETHERELL system and the widespread adoption of the use of automobiles. In the years before 1920 trains were the only practical means of long-distance travel in Alberta. Before 1905 there were only 1,060 miles of railway in Alberta" but in the next ten years the rail system expanded rapidly with the construction of two additional transcontinental lines, as well as provincial lines such as the Edmonton, Dunvegan and B.C. systems. After 1912, construction of branch lines throughout the province proceeded rapidly.w with the result that the province was served by a comprehensive rail system by 1920. By the time the railwayreached almost all of the settled parts of the province, the nature of personal transportation was already chang­ ing because of the advent of the automobile. The first car in Alberta was reported at High River in 1903.37 By 1918 there were 65,101 autos, trucks and taxis in Alberta." By 1941 about 42 percent of households in Calgary and 38 percent in Edmonton had an automobile.t? But the increase in automobile ownership was most spectacular in rural areas. In 1921, about 23 percent of farm families in Alberta owned a car or truckr'? by 1931 the figure stood at about 42 per.cent, and by 1947 it stood at about 90 percent." Transportation, especially in rural areas, had thus been revolutionized within the space of three decades. The higher proportion of vehicles in rural areas was doubtless related to the fact that a truck could meet economic as well as personal transporta­ tion needs. Also important was the fact that transportation in rural areas was more difficult because rural people lacked public transit systems and inter-city railways and buses. Furthermore, ownership of vehicles in rural areas may have been greater because farmers could more easily finance such a purchase, being more highly capitalized than were most urban people. For rural Alberta, the car held out the promise of levelling the broad differences between urban and rural standards of living. This was especially so in terms of leisure activities and it was observed in 1917 that the car was already "removing the greatest evil of prairie life-isolation-and [by] promoting social intercourse, is making life on the farm less monotonous."42 Thus, like radio, the automobile was one key to the preservation of rural life. It is clear that the automobile did indeed make rural life easier and more pleasant. Despite horrible road conditions and the mechanical limitations of vehicles which restricted mobility, Albertans began to move in an unprecedented manner about the province and their par­ ticular communities. While urban people were able to take pleasure in greater mobility as well, the change was particularly welcome for rural people. Indeed, rural recreational life soon became dependent upon automobiles. In 1933 one of the regular columnists of TheUFA noted that it had become fashionable to "deplore" and "be superior about our SOME ASPECTS OF TECHNOLOGY AND LEISURE IN ALBERTA 61 modern inventions." And while she agreed that such criticism was often justified, it nevertheless failed to recognize the facts of rural life for As I heard one speaker commenting on the depression and remarking that we were not able to have the cars and the radios and the telephones we formerly had ... we were finding [that] we could put on ... plays ourselves [but] I thought to myself that probably very few had been put on without a goodly number of telephone messages or ... a car gathering the members together unless they lived in the city and could resort to the street cars." Modern transportation was also important because trains and road travel made it possible for recreational programmes to be brought into communities which previously had been unable to attract such events. Examples of this phenomenon included midways, circuses, chautauquas, road shows and vaudeville programmes. The two activi­ ties most consistently and extensively provided throughout the whole province were midways at summer fairs and chautauquas. Chautauqua was an important form of entertainment and was one of the outstanding features of summer and fall recreational life in many Alberta communities from 1917 until 1934. Essentially, chautauqua was a high quality travelling variety show which presented lectures, music, dance troupes, comedians and plays among its many features. The chautauqua travelled widely throughout the province and in 1927, for example, it visited fifty-eight Alberta towns.v' Therefore, it not only touched the lives of people in the cities and large towns of the province, but reached people in many smaller communities as well. The chautauqua was premised upon rail and road transport. Because tents were used for its performances, it avoided a problem common to many small communities-the lack of buildings suitable for large public events. The chautauqua had used cars from the begin­ ning, although the tents and other equipment were often carried by rail. While rail transport was thus important, road travel became increasingly vital because the "use of cars greatly increased the mobil­ ity of Chautauqua people and made possible the booking of more isolated towns, remote from raillines."45 In a similar fashion, the transportation networks aided the mount­ ing of relatively elaborate midways at country and urban fairs. The midway generally travelled by rail in the years before World War II. It was clearly recognized that only rail transport could accommodate the large territory, complex booking arrangements, and large midway equipment that made it economically feasible for midway companies to service the sparsely-settled region. Moreover, this fact meant that many small fairs could afford a midway because, in combination with other prairie fair boards, the total cost of a circuit could be reduced. Certainly, in the early years of the century, the Calgary and Edmonton fairs had hired relatively expensive midway attractions for their fairs. 62 WETHERELL

The Calgary Exhibition Association, for example, had spent one-third of its total budget for music and stage attractions in 1910.46 But such lavishness was impossible for fairs in small towns. The midways and stage performers travelled by rail because only train service could guarantee arrivals for engagements. In 1930, for example, Circuit 2 of the Western Fairs hired the Conklin and Garrett midway show rather than the Merrill Troupe from Indiana. Conklin used rail transportation while the Merrill Troupe used cars and trucks which made the latter "too risky ... in case of wet weather and the long jumps between fairs."47 While modern transportation facilities meant that some fairs could now provide an attractive imported show, it also meant that they faced increased competition from the Calgary and Edmonton Exhibi­ tions. Although it was common for people before 1920to take advan­ tage of the excursion rates offered by the trains in conjunction with the large fairs," the automobile had a greater impact in making the large urban fairs a part of Alberta life. And in part, easier transportation meant that many small town fairs collapsed during the 1920s. In 1931 the Alberta Minister of Agriculture, George Hoadley, observed that the "advent of the automobile makes it easier to go to the larger centres and farmers have consequently lost interest in the smaller fairs."49 Such mobility was manifested across society, particularly in the recreational activities of hunting and holidaying. Hunting had always been a popular male recreational activity and hunters were willing to travel and endure hardships in pursuit of game. Nevertheless, it is apparent that at the turn ofthe century most hunting was done close to home. However, by the end of World War 1, conditions began to change dramatically. The population of the province was now more . mobile and trains initially served to make much of the province acces­ sible. In 1921 it was noted that the spread of settlement "followed by the inevitable railways [is] making all parts of the province accessible to gunners."50 But even more important was the automobile. During the 19208 car club magazines such as Good Roads, which was pub­ lished in Edmonton, featured hunting and fishing articles in nearly every issue, a good indication that a major part of the recreational opportunities provided by cars involved these articles. This increase in hunting, along with changes in land use, helped to accelerate the depletion of game. The changes wrought by transporta­ tion are clearly expressed in the pictorial images of hunting. The trophy photograph was an established part of amateur photography by the turn of the century, but by the 1920s these pictures had firmly integrated the car into the image of hunting. The animals or birds carefully decorating the car announced the unequivocal marriage of two great modern symbols of power: the machine and the related ability to kill quickly, efficiently and even wantonly. SOME ASPECTS OF TECHNOLOGY AND LEISURE IN ALBERTA 63

Hunting was never depicted as a "family" activity, but many other aspects of recreational activity made possible by cars were viewed in this way. While formal holidays were impossible for the majority of the population until well after World War II, this did not preclude short visits to a nearby lake, resort or a special event such as a fair. Not only could people travel more widely because of their cars, they could also camp and hence lessen the cost of overnight travel. By 1922, for example, both the Calgary and Edmonton Exhibitions provided campgrounds for "motoring parties" where a tent could be pitched beside the car. As well, these campgroundsfeatured a kitchen, running water and a rental office where campers could rent tents, straw mat­ tresses and cots. 51 Banff provides an example of a resort area that experienced continual expansion during the twentieth century largely because of mass transportation. Well before World War I the park was attracting a large number of visitors, all of whom came by train. Cars were not allowed inside the park boundary until 1917.52 The park boomed during the 1920s, and an increasing number of Albertans now drove to Banff, often for a day or the weekend. In 1928 a total of 65,141 cars passed through Kananaskis Gate both eastbound and westbound. A selective count during the months of July to September showed that of the 1,181 vehicles in the sample, 1,031 were from Alberta.v In the 1930s, Brewsters started a scheduled bus service from Calgary to the park and by 1940 their operation was capable of handling 1,500 passengers a day.>' The increased use of Banff was not an isolated phenomenon, and during the 1920s people travelled by car not only to exotic places like Banff but more frequently to a nearby lake for the day or weekend. In part, camping became a more attractive pastime because camping equipment became lighter and easier to handle.t' Of greater impor­ tance was the increased mobility created by the use of cars and by 1929 most people in the province had access to a lake or resort. Sylvan Lake near Red Deer, and Rochon Sands on Buffalo Lake, illustrate this change. Rochon Sands was largely a creation of the 1920s and by 1929 it boasted sixty cottages, a wharf and a dance hall. The resort was used heavily because it served the Stettler, Drumheller and Hanna areas and drew motorists from as far north as Camrose and as far east as the Saskatchewan border. It was noted in 1930 that Drumheller was "not very close to a summer resort or watering place" and so people from Drumheller drove to Rochon Sands." Sylvan Lake developed even more rapidly. By the late 1930s Sylvan Lake was one of the most popular resorts in the province. It was ideally located to draw vacationers from Red Deer and, because it was only one hundred miles from both Edmonton and Calgary, it drew 64 WETHERELL

visitors from the two large urban centres as well. In the 1920s visitors came by train and car. In 1924·a new and larger station was built at the resort to handle the increased traffic. In 1929 the road to the resort was gravelled and the parking areas at the resort were enlarged, both reflecting the increased demands ofmotorists.57 This was a far cry from the thrice weekly "stage line" that had serviced the lake in 1907.58 All of the recreational opportunities made available by modern transportation were fundamental to recreational and social life in the province, but they had a much wider impact as well. The train and, especially, the car helped to widen the definition of community to the point where many social institutions in local districts suffered. During the 1940s rural community halls began to close because they could not compete with entertainment provided in the towns. By the late 1940s at Spirit Valley, for example, the rural hall was rarely used and then only for privately-sponsored functions such as wedding receptions. The decline of the hall as a community centre resulted directly from better transportation; people now drove to the village of Spirit River for dances because Spirit River could afford to hire a "better orchestra."59 In this process, the older community boundaries were replaced with wider ones. This process, however, had begun long before the post-war years. In 1930, for instance, it was observed that in the Peace River country it was becoming common for rural groups, such as the United Farmers of Alberta, "to meet in the village centre ... and the result is the breaking up ofthe older neighbourhood groups" and the creation of a new and larger farm-village community.w It is clear that the automobile had a major impact on life in Alberta in the years between the wars. Yet the changes that it brought were almost never criticized. The hold of the car upon the popular imagination was so powerful that it could not be challenged. As well, the car was at this time firmly rooted in the family structure and motoring was clearly defined as a "family" activity. When this fact was combined with the realization that cars made life easier, any criticism of the impact of the automobile was mitigated. But cars were also bound into economic considerations and there were powerful groups in the province that saw their own interests being advanced through the development of modern transportation systems. Cars and trains both earned wide public support because of the economic importance that such transportation systems provided in a province with a dispersed population and a resource-based economy. The economic benefits generated by construction of roads and the sale, repair and upkeep of cars deepened and widened the support for automotive transportation. For example, between 1905 and 1920 the provincial government spent $12.6 million on road construction and improvement in Alberta, an amount representing a major contribution to the provincial econ­ orny.s' Road development soon became tied to local economic growth. SOME ASPECTS OF TECHNOLOGY AND LEISURE IN ALBERTA 65

Edmonton, for example, demanded that the highway between Edmon­ ton and Jasper be improved so that Edmonton could benefit economi­ cally by becoming the focus, just as Calgary was for Banff, of tourist traffic to the mountains.s? Edmonton's position was not unique; indeed many Alberta communities, especially those in the mountain and foothill areas, demanded highway improvement in order to entice American tourists whose expenditures would rebound to their eco­ nomic benefit.v' Leisure activities in the first half of the twentieth century in Alberta produced a complex reaction that was partly formulated within traditional views about social stability and behaviour. These views were frequently framed within the context of a largely rural society which was facing unprecedented change with the development of modern communications and transportation technology.. But the reaction was also influenced by economic and political objectives. The contrast in attitudes shown towards radio and movies provides a key to unravelling this reaction. The movie industry was frequently seen as parasitic-an industry that drained capital from the province and ignored local moral standards. Since film was largely a branch-plant operation which was a minor employer, the characterization of the movie as a moral threat could be made easily without alienating locally powerful interest groups. Radio, on the other hand, had a political legitimacy in the province because most radio stations were locally­ owned and radio communications were an important part of the province's economic, political and religious life. When these factors were combined with the fact that radio was "home" leisure activity, radio's legitimacy was confirmed. In a similar fashion, local interests and behaviourist notions could be combined to mitigate any criticism of the impact of modern transportation on the society. And even though modern transportation was reshaping the face of social life in the province, these changes seem to have been accepted as an inevitable part of modernization. Accordingly, a broad mix of economic, politi­ cal and theoretical factors in provincial life united to shape the response to the impact of modern technology on leisure and social life in Alberta.

NOTES 1 J. H. Plumb, "The Commercialization of Leisure," in Neil McKendrick, John Brewer and J. H. Plumb, The Birth ofa Consumer Society: The Commercialization ofEighteenth Cen­ tury England (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1982),265-85; Peter Bailey, Leisure and Classand Victorian England: National Recreation andthe Contestfor Control (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1.978). 2 G. H. Lewis, "Between Consciousness and Existence: Popular Culture and the Sociological Imagination," Journal ofPopular Culture 15, no. 4:81. 3 A. Prentice, The School Promoters: Education and Social Class in Mid-Nineteenth Century Upper Canada (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1977), 25-44. 4 Provincial Archives of Alberta, Premiers' Papers (hereafter cited as PAA.PP.), File 364, H. Douglas, "The Motion Picture in Education," 1922. 66 WETHERELL

5 PAA.PP. File 364, Classification of Features Condemned, [1923]. See also, T. Chapman, "Film Censorship in Lethbridge, 1918-1920," Alberta History (Winter 1985): 1-9. 6 Provincial Archives of Alberta (hereafter cited as PAA.) 73.347/37, Moving Picture Censor­ ship in Alberta, n.d. 7 PAA. PP. File 366, Reply to Communication from the Calgary Board of Trade Re Censorship [June 1932]. 8 PAA. 73.347/37, Pearson to Wingate, 30 December 1932. 9 PAA.PP. File 366, Calgary Board of Trade, Extract from Members' Letter Re Law and Order, 2 June 1932. 10 PAA. 73.347/28, Pearson to Cooper, 22 July 1935. II See PAA.PP. File 364, Films Censored and Passed, 1921 and 1922, and Ibid., Minutes of Annual Meeting of the Association of Provincial Censor Boards ... 18 September 1922. 12 Ibid., File 190, Pearson to Brownlee, 31 January 1934. 13 Ibid., File 366, Pearson to Brownlee, 3 March 1930. The censorship of "American" propa­ ganda was a common concern in Canadian film censorship. The problem led to demands that more British films be shown in Canadian cinemas and that a Canadian film industry be developed. P. Berton, Hollywood's Canada: The Americanization of Our National Image (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1975) provides some information on this issue. A better analysis however is P. Morris, Embattled Shadows. A History ofCanadian Cinema, 1895­ 1939 (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1978). 14 Ibid., File 364, Brownlee to Greenfield, 5 December 1924. 15 Edmonton Journal, 20 February 1946. 16 PAA. 73.347/47, Canadian Council of Child and Family Welfare, "Motion Pictures the Family Will Like," 1934. 17 PAA.PP. File 365, Petition by Calgary Council on Child Welfare, 13 January 1927. 18 Ibid., File 862, Circular Letter, 15 May 1935. "Passed U" meant "universal exhibition." 19 See for example, PAA. 73.347/37, Rothwell to Pearson, 18 February 1935. 20 PAA.PP. File 366, Pearson to Brownlee, 3 March 1930. 21 Ibid., File 362, Letter to Brownlee, 25 November 1933. 22 Ibid., File 364, Trowbridge to Brownlee, 27 October 1926. The concern about the film industry as "big business" was also present in Saskatchewan. See D. Bocking, "The Sas­ katchewan Board of Film Censors," Saskatchewan History (Spring 1971): 52. 23 Canada, Census ofCanada, 1931, Table 21, p. 672. 24 Ibid., 1941, Table 85, p. 847. 25 B. McNeil and M. Wolfe, Signing On: The Birth ofRadio in Canada (Toronto: Doubleday, 1982), 155. 26 Farm and Ranch Review, 10 August 1925. 27 Ibid., 25 September 1924 (advertisement). 28 The Press Bulletin, 26 December 1930. 29 PAA.PP. File 1193, "Radio Broadcasting in Canada. A BriefPresented by the Association of Canadian Advertisers to the Parliamentary Committee on Radio-1936," 11. 30 CRBC programming in Alberta was carried through CJCA in Edmonton and CFCN in Calgary. In 1935 the majority of CJCA's Sunday broadcasting was from the CRBC. See PAA.PP File 1161, Carson to Aberhart, 16 October 1935. The CBC continued these affilia­ tions until 1948 when it established CBX in Edmonton. Ibid., File 1872, Rice to Manning, 30 September 1948. 31 McNeil and Wolfe, Signing On, 17. 32 PAA.PP. File 1872, Rice to Manning, 30 September 1948. 33 McNeil and Wolfe, Signing On, 265-69. 34 University of Alberta Archives, 74-23-5, Cameron to Parlee, 13 October 1942. 35 Cecil Blackburn, "The Development of Sports in Alberta, 1900-1918" (Master's thesis, University of Alberta, 1974), 450. 36 James G. MacGregor, A History ofAlberta, 2nd ed., (Edmonton: Hurtig, 1981), 202. 37 Ibid., 180. 38 Ibid., 250. 39 Census ofCanada, 1931, Table 100, p. 858. 40 Ibid., 1921, p. xxxvi. 41 M. A. MacNaughton and M. E. Andal, "Changes in Farm Family Living in Three Areas of the Prairie Provinces, From 1942-43 to 1947" (Ottawa: Department of Agriculture Publica­ tion 815. 1949),33. SOME ASPECTS OF TECHNOLOGY AND LEISURE IN ALBERTA 67

42 D. MacGregor, ed., The Alberta Club Woman's Blue Book (Calgary: Albertan Job Print, 1917),43. 43 The UFA, 1 June 1933. 44 PAA.PP. File 359, Evans to Reid, 1 February 1928. 45 S. Jameson, Chautauqua in Canada (Calga-ry: Glenbow-Alberta Institute, 1979), 98. 46 Farm and Ranch Review, 20 October 1910. 47 Glenbow-Alberta Institute Archives, BR.A278, File 13,Minutes, Meeting held in Moose Jaw, 7 March 1930. 48 Camrose Canadian, 15 September 1910. 49 PAA. 73.307/20/244, Hoadley to Wilson, 21 December 1931. 50 The Press Bulletin, 18 February 192I. 51 Red Deer Advocate, I July 1922. 52 PAA.PP. File 604, "Facts Relating to Proposed Trackway, Calgary to Banff," [1930], p. 5. 53 Loc. cit. 54 Ibid., File 894, Duke to Fallow, 4 April 1940. 55 G. Wall and R. Wallis, "Camping for Fun; A Brief History of Camping in North America" in G. Wall and R. Wallis, Recreational Land Use: Perspectives on its Evolution in Canada (Ottawa: Carleton University Press, 1982). 56 PAA.PP. File 319A, Mackay to Brownlee, 18February 1930. 57 Red Deer Advocate, 4 April 1924, and PAA.PP.File 319A, Alberta Parks Committee to Brownlee, 28 July 1930, and Brownlee to Webber, 28 July 1930. 58 Red Deer Advocate, 14 June 1907. 59 PAA. 76.517/4, Edey to Registrar of Companies, 24 September 1951. 60 C. A. Dawson and R. W. Murchie, The Settlement ofthe Peace River Country, A Study ofa Pioneer Area (Toronto: Macmillan Co., 1934)~ 225. 61 PAA.PP. File 294A, Expenditures on Roads, Bridges and Ferries, 23 August 1921. 62 Ibid., File 1418,Submission of the Jasper Park Development Committee ... ," 1946. 63 See for example PAA.PP. File 294A, Greenfield to Thomas, 23 July 1923 and ibid., File 295A, Card to Brownlee, 20 January 1927.

69

Alberta Social Credit Reappraised: The Radical Character of the Early Social Credit Movement Alvin Finkel Athabasca University

ABSTRACT. This article challenges the conventional view of the Social Credit party in Alberta as a right-wing populist movement founded to save free enterprise. William Aberhart, the party's founder, employed both socialist and conservative economic theories, while many Social Credit candidates at the provincial and national levels were elected with the acknowledged support of socialists and Communists. Social Credit only gradually rejected government interference in the economy. The transformation in the party's political and economic philosophy was completed after Aberhart's death and the ascension of the anti-socialist Ernest Manning in 1943.The party which had attracted to its ranks workers and farmers who held a variety of reformist views became attached to the financial establishment so thoroughly that it rewrote its history to make it appear that Social Credit had always stood for rigid free-enterprise principles.

RESUME. Cet article remet en question l'opinion traditionnellement acceptee que Ie parti du Credit Social de l'Alberta fut un mouvement populiste de droite fonde dans le but de sauvegarder l'entreprise privee. D'une part, William Aberhart, le fondateur de ce parti, utilisa des theories economiques socialistes et conservatrices. D'autre part, de nombreux candidats creditistes au niveau provincial et national furent elus avec l'appui de socialistes et de communistes. Ce n'est que graduellement que Ie parti du Credit Social rejetta Ie concept de l'intervention gouvernementale dans l'econornie. Cette transformation de leur philosophie politique et economique fut pleine­ ment accomplie en 1943 apres la mort d'Aberhart, par la prise de pouvoir de l'anti-socialiste, Ernest Manning. Ce parti qui avait jusqu'alors attire des fermiers et des travailleurs tenant une variete d'opinions reformistes, se lia si intensement au monde des finances qu'il reecrivit son histoire pour donner l'impression que le Credit Social avait toujours soutenu de rigides principes de l'entreprise privee,

When Orvis Kennedy resigned in 1982 as president of the collaps­ ing Alberta wing of the Social Credit party, the ancient party warrior reminded Albertans that the party had been founded to "save free enterprise" during the depths of the Great Depression of the 1930s.1 Such a view of the party's origins was shared by the aged handfuls of party faithful who had remained with the party for five decades, and had watched sadly as the party failed to recruit younger members after World War 11 2 and finally fell from power in 1971. Historians, concen­ trating largely on the implausible monetary theories of the party founders, have also largely accepted the view that Social Credit was, from the beginning, a right-wing populist movement hostile to government economic intervention except with regards to the evil bankers.> In fact, however, Kennedy, the retrospective free-enterpriser, secured a parliamentary seat (Edmonton East) in 1937 with the acknowledged aid of Communist campaign workers." And many early Social Crediters were at best ambivalent on the question of socialism versus free enterprise. An examination ofthe behaviour of the party in its early years, and of the first Aberhart government, demonstrates 70 FINKEL considerable openness on the part of early Social Crediters to govern­ ment inverventions ofvarious kinds outside the field ofbanking. What follows is an analysis of the early Social Credit movement which de-emphasizes the well-documentedparty discussions regarding the banks, and concentrates on the attitudes and prescriptions ofthe party and government on broader economic and social issues. It also assesses the views of the opponents of Social Credit and notes that their fears of Aberhart and his colleagues went well beyond concerns for the fate of the bank branches in Alberta-whose safety from Aberhart's clutches had been established by the courts before the end of Aberhart's first term in office.> The Social Credit party, which swept the provincial elections of 1935, had enrolled over thirty thousand members before the election was called.« Yet the Alberta Social Credit League had made the deci­ sion to enter the electoral arena only six months previously.' Before then, the League had spent its time organizing social credit clubs and lobbying the provincial government to implement William Aberhart's schemes. Aberhart, as all historians of Social Credit agree, dominated the Alberta movement despite his inability to comprehend the intrica­ cies of Major C. H. Douglas's social credit theory." Aberhart, a radio evangelist with a loyal following, and a Calgary high school principal, became the symbol of the struggle to secure a more just social order. His correspondence shows him to be what his detractors claimed: a vain, authoritarian, short-tempered man whose oratorical abilities far exceeded his intellectual capacities." Aberhart was, however, also deeply distressed by the poverty and hopelessness which surrounded him and genuinely committed to seeking solutions to Depression conditions.t? While he remained convinced to his death that public control over the financial system was the key to ending poverty, he proved willing at least to consider other options as it became clear that only the federal government had the constitutional authority to regu­ late banks and currency. Aberhart and his followers did not commit themselves to a thor­ ough criticism ofthe capitalist system such as the Co-operative Com­ monwealth Federation (CCF) had made in the Regina Manifestoof 1933. But the early party avoided attacks on the manifesto and on the CCF, preferring to paint banks rather than socialists as the enemies of prosperity. In part, this can be explained by the lack of a socialist threat in Alberta. Despite Kennedy's protestations that Social Credit was needed to save free enterprise in Alberta, the political forces of social­ ism in the province were weak at the time Social Credit decided to transform itself into an electoral party. While the United Farmers of Alberta organization (UFA) had affiliated with the CCF, the provin­ cial UFA government took little notice and governed indistinguishably from a Conservative or Liberal government. Because of the affiliated ALBERTA SOCIAL CREDIT REAPPRAISED 71 character of the CCF organization, no attempt was made to establish a new organization composed ofUFA members and others who rejected the orthodox economic policies pursued by the provincial government. The provincial Labour party was avowedly socialist, but it lacked organization outside of the two major cities and some of the mining districts; by 1935 it was, in any event, on the decline. II The CCF's weakness was not the sole reason why both that party in particular and socialism in general were not attacked by Social Credit. The Social Credit leaders and members were ambivalent about market-based economics and, before the early forties, did not reject out-of-hand notions of a planned economy or even of public owner­ ship. They did not embrace state planning and public ownership as central doctrines as the CCF did; "funny money"-government­ printed-and-distributed "social dividends" meant to boost purchasing power-provided the party's fundamental platform. But Social Cred­ iters also toyed with CCF doctrines. Aberhart's Social Credit Manual, which was widely distributed throughout the province during the 1935provincial election, reflected his party's confusion about the extent to which the state should be involved in economic life. The manual's opening comments indicated that the party rejected the traditional views of political economists that the marketplace rather than the state must act as the guarantor of economic justice. The party's "basic premise," it claimed, was that: It is the duty of the State through its Government to organize its economic structure in such a way that no bona fide citizen, man, woman, or child shall be allowed to suffer the lack of the base [sic] necessities of food, clothing, and shelter, in the midst of plenty or abundance. 12 The state, it argued, should not confiscate the wealth of the rich and distribute it to the poor. Party doctrine recognized individual enterprise and ownership, but the party also believed the state must outlaw "wildcat exploitation of the consumer through the medium of enormously excessive spreads in price for the purpose of giving exorbi­ tant profits or paying high dividends on pyramids of watered stock."!' It could prevent such exploitation by systematically controlling prices "for all goods and services used in the province" and fixing minimum and maximum wages for each type of worker. 14 This was hardly a prescription for saving a market-based free enterprise economy, though it substituted state regulation of pricing for the socialist solu­ tion of state control of industry. Aberhart's proposals were riddled with contradictions. Though he proclaimed that Social Credit would not take from the rich to give to the poor, he also promised that a Social Credit government would "limit the income of the citizens to a certain maximum" because "no one should be allowed to have an income that is greater than he himself and his loved ones can possibly enjoy, to the privation of his fellow 72 FINKEL citizens."15 While he insisted that Social Credit recognized individual enterprise, he promised to break up the large oil companies' control of the oil industry and to allow new entrants into the field. 16 On the whole, then, Social Credit anticipated using the state as a lever to restore a smallholders' democracy. It was less interested in free enterprise-indeed it was hostile to the market system-than it was in a wide dispersion of business ownership. While Aberhart's rhetoric against capitalists was relatively moderate, he appropriated the CCF's phrase, "fifty big shots," to describe the country's ruling economic clique.'? Some ofhis supporters were more strident. The Social Credit Chronicle, the party's official journal, editorialized in September 1934: How many of these capitalistic lions will support Social Credit? Not one of them. How many of them will try and obstruct the bringing in of Social Credit principles? Everyone of them.... They know that if ever Social Credit is adopted in Alberta it will only be the beginning of a new era, it will be the overthrow of their power.... Let the supporters of Social Credit stand firm on this issue, let Alberta take the lead in showing the country that the people have broken away from the old yoke of the capitalistic system. 18 The capitalists did indeed try to obstruct Social Credit's progress. Their attack was led by the boards oftrade in Calgary and Edmonton. Before the provincial election of 1935, the boards had decided that businessmen should set up an organization whose sole purpose was to oppose Aberhart's social credit movement. As J. H. Hanna, secretary of the Calgary Board of Trade, commented to his counterpart in Drumheller, direct opposition by boards of trade to Social Credit would be regarded with suspicion because "those who take so readily to such schemes as Social Credit look upon our organization as having the capitalistic viewpoint."!" But the founding of the Economic Safety League by the businessmen was unsubtle and it is unlikely that many were deceived that this was a broadly-based organization.t? Nor were the businessmen deceived about public feeling towards them. Com­ menting on the election results, Hanna observed: We should keep in mind that the majority of the people who support these new and radical plans blame the so-called capitalist class for their troubles and are prejudiced against Boards of Trade because they believe they are the servants of the capital class and are not interested in the welfare of the people generally." From the businessmen's point of view, then,Social Credit was hardly the saviour of free enterprise which Orvis Kennedy retrospec­ tively claimed it was intended to be. Nevertheless, Hanna noted that many small retailers who had kept their opinions to themselves during the election openly applauded the Aberhart victory. To some extent the division of business opinion on Social Credit was between big and small business, between successful operations and those forced to the wall by Depression conditions. But organized business as a whole opposed Social Credit from the beginning and only relented in the 1940s when Aberhart abandoned the reformist plans which his ALBERTA SOCIAL CREDIT REAPPRAISED 73 government and party embraced during the Depression. The opposi­ tion was not restricted to the boards of trade in the two large cities. The boards in smaller towns such as Drumheller, Stettler, and Medicine Hat went on record in opposition to Aberhart's plans during the election of 1935 despite the professed non-partisanship of boards of trade.F In general, Social Credit attracted the support of the poor and was rejected by the better-off. In Claresholm, for example, the president of a men's club in which businessmen predominated observed: We are composed of a membership of about 75, perhaps 60 being businessmen or associated in a business or profession and perhaps 15 being farmers, retired farmers, etc. I think 75 per cent are opposed to Social Credit including myself and all our executive. Among the affiliated legion members, many of whom are in poor condition financially the percentage of those supporting Social Credit would be considerably greater. There are I think four merchants, one lawyer, one dentist and one medical man here supporting Social Credit. 23 During its first term in office, Social Credit appeared uncertain about how far it wished to go to implement election promises in the face of implacable opposition from most of the provincial economic elite as well as local elites in most rural areas. Aberhart's procrastina­ tion with regards to banking legislation and the promised social div­ idends of twenty-five dollars per adult per month have been well­ documented.e' So have the government's broken promises to treat the unemployed with greater humanity than the United Farmers of Alberta government had demonstrated.v Nevertheless, from the start, business found much to be alarmed about in Social Credit actions and their fears seemed to grow throughout Social Credit's first term. The first session of the legislature under Aberhart opened early in 1936 and passed several pieces of legislation that were denounced as "fascist" as well as "socialist" by the Calgary Board of Trade, which was not known for precision in its use of either term. Among the offending items of legislation were male minimum wages (minimums for women had existed since 1920), compulsory membership of teachers in the Alberta Teachers' Association, motor vehicle licences for all drivers, and legislation restricting various trades to licensed individuals." While male minimum wages and restricted entry into trades offended employers, they won the government considerable support among workers. The unions, we shall see, were largely hostile to the Social Credit administration during its first term; but, unlike the business groups, their objection was that Social Credit was doing too little for the province's workers. The businessmen feared not only Social Credit's legislation but the government's intentions regarding legislation already passed by the United Farmers of Alberta administration, especially the Department of Trade and Industry Act of 1934. This act allowed businessmen in a particular industry, whether in manufacturing, wholesaling or retail- 74 FINKEL ing of a product, to combine to write a "code of fair practice" for the industry, which could include price-fixing and the setting of produc­ tion quotas; the code regulations would be enforced by the govern­ ment.?? While the legislation proved generally attractive to small busi­ nessmen, it was greeted with hostility by large retailers and wholesalers who claimed that it would keep small, inefficient firms afloat at the expense of the consumer. While the UFA, which had unsuccessfully attempted to win consensus for codes before imposing them, had implemented few, Social Credit proved more daring. Within a year of taking office, it had established codes for retailers, wholesalers, and a variety of service industries. These codes included price schedules, hours of work for employees, hours of operation for firms, and pro­ scriptions against such practices as offering loss leaders. They were warmly greeted by small business and attacked by large firms who claimed correctly that they made the government, rather than the marketplace, the arbiter of prices and business practices." The opposition to "codes" was mild in comparison to the opposi­ tion to the Licensing of Trades and Industry Act passed in October 1937. The act gave the Minister of Trade and Industry sweeping powers to determine who could operate a business in the province. The minister could "provide for the registration ofall persons engaged in or employed in any business or any description or class thereof so desig­ nated and prohibit the carrying on of that business or the engagement in that business ofany person who is required to be licensed and who is not so licensed."29 The minister could impose whatever license fees he regarded as appropriate for firms in particular industries and could prohibit licensed firms from engaging in operations other than those which they had been authorized to perform. A license could be can­ celled if a firm or individual contravened more than once the Depart­ ment of Trade and Industry Act, one of the Minimum Wage Acts, the Hours of Work Act, or the Tradesmen's Qualification Act. Stiff fines would be imposed against violators of the Act's provisions. Predictably, boards of trade, in which the small businessmen who supported Social Credit appear to have lacked influence, unanimously opposed the legislation. So did the provincial branch of the Canadian Manufacturers' Association.w A legal challenge to the Licensing Act, launched by a Calgary automobile dealer with financial aid from boards oftrade,31 stalled the government. The Honourable Mr. Justice Howson, who had been leader of the provincial Liberal party during the 1935 provincial elec­ tion, ruled in favour of the dealer because the Attorney General's department had made technical mistakes in its drafting of the legisla­ tion.F So the legislation was re-drafted and reintroduced; a second appeal by the car dealer was dismissed by a justice of the Alberta ALBERTA SOCIAL CREDIT REAPPRAISED 75

'Supreme Court. The federal government had rejected business pleas that the legislation be disallowed." The government meanwhile had fulfilled the business communi­ ty's worst fears by giving itselfthe absolute right to broadly regulate all industries. A Provincial Marketing Board was established in 1939with the power: to buy and sell and deal in any goods, wares, merchandise and natural products, or any of them whatsoever, either by wholesale or by retail, or both by wholesale and retail, and to act as a broker, factor or agent for any person in the acquisition or disposition of any goods, wares, merchandise or natural products, and for the purpose to do and transact all acts and things which a natural person engaged in a general mercantile business had the capacity or the power to transact.> The Board was also given the sweeping power "to engage in any or all of the following businesses, namely manufacturing, producing, processing, handling or distributing of any goods, wares, merchandise or natural products," and in the process, "to acquire by purchase or otherwise any land or any other property required by the Provincial Board for the purpose of or incidental to any such business." The Edmonton Chamber of Commerce warned ominously: The full exercise of such powers will transform Alberta into a corporative state; the partial exercise without any safeguards which do not appear in the bill, will endanger democratic freedom and private enterprise, and discourage invest­ ment in all lines of industry." The frustration of the government's efforts to restore prosperity by monetary tinkering had led to a reawakening of its interest in the "just price" and the result was a piece of legislation which would have enabled a socialist government to nationalize and operate any industry it wished. Social Credit preferred to leave businesses under private ownership, but despite its later professions of total opposition to public ownership and regulation, it was prepared in the late thirties to consider a giant leap to the left, as the Marketing Act demonstrates. Government officials had at least toyed with the idea of establishing a complete enough control over industry to yield the funds needed to provide the chimerical social dividends that had proved so alluring to the electorate in 1935. Alfred W. Farmilo, the secretary-treasurer of the Alberta Federa­ tion of Labour, recorded notes of a meeting in July 1937 with the powerful emissaries to Alberta of Major C. H. Douglas, the founder of Social Credit. Both G. F. Powell, and L. D. Byrne were interested in finding ways that the government could secure the funds to begin paying social dividends. He [Powell] then said do you not think productive industry could be controlled in a manner similar to the pools and cooperatives. We then discussed the possibility of the Province of [sic] setting up an institution similar to the Savings Department into which the flow of currency or money 76 FINKEL

might be diverted through the control of industry. Powell looked over to Byrne, and asked if he had considered this phase and the answer was in the affirmative. It would therefore be as well to keep in mind that the treasury department may eventually be used along. these lines." Byrne and Powell and some ofthe Social Credit MLAs, however, were devotees of Douglas and their views at any given time shifted as the views of the unstable founder of Social Credit shifted." One can over-emphasize the extent to which the Social Credit government leaned towards interventionist solutions in its first term of office. Certainly, however, there were enough statements made and actions taken to justify the anxieties of the business community that an anti­ capitalist government was in charge of Alberta's affairs. Within the party at large, socialist and left-wing reformist views were certainly influential. Historians have over-stated the extent to which devotion to Aberhart and the simplistic lure of the twenty-five dollar social dividends attracted members to Social Credit." An analy­ sis of the resolutions of provincial conventions of the party, and of local Social Credit clubs indicates that party members sought reforms beyond simplistic monetary experiments promised by Aberhart; and municipal alliances with Communists and CCFers demonstrated the rank-and-file feeling that Social Credit's natural allies were the collec­ tivist parties rather than the free-enterprise parties. State medicine, which would be viciously denounced by Social Credit from the mid­ forties onwards, was part of the platform approved by the convention of the Social Credit League in 1935 that sanctioned the League's entry into the electoral arena'? Every convention from 1937 to 1940 reaf­ firmed the party's commitment to prepaid coverage of medical and hospital bills for all citizens. The 1938 convention, for example, resolved "that we request the Government to immediately formulate a scheme of state medicine and hospitalization and state insurance to cover time lost while sick."40 Provincial Social Credit conventions from 1937 to 1940 also called for free enterprise textbooks in Alberta schools, producers' marketing boards, the eight-hour day in industry, and direct and generous relief for single men on relief (as an alternative to soup kitchens and bed tickets for bunkhousesl." The 1940 convention also endorsed a resolution on war profiteering that paralleled CCF resolu­ tions on the issue. The resolution said party members: are opposed to profiteering out of the sale of armaments and also opposed to profiteering out of the sale of foodstuffs, clothing and the necessities of life. Be it therefore resolved that conscription of capital and finance must precede any other form of conscription that the exigencies of war may make." Many local constituency groups went beyond the resolutions of the provincial conventions to call for government initiation and opera­ tion of manufacturing firms to put the unemployed back to work and for government ownership of the petroleum and hydro-electric indus- ALBERTA SOCIAL CREDIT REAPPRAISED 77 tries.v' Such resolutions usually came from Social Credit clubs in the cities and in the mining areas where Communist influence among Social Credit members was pronounced. Communist influence led to the formation of a number ofelectoral united fronts at the municipal, provincial and federal levels from 1936to 1939. The Communists, who had initially denounced the Social Credit movement as "fascist,"44 were aware that a considerable number of unemployed individuals who had joined Communist-led unemployed groups had also joined the Social Credit party. It feared that strident denunciations of Social Credit would alienate these individuals and ruin the party's long-term chances of exposing Social Credit as a fraud and then recruiting Aberhart's former supporters." Rank-and-file Social Crediters proved friendly to the Communist embrace, though Aberhart did not. The Lethbridge constituency organization, dominated by the unemployed.w declined to nominate a joint federal candidate with the Communists only after pressure from senior party officials." The Crowsnest Pass Social Credit groups, which included many miners, worked closely with the local Com­ munists." It was in the two major cities, however, that close Com­ munist-Social Credit links caused Aberhart the greatest concern. In 1936, the Social Crediters of Edmonton agreed to a Communist plan for ajoint nomination of "progressive forces" in a city-wide provincial by-election, and the candidate chosen by a joint Communist-Social Credit meeting was Margaret Crang, a left-wing Labour alderman. Crang was expelled from the Labour party and the CCF for accepting the nomination and the CCF candidate polled enough votes to deprive her of a victory." But a united front of Communists and Social Crediters in the municipal elections of 1936 convinced some Labour­ ites that the progressive vote was being unnecessarily divided between two groups. They cooperated with the Social Credit-Communist alliance in Edmonton and Calgary in municipal elections in 1937, but afterwards returned to their former go-it-alone policy.v Communists, however, worked in front groups with Social Crediters for another two years, and a Communist alderman, Patrick Lenihan, was elected in Calgary in 1938with Social Credit votes. 51 Orvis Kennedy's election in a federal by-election in 1937 on the Social Credit ticket resulted from a joint Social Credit-Communist campaign.v Aberhart made clear to the Calgary Social Crediters that he opposed their political alliances and their municipal platform. He wrote Ethel Baker, secretary-treasurer of the Calgary provincial con­ stituency association (Calgary and Edmonton both formed single con­ stituencies with five seats each), to register his disapproval of the platform which Social Credit had approved in 1938 in conjunction with its Communist friends. The platform pledged, for example, "to help and develop trade unionism in every way in the City of Calgary." 78 FINKEL

Commented Aberhart: "This is a pure labour plank to which Social Credit could not wholly subscribe. The beliefs of trade unions are not altogether in harmony with the program of Social Credit." To the platform call for a "humanizing of relief rates and relief rules; clothing allowance to be increased," Aberhart retorted: "This will give the person who supports it very great difficulty in carrying it out."53 The Calgary Social Crediters, however, ignored Aberhart's misgivings and stuck to this platform during the municipal election.>' The willingness of urban members of Social Credit to support policies that went beyond the official monetary panaceas that were the original raison d'etre of the party demonstrates the fluid character of radical thought in Alberta. Many individuals had joined the Social Credit League because they regarded Aberhart as a champion of the underdog; but they remained open to influences that suggested mone­ tary reform was insufficient to make the economic system work for the poor. As we saw earlier, some actions of the Aberhart government indicated that its members also recognized the need for other reforms if only because a constitutional straight-jacket inhibited them from mak­ ing monetary adjustments. Rural members of Social Credit, like their urban counterparts, supported non-monetary reforms and at times made alliances with socialists and Communists. As noted earlier, party conventions had supported producer-controlled marketing boards. Social Crediters were also behind the establishment of the Alberta's Farmers' Union (AFU), a rival to the United Farmers of Alberta. The AFU manifesto adopted by the founding convention in 1939 announced that the organization intended to: initiate a policy of direct action in the way of non-buying of machinery strike; and the non-delivery of grain strike.... In other words to adopt the same methods as the organized labourers, and withhold our production from the industrial set-up the way they withhold their services from the industrial con­ cerns for whom they work, and a definite, direct way of protest against the lowering of their living standards.55 Such a stance reflected a far more militant posture than the UFA adopted. Many Social Credit farmers regarded the UFA as too cau­ tious and objected to its leadership's continuous stream of anti-Social Credit rhetoric. 56 The AFU's early leadership included a large contin­ gent of east Europeans and many of the early members were sympathetic to Communism as well as Social Credit. 57 Their views on the efficacy of militancy in obtaining results were reminiscent of the attitudes of the Communist-led Farmers' Unity League in the early thirties. While Aberhart did not share rank-and-file willingness to unite Social Credit with other reformist elements, some Social Credit leaders viewed positively the possibilities of an alliance with the CCF. E. G. Hansell, the secretary of the federal Social Credit caucus, wrote Aber- ALBERTA SOCIAL CREDIT REAPPRAISED 79 hart in March 1939, of the caucus's interest in including the CCF within a coalition for the upcoming federal election for which Social Credit had already made an alliance with W. D. Herridge's New Democracy movement." The CCF, however, proved as unwilling as Aberhart to form such an alliance. Indeed, the philosophical underpinnings of the CCF and Social Credit and even more so ofthe Communists and Social Credit were so different that alliances between them were, not surprisingly, short­ lived. But the rank-and-file of Social Credit were generally uncon­ cerned about philosophical differences between their party and social­ ist parties; they wanted unity against the "big shots" whom they believed were oppressing them and appeared littleconcerned about the discrepancies between socialist theory and Douglas's monetary reform ideas. Party rivalries, in the end, as much as philosophical differences, prevented unity among the anti-establishment parties in Alberta. The Communists largely abandoned united-front politics when they proved unable to win significant support outside their own ranks for Canadian neutrality in World War II (a position they set aside when the Soviet Union was invaded in June 1941).59 The CCF leadership meanwhile was dominated by provincial labour leaders who regarded Aberhart as hostile to unionism and wished to see him deposed.w Labour interest­ ingly was as suspicious of the. Social Credit regime as business­ though the post-Aberhart period demonstrated that it was only labour that had legitimate long-term fears about Social Credit's aims.s' Labour's attack on the Aberhart movement however had always had contradictory threads. On the one hand, the leaders ofthe Alberta Federation ofLabour charged that Aberhart's announced intention to control the banks and currency in the province had scared away investorsw-s-a charge also made by organized business.s- On the other hand, as leading members ofthe socialist CCF, the same labour leaders denounced Social Credit for not having nationalized the hydro-electric and petroleum industries.s- hardly moves that would have endeared a government to investors. The labour leaders' main reason for opposing Social Credit, however, was fear that Social Credit's policy of estab­ lishing wages by government decree would destroy collective bargain­ ing and trade unionism.w Aberhart had ignored the question of the role of trade unions in his discussions of wage-setting and thereby contributed to labour fears. 66 His government did pass several pieces oflegislation which labour had requested, most notably legislation establishing collective bargain­ ing contracts as legal contracts.67 But the premier, short-tempered with all opponents, proved particularly cantankerous to the labour lead­ ers 68 who had been accustomed to friendly relations with the UFA administration from 1921 to 1935.69 80 FINKEL

Despite the labour leaders' close alliance with the CCF in the provincial election of 1940, Social Credit retained the loyalty of most workers and farmers who had turned against the old-line parties. As People's Weekly, the unofficial CCF organ, conceded, "the progressive voters of the province are remaining loyal to the government they elected in 1935."70 The days when the left-wing parties and even the old-line parties could attack Social Credit as a small-c conservative party were still in the future. Indeed, the old-line party supporters were sufficiently determined to overthrow Social Credit to unite in so-called "People's Leagues" that nominated a single anti-Social Credit candidate for each con­ stituency. The unity on the right produced a close contest in the popular vote though Social Credit retained a comfortable majority of legislative seats." The losers were not especially gracious. A year later the boards of trade of the two major cities were still condemning the Alberta administration as hostile to the private sector. The secretary of the Calgary Board of Trade wrote: "it is evident that the Government's interpretation of social credit is merely one of an autocratic state socialism."72 The secretary of the Edmonton Board of Trade added uncharitably: You may wonder how such a Government was re-elected but you must take into account that we have a very large foreign population that will believe anything and is responsible for this result. Even a rudimentary knowledge of economics and monetary science will demonstrate the infeasibility of such fatuous poli­ cies." The premier's response was characteristically strident: It is unfortunate and yet not surprising that the organizations from whom the attacks originated have been consistently and bitterly opposed to any movement of social or economic reform. Dependent as they are, however, upon the good will of the banking institutions and subject to the undemocratic control of the present money system, their attitude is not unexpected." Fifteen years later, these organizations were among the most vocal supporters of the Social Credit government led by Ernest Man­ ning, William Aberhart's protege and his successor as premier. The Edmonton Chamber of Commerce, for example, praised government policies in a submission to the Board of Industrial Relations in 1956: The prosperous condition of the province is, in large measure, due to the fact that the Government and the Boards of Government have supported free enterprise, and have followed the positive policy of the minimum of interference with business." Clearly, circumstances had changed. Social Credit had become the free enterprise party which Kennedy wrongly claims it had been all along. What had caused the change? Historians who have concen­ trated on Social Credit's monetary fixations have had little difficulty with this question. From their point of view, once the courts had ruled out the possibility of provincial tinkering with monetary policies, ALBERTA SOCIAL CREDIT REAPPRAISED 81

Social Credit was prevented from taking action in the one area where social credit doctrine proposed radicalinterference in the free market." As we have seen, however, Alberta Social Crediters, including both rank-and-file and some leaders, had an eclectic approach to economic reform that did not limit them to seeking monetary changes. So, some explanation is required of why these people turned from reformers into reactionaries. In part, the answer lies in a change in the character of the party from 1935to 1943, the year when Aberhart died and was succeeded by Manning. In 1935, the party was a broadly-based and growing organ­ ization of about 30,000 members. Its membership peaked at almost 41,000 in 1937, but in 1942 it registered only 3,500 members. Member­ ship was so low in 1943 that the Social Credit League decided against holding the annual convention and instead simply held a conference open to all League members." In part, the League's loss of over 90 percent of its 1937 membership can be seen as a reflection of better economic times; just as the majority of the UFA's 38,000 members in 1921had retreated from politics as prosperity returned;" many early Social Credit activists abandoned politics as their individual economic situations improved. But the slide in party membership had begun in 1938, when party membership dropped by half despite a continuation of Depression conditions." That drop was partially the result of the disillusionment that set in when it became clear that the courts would not allow the provincial government to carry out its promised mone­ tary reforms. It was also, no doubt, a reaction to the government's unwillingness to brook criticism from the Social Credit groups. Aber­ hart's letters in response to criticism from party groups were as tactless as his responses to criticisms from other sources. It is unlikely that members remained after being told by Aberhart: I am very surprised at anyone calling himselfa social crediter who appears to be so far out of touch with what the government is doing or attempting to do that a letter like the one referred to should be written.w Alberta's Social Credit League, as C. B. Macpherson has noted, gave unusual power to its leader, including the right to choose candidates (constituencies drew up a list of five names, from which Aberhart and a hand-picked board chose a candidate). Although the Social Credit clubs and constituency organizations as well as provin­ cial conventions made constant attempts to influence government policy, Aberhart proved alooffrom the organizations whose existence had been spawned by his rhetoric. Increasingly, what had been a broadly-based secular reformist party became the political home of the Douglas dogmatists and of fundamentalist Christians who supported Social Credit less because of specific policies than because of the party's leadership by radio evangelists, that is Aberhart and Man­ ning. 81 With the purge of the evangelical Douglasites in the late forties 82 FINKEL because of their professed anti-Sernitism.s? Manning's control of the party and government was unchallenged. When Manning took over the party and government, the party was no longer a mass party and Manning reasoned shrewdly that the government could be re-elected by stressing its good administrative record rather than by embarking on a new anti-establishment course that would rekindle the initial populist spark that had put the party in office. Profoundly conservative himself, Manning was, like his prede­ cessor, a religious man whose entry into politics had not altered his fundamental otherworldliness.v He assumed not only Aberhart's premiership but also his weekly Bible hour and continued to do the Bible show for many years after he had resigned as premier. Manning had never been part ofthe Social Credit alliances with socialist groups, and he took a hard-line stance against socialism, equating all forms of socialism with German "national socialism."84 The CCF had become the major opposition political force in the province during the war,85 and Manning was prepared to pull all stops to beat back the socialist challenge. The business community, once so repelled by Social Credit, embraced the Manning administration as the only alternative to the CCF, and Manning proved willing to welcome successful businessmen into a party which previously had largely been the domain of plebeian elements. The Licensing and Marketing legislation, while it remained on the books, became a dead letter. Left-wing resolutions still occasionally made it to the floor of provincial Social Credit conventions. So, for example, the 1951 con­ vention debated resolutions in favour of state medicine (which had formed part of party policy at least until 1940), an increase in old-age pensions, state automobile insurance, state ownership of hydro­ electric utilities, provincial subsidies to co-operative building associa­ tions, and the establishment of old-age homes by the province in each constituency. Significantly, all of these resolutions were defeated, some without even coming to a vote.w Indeed, Social Credit conventions, once the scene of endless speeches denouncing bankers and profiteers, now became the scene of endless speeches extolling the free enterprise system and denouncing socialism of every description. Prosperity, Ernest Manning, and the growing political apathy which had induced most of the early Social Crediters to leave the party even before Manning's accession to power, had produced a spectacular political transformation. Social Credit, a monetary-reform party, which had attracted to its ranks workers and farmers who held a variety of reformist views, had become a party beloved ofthe financial establishment with which it had once tangled. The determination of the first Aberhart government to establish state control over the cost of living had given way to a solemn rejection of ALBERTA SOCIAL CREDIT REAPPRAISED 83 interference in the marketplace so thorough that the party rewrote its history to make it appear that it had always stood for rigid free­ enterprise principles.

NOTES 1 Edmonton Journal, 9 June 1982, p. 1. 2 The lack of young faces became a constant theme of Social Credit conventions after the war. The conventions proposed programmes to stimulate youth interest in the party but in vain. Ernest Manning to Mrs. Marion Krough, 5 December 1947, Premiers' papers, Provincial Archives of Alberta, File 1461; "Resolutions of the Seventeenth Annual Convention of the Alberta Social Credit League, 1951," Premiers' papers, Files 183 and 1846 B. 3 This view is expressed, for example, in C. B. Macpherson's classic history of the origins of Social Credit in Alberta, Democracy in Alberta: Social Credit and the Party System (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1962). Macpherson concentrates on the social credit monetary doctrines, the conspiratorial theories of Major Douglas, the Social Credit founder, and the authoritarian aspects of both social credit theory and Aberhart's practice. He ignores Social Credit government interventions in non-monetary fields and fails to analyze party demands for bolder programmes of intervention. Macpherson's analysis is unchallenged in more recent accounts such as Walter Young, Democracy and Discontent: Progressivism, Socialism and Social Credit in the Canadian West (Toronto: McGraw-Hill, 1978),83-108. One recent article that raises the question of Aberhart's vaunted conservatism is David Elliott, "William Aberhart: Right or Left?," in The Dirty Thirties in Prairie Canada: 11th Western Canada Studies Conference, eds. D. Francis and H. Ganzevoort (Vancouver: Tantalus Research, 1980), 11-31. But Elliott deals only briefly with the Social Credit administration and not at all with the Social Credit organization. His view that fascism and socialism are similar ideologies (both are allegedly authoritarian) creates some imprecisions in the article. 4 Ben Swankey, "Reflections of a Communist; 1935 Election," Alberta History 28, no. 4 (Autumn 1980): 36. Swankey notes with reference to the late thirties: It was in this period that close relationships were established between the Communist Party and sections of the Social Credit movement including its MLAs which included, for example, Communist support for the election of Orvis Kennedy in an Edmonton by-election in March, 1938, where the victory parade following the election included Leslie Morris, western director of the Communist Party, in its front ranks. 5 The major account of the constitutional battles regarding the Alberta government's schemes to control finance is J. R. Mallory, Social Credit and the Federal Power in Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1954). 6 Premiers' papers, File 1124. 7 Macpherson, Democracy in Alberta, 147. 8 Young, Democracy and Discontent, 88-89; Macpherson, Democracy in Alberta, 149-50. 9 Typical of Aberhart's responses to suggestions for changes in government policy is this reply to the provincial secretary of the Alberta Motor Association who forwarded to the premier the organization's resolution that revenues from gasoline taxes and motor licences be ear­ marked for highway construction and maintenance. We have answered this type of resolution so many times that it seems to us we are wasting our time and paper in replying further to them. We do not believe that the Calgary Branch of the Alberta Motor Association has any right to direct this Govern­ ment in what it shall do with its unexpended revenue. Aberhart to S. W. Cameron, 2 March 1942, Premiers' papers, File 1221 B. 10 Elliott, "William Aberhart," 12. 11 Alvin Finkel, "Populism and the Proletariat: Social Credit and the Alberta Working Class," Studies in Political Economy 13 (Spring 1984): 118-20. 12 William Aberhart, Social Credit Manual: Social Credit as Appliedto the ProvinceofAlberta c. 1935, p. 5. 13 Ibid., p. 7. 14 Ibid., pp. 21, 41-43. 15 Ibid., p. 55. 16 Ibid., p. 62. 17 Ibid., p. 13. Aberhart wrote somewhat incoherently: "At the present time this great wealth (machinery and natural resources) is being selfishly manipulated and controlled by one or more men known as the "Fifty Big Shots of Canada." 84 FINKEL

18 Social Credit Chronicle, 21 September 1934, p. 2. 19 J. H. Hanna to John Mackay, secretary, Drumheller Board of Trade, 27 May 1935, Calgary Board of Trade papers, Glenbow-Alberta Institute (hereafter CBT, GAl), Box 2, File 13. 20 The Edmonton Bulletin, which had supported the Liberals in the election, complained afterwards that the Economic Safety League campaign proved counter-productive for the anti-Aberhart forces. Its grotesque campaign methods and lavish expenditures gave credence to this cam­ paign (whispering campaign against the League) as its radio and publicity material was considered of the most reactionary kind, while the fact that its membership was anonymous, as was the source of its funds, gave Mr. Aberhart and his followers a priceless opportunity to point to it as being a glaring example of financial control from the East. Edmonton Bulletin, 26 August 1935, p. 3. 21 J. H. Hanna to E. C. Gilliatt, managing secretary, Winnipeg Board of Trade, 12 September 1935, CBT, GAl, Box 2, File 13. 22 John Mackay, secretary, Drumheller Board of Trade, to Hanna, 3 May 1935;Stettler Board of Trade to Calgary Board of Trade, 12August 1935;Medicine Hat Chamber of Commerce to Calgary Board of Trade, 9 August 1935: CBT, GAl, Box 2, File 13. 23 P. J. Carroll to Hanna, 10 August 1935, CBT, GAl, Box 2, File 13. 24 Young, Democracy and Discontent, 98. 25 Alvin Finkel, "Social Credit and the Unemployed," Alberta History 31, no. 2 (Spring 1983): 24-32. 26 "Report of Legislative Committee to the Council of the Board of Trade," 15April 1936,CBT, GAl, Box 1, File 1. 27 "An Act for the Establishment of a Department of Trade and Industry and to Prescribe its Powers and Duties" (Assented to 16 April 1934), Statutes ofthe Province ofAlberta, 1934, Chapter 33. 28 Among the organizations supporting codes, the Alberta branch of the Retail Merchants' Association was prominent. Premiers' papers, File 921A; the large chain stores opposed the legislation: P. W. Abbott, legal representative of "T, Eaton Company and several others of the larger retail establishments in Edmonton" to Aberhart, Premiers' papers, File 921A. 29 "An Act to Amend and Consolidate the Licensing of Trades and Business Act" (Assented to 5 October 1937), Statutes ofthe Province ofAlberta, 1937, Third Session, Chapter One. 30 Among the boards whose opposition to the bill is recorded in the Premiers' papers are the boards in Edmonton, Calgary, Red Deer, Medicine Hat, High River, and Lacombe. Premiers' papers, File 922; F. Ashenhurst, secretary, Alberta Branch, Canadian Manufacturers' Asso­ ciation, to Aberhart, 29 September 1937, Premiers' papers, File 922. 31 CBT, GAl, Box I, File 5. 32 H. J. Nolan, lawyer with Bennett, Hannah, Nolan, Chambers and Might to L. A. Cavanaugh (the automobile dealer), 8 November 1938, CBT, GAl, Box 1, File 7. 33 Calgary Albertan, 9 September 1939, p. I; Hanna to W. L. Mackenzie King, 13 January 1938, CBT, GAl, Box 1, File 7. 34 "An Act Respecting the Marketing of Natural Products and other Commodities and to Provide for the Regulations Thereof Within the Province," Statutes of the Province of Alberta, 1939, Chapter 3. 35 Ibid. 36 "A meeting with Messrs. Glen L. MacLachlan, Powell, Byrne, July 9, 1937," Alfred Farmilo papers, Provincial Archives of Alberta, Box 1, Item 44. 37 Macpherson, Democracy in Alberta, 193. 38 Ibid., 162,for example, claims: "The social credit political theory and the inspirational quality of Aberhart's leadership, which demanded and received the complete submergence of his followers' wills, combined to put any problem of the popular control of the legislature out of sight, or at least in abeyance." 39 Edmonton Journal, 5 April 1935, p. I. 40 Premiers' papers, File 1105. 41 Ibid., Files 1105, 1106, I I17B. 42 Ibid., File I I17B. 43 Ibid., Files 1068A, 1119, 1128. 44 Edmonton Journal, 27 March 1935, p. 14. 45 The Communist change of heart regarding Social Credit was expressed in various issues of the Western Clarion, a Communist party organ, during 1936and 1937. ALBERTA SOCIAL CREDIT REAPPRAISED 85

46 Herbert Clark, secretary-treasurer of Lethbridge (provincial) constituency organization, to Aberhart, 2 May 1938, Premiers' papers, File 1125B. 47 A. E. Smith, chairman, Lethbridge federal constituency, to William Aberhart, 22 April 1939; Aberhart to Smith, 28 April 1939; Smith to Aberhart, 29 April 1939, Premiers' papers, File 1055. 48 W. B. McDowall, president, Castle River Social Credit zone, to Aberhart, I May 1938, Premiers' papers, File 1109. McDowall enclosed a resolution passed at a mass meeting called by Social Credit "in deference to the wishes of a number of our supporters who are not or only a few of them members of the group" and who "have a leaning towards communism ever since they belonged to that party when miners." The meeting was addressed by two Social Credit MLAs and the socialist mayor of Blairmore. The resolution said in part: The meeting feels very strongly now that our common enemy has been brought out into open view and the battle joined that all progressives should close their ranks in a united front. Itwould be suicidal at this time to allow differences of opinion to the best final solution to divide them. 49 People's Weekly, 13 June 1936, p. 4; and 27 June 1936, p. l. 50 Finkel, "Populism and the Proletariat," 125. 51 People's Weekly, 26 November 1938, p. I. 52 See footnote 4. The cooperation with the Communists later proved embarrassing to a militantly anti-Communist Manning government. Elmer Roper notes, that as CCF leader in the legislature, he retorted to Manning's charges of Communist sympathies in the CCF by showing the legislature the photograph of Communist leader Leslie Morris on the running board of the Social Credit victory vehicle alongside the victorious Kennedy. Finkel interview with Elmer Roper, Victoria, 21 February 1984. 53 Ethel Baker to Aberhart, 4 October 1938; Aberhart to Baker, 7 October 1938, Premiers' papers, File 1115. 54 People's Weekly, 26 November 1938, p. l. 55 In H. E. Nichols papers, Glenbow-Alberta Institute, Box 7, File 42. 56 People's Weekly, 5 October 1946, p. I. 57 Nichols papers, Box 4, File 28. 58 E. G. Hansell to Aberhart, 17 March 1939, Premiers' papers, File 1055. 59 Ivan Avakumovic, The Communist Party in Canada: A History (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1975), 139-40. 60 Fred White, president of the Alberta Federation of Labour, had been a Labour MLA from 1921to 1935,representing Calgary. Defeated by Social Credit in 1935,he ran again unsuccess­ fully in the 1940 provincial election under the CCF banner. Canadian Parliamentary Guide. Aberhartand the union leaders were on poor terms. Responding to a letter from a United Mine Workers' local protesting the premier's dismissive treatment of an Alberta Federation of Labour delegation, Aberhart wrote in part: I was rather surprised to hear that the leaders of the Alberta Federation of Labour have evidently decided to make a political instrument out of the Federation. Ever since the Government came into office it has given the greatest consideration to the resolutions of your Federation, notwithstanding the fact that Mr. White and Mr. Berg have been bitter political opponents of our policies.... Now it would appear that these same leaders, who were treated so courteously by us, are now sending out circular letters to try to stir up the members of the Federation in a political way. Surely it should be understood that no Government can be expected to meet with or discuss its policies with any other political party. I should therefore suggest that since your Federation has not entered the political field and since it can in no way be considered a political party this course of action by your leaders in attempting to infuse political flavor into your Federation should be resented by you. Aberhart to A. Orlando, secretary, Cambrian Local Union #7330, District 18, United Mine Workers of America, Wayne, Alberta, 3 March 1939, Premiers' papers, File 1227. 61 On Social Credit-labour relations in the post-war period, see Warren Caragata, Alberta Labour: A Heritage Untold (Toronto: Lorimer, 1979), 140-42. 62 AFL executive members Carl Berg and Alfred W. Farmilo are quoted to this effect in the Edmonton Journal, 31 May 1935, p. 17. 63 Calgary Herald, 8 August 1935, p. 1; Edmonton Journal, 8 August 1935. p. 1. 64 People's Weekly, 10 February 1940, p. 5. 65 Carl Berg made this charge publicly-Ednl0nton Bulletin. 8 August 1935. p. I. Farmilo expressed this view in his outline of a meeting between labour leaders and government 86 FINKEL

officials. "A meeting with Messrs. Glen L. MacLachlan, Powell, Byrne, July 9, 1937," Alfred Farmilo papers, Provincial Archives of Alberta, Item 44. 66 The Social Credit Manual (1935), pp. 41-43, asked "How can just wages be fixed?" and answered: Just wages are fixed today by the Minimum Wage Act. Experts would fix the minimum and maximum wagejust as they could fix the price of goods. It is understood, however, that wages must not be reduced on account of the issuance of the basic dividends. 67 Labour's gratitude for this legislation was expressed at the Alberta Federation of Labour annual convention in 1938."Proceedings of the 22nd Convention of the Alberta Federation of Labour, November 28-30, 1938," Farmilo papers. 68 See footnote 60. 69 A Labour party member, Alexander Ross, was a Cabinet minister in the first UFA adminis­ tration. On relations between Labour and the UFA, see Finkel, "Populism and the Prole­ triat," 117-19. 70 People's Weekly, 30 March 1940, p. 7. 71 The best account of the 1940 provincial campaign is Harold J. Schultz, "A Second Term: 1940," Alberta Historical Review 10, no. 1 (Winter 1962): 17-26. 72 T. E. D. McGreen to Auckland Chamber of Commerce (as reported in an unidentified newspaper and sent to Aberhart, 16 July 1941), Premiers' papers, File 1089. 73 J. Blue to Auckland Chamber of Commerce, Premiers' papers, File 1089. 74 No date, Premiers' papers, File 1089. 75 "Edmonton Chamber of Commerce submission to the chairman and members of the Board of Industrial Relations for the Province of Alberta," 11January 1956,Alberta Liberal Associa­ tion papers, Glenbow-Alberta Institute, Box 35, File 174. 76 Macpherson, Democracy in Alberta, 206. 77 Premiers' papers, Files 1117A, 1124, 1129. 78 Macpherson, Democracy in Alberta, 64. 79 Premiers' papers, File 1124. 80 Aberhart to William Holowaychuk, secretary-treasurer, Paulus Social Credit group, Chip­ man, Alberta, 16 December 19}8, Premiers' papers, File 1128. Petulant letters of this kind abound in Aberhart's correspondence as premier. 81 Foran analysis of the latter-day Social Credit party, see Owen Anderson, "The Alberta Social Credit Party: An Empirical Analysis of Membership, Characteristics, Participation and Opinion" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Alberta, 1972). 82 Macpherson, Democracy in Alberta, 211-12. 83 As one commentator observed after interviewing Manning, the Alberta premier's strong opposition to socialist philosophy rested on religious doctrine. Socialism to Manning "de­ emp-hasizes the individual struggle for salvation" and the attainment of grace by placing responsibility for the individual on the shoulders of the state rather than the individual himself. Social benefits such as medicare and guaranteed incomes breed idleness and permit "the evil tendencies of the individual to come to the fore, thereby causing a breakdown of his relationship with God." Dennis Groh, "The Political Thought of Ernest Manning" (unpub­ lished M.A. thesis, University of Calgary, 1970), p. 65. 84 For example, Manning wrote to one correspondent in 1944: ... it is an insult to suggest to the Canadian people who are sacrificing their sons to remove the curse which the socialism of Germany has brought on the world that their own social and economic security can be attained only by introducing some form of socialism in Canada. The premise embodied in your proposed resolution.namely, that there is such a thing as democratic Socialism, contradicts itself in that it attempts to associate together two concepts of life which are diametrically opposed and opposite. Manning to J. B. Hayfield, Bittern Lake, Alberta, 3 February 1944, Premiers' papers, File 1242. 85 CCF membership of twelve thousand in 1944in the province exceeded Social Credit member­ ship by four thousand, Alberta CCF provincial office to Margaret Telford, CCF national office, 4 November 1944,Alberta CCF papers, Glenbow-Alberta Institute, Box 5, File 42. The CCF received 25 percent of the provincial vote in 1944, almost double the vote of the third-place Independents. Canadian Parliamentary Guide, 1945, pp. 381-82. 86 Premiers' papers, Files 1843and 1846B. 87

The Westward Shift of Manufacturing on the Prairies Neil Seifried Department of Geography University of Alberta

ABSTRACT. The recent ascendancy of Alberta over Manitoba as the leading manufacturing province on the Prairies has been widely attributed to the rapid expansion of its provincial market. Through an analysis of published data on interprovincial factory shipments for the years 1967 to 1979, the role of internal and external markets in the growth rates of manufacturing in these provinces could be measured. The analysis revealed that Manitoba's relatively slow indus­ trial growth was associated with little change in the extent of its penetration of its own market and also in a very limited penetration of growing markets in Alberta and British Columbia. By contrast, the rapid growth of manufacturing in Alberta was largely propelled by a strong and increasing penetration of its own market by a number of important industries.

RESUME. On attribue ala croissance rap ide de son marche provincial, Ie fait que I'Alberta ait recemment depasse Ie Manitoba dans Ie domaine des industries de fabrication. Grace a une analyse de donnees publiees sur les livraisons interprovinciales apartir des usines entre 1967 et 1979, on a pu mesurer Ie role des marches interieurs et exterieurs dans ces deux provinces. L'analyse a revele que la lenteur relative du developpernent industriel au Manitoba etait reliee au fait qu'il y avait eu peu de changement dans la penetration de son propre marche et des marches grandissants de l' Alberta et de la Colombie Britannique. Par contre, la croissance rapide des industries de fabrication en Alberta a ete en grande partie lancee par une forte et grandissante penetration de son propre marche par un nombre imposant d'industries.

Since the middle ofthis century the centre ofgravity of manufac­ turing in the prairie provinces has shifted westward from Manitoba to Alberta, signifying a fundamental change in the historical pattern which had evolved following the settlement of this region. The impor­ tance of Winnipeg as the gateway to the west from the 1880s onward led this city to become the dominant centre of manufacturing in the early twentieth century. As a result, in 1920 Manitoba possessed nearly 60 percent of regional manufacturing employment, compared to just over 25 percent in Alberta. Thirty years later, the gap had closed somewhat with shares of about 50 and 35 percent, respectively. How­ ever, after this time the balance shifted steadily in Alberta's favour. By the early 1960s, Alberta had nearly caught up to Manitoba (Table 1) and finally pulled ahead in 1967 and proceeded to open a widening gap in the 1970s. In 1981, the pattern of rapid growth in Alberta and moderate growth in Manitoba had resulted in a reversal ofthe provin­ cial shares of thirty years earlier.

Locational Orientation of Manufacturing For an understanding of the reasons behind the different growth rates of Manitoba and Alberta, a review is provided of the orientation ofvarious types ofindustries and the associated sequence ofindustrial development characteristic of peripheral resource-producing regions in industrial countries (Table 2). In his export base model of develop- 88 SEIFRIED

TABLE 1

MANUFACTURING EMPLOYMENT IN MANITOBA AND ALBERTA, 1961-1981

%of 1961 Prairies 1971 % 1981 % Manitoba 41,856 43.9 48,325 42.1 57,177 34.7 Alberta 39,913 41.9 51,941 45.2 86,356 52.3 Prairies - TOTAL 95,324 100.0 114,844 100.0 165,012 100.0

Source: Statistics Canada, Manufacturing Industries ofCanada: Nationaland ProvincialAreas (31-203).

TABLE 2

MANUFACTURING EMPLOYMENT CHANGE, MANITOBA, ALBERTA, AND CANADA, 1961-1981

1961-1971 1971-1981 1961-1981 % change % change % change Manitoba ,+15.5 +18.3 +36.6 Alberta +30.1 +68.7 +116.4 CANADA +20.3 +13.9 +37.0

Source: Calculated from 31-203. ment, North stated that four types of manufacturing tend to develop in peripheral regions: 1) material-oriented industries; 2) industries pro­ ducing equipment for primary (extractive) industries; 3) residentiary industries producing consumer goods for local markets; 4) footloose industries.' Material-oriented industries process the output of farms, forests, mines, and fisheries. Activities in which there is a large reduc­ tion in the weight or bulk of a raw material are invariably pulled to material sources. On the prairies, meat packing, flour milling, saw­ milling, and petrochemicals are examples of material-oriented indus­ tries. Following the development of primary industries, firms produc­ ing equipment for these activities may come into existence. The agricultural implement producers of Manitoba and oil and gas equip­ ment firms of Alberta are examples of this type. With the growth of local and regional markets, residentiary industries will follow, begin­ ning with items such as baked goods, dairy products, and construction materials, followed by furniture, commercial printing, and steel pro­ ducts as larger markets evolve. These are industries in which econo­ mies of scale in production are generally rather limited. Their growth is THE WESTWARD SHIFT OF MANUFACTURING ON THE PRAIRIES 89 concentrated in cities which serve as dominant centres (regional capi­ tals) for large hinterlands. Growth rates of different cities will vary with the growth in their tributary regions and, as a result, the size and shape of their hinterlands may change. The reduction of Winnipeg's hinter­ land and commensurate rise of Calgary and Edmonton as regional capitals has 'been documented by Burghardt in his study of gateway cities.? Finally, footloose industries may develop in peripheral regions. These are activities in which transport costs do not influence their location; consequently, they are considered to be "footloose" over very wide areas. Nevertheless, the role of government, labour costs, and amenities as location factors in these industries have been emphasized in studies of high-technology industries in the United States.! For example, when output is comprised of standardized products, manu­ facturing tends to shift to regions with low labour costs. From a base of branch plants, the spin-off process, along with the migration of entre­ preneurs to such areas, may lead to innovation and further industrial growth. In contrast to the developments in Arizona, California, and Colorado; this process has not occurred on any significant scale in western Canada.

Industrial Growth Patterns The major types of locational orientation can now be related to industry growth patterns in Manitoba and Alberta. Employment changes between 1961 and 1981 in the major industry groups are shown in Table 3. Within the material-oriented group, growth rates were high in the wood and paper industries of both provinces, and also in the chemical industries of Alberta. Equipment manufacturers did especially well in the 1970s,as indicated by the expansion of machinery (farm implements) in Manitoba and oil and gas equipment in Alberta. By contrast, the material-oriented meat packing industry was not growing. There was a sharp contrast between Manitoba's low growth rates and Alberta's rapid growth rates in the residentiary industries. Portions of the long-established food and beverage group in Alberta grew at only a moderate rate, but in furniture, printing, metal fabricat­ ing, and non-metallic minerals the stimulus of the rapidly-growing provincial market was evident. With the exception of several aerospace (transportation equipment) firms in Manitoba, footloose industries remained weakly developed in these provinces. A final comment can be made on the textile and clothing sectors, which are normally oriented to abundant labour supplies and low wage rates. As a result, it is not surprising that their expansion in Manitoba and Alberta was rather limited. In summary, many of the important activities within the industrial structures of Manitoba and Alberta are market-oriented. Consequently, the market factor should be the key variable in explain­ ing growth in these provinces. 90 SEIFRIED

TABLE 3

MANUFACTURING EMPLOYMENT 1961-1981 MANITOBA AND ALBERTA

Manitoba Alberta % change 61-81 1961 1981 1961 1981 Man. Alta.

Food & Beverages 11,081 10,509 13,108 16,713 - 5.2 + 27.5 Rubber 999 Leather 605 121 301 +148.8 Textile 550 716 408 916 + 30.2 +124.5 Clothing 5,951 7,058 1,287 1,979 + 18.6 + 53.8 Wood 1,086 2,158 3,472 6,904 + 98.7 + 98.8 Furniture & Fixtures 1,818 2,179 728 2,241 + 19.9 +207.8 Paper 1,615 2,361 1,229 2,575 + 46.2 +109.5 Printing & Publishing 3,937 4,161 2,605 7,863 + 5.7 +201.8 Primary Metals 2,513 2,688 1,521 *3,937 + 7.0 (1979) Metal Fabricating 3,335 5,080 3,870 10,494 + 52.3 +171.2 Machinery 1,357 5,513 783 7,402 +306.3 +845.3 Transportation Equipment 2,154 6,387 1,800 3,188 +196.5 + 77.1 Electrical Products 1,151 2,380 341 2,635 +106.8 +672.7 Non-Metallic Minerals 1,529 1,374 3,393 6,749 - 10.1 + 98.9 Petroleum Products 694 1,910 *2,019 (1979) Chemical Products 843 1,085 2,020 5,553 + 28.7 +174.9 Miscellaneous 1,126 1,272 742 2,423 + 13.0 +22~.5 TOTAL 41,345 55,920 39,338 83,892 + 35.3 +113.3 * 1981 data not available. Source: Based on Statistics Canada, Manufacturing Industries ofCanada: National and Pro- vincial Areas (31-203).

The Market as an Explanatory Variable Various studies have commented on the role of the market in the shift of manufacturing strength from Manitoba to Alberta. There seems to be a general consensus on the occurrence of two changes concerning the market areas served by these provinces. The first is that Manitoba businesses have tended to become relatively less important in serving the growing markets of Alberta. This trend, which appar­ ently began in the 1950s, was noted by Bellarr' and Artibise> in their studies ofWinnipeg. The second is that much of Alberta's manufactur­ ing growth has occurred in industries serving the provincial market. This point has been made by Barrs and also by Davis." Davis also claimed that Alberta producers had increased the penetration of their home market in the 1970s.8 It has been generally assumed that flows of manufactured goods from one prairie province to another have tended to be insignificant and, as a result, oflittle importance to the industrial THE WESTWARD SHIFT OF MANUFACTURING ON THE PRAIRIES 91 growth of individual provinces." Although such statements have prop­ erly focussed on the market factor in manufacturing change, their authors did not provide statistical evidence to support their assertions on changes in market structure. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the pattern of market areas served by manufacturers in Manitoba and Alberta using published data on interprovincial flows. The intent is not to disprove the asser­ tions of previous researchers, but rather to define more precisely the importance of internal and external markets as a factor in manufactur­ ing change in these two provinces. This paper attempts to provide some answers to the host of questions which can be raised concerning the industrial shift which has occurred on the prairies. The first set relates to rapidly-growing Alberta. Among these questions were: 1) What was the destination of shipments pattern of Alberta manufactur­ ers in the 1960s?2) How did it compare with the pattern at the end of the 1970s1 3) What changes occurred in the proportion of the provin­ cial market served by Alberta suppliers as compared to external Cana­ dian sources? 4) Did the .province move toward increased self­ sufficiency in manufactured goods, substituting local goods for products previously imported? 5) Did Alberta equipment manufactur­ ers increase their share of the provincial market during the investment boom of the 1970s?6) Were Alberta industries able to use their rela­ tively large and rapidly growing domestic market as a platform for increased exports to neighbouring provinces? 7) What Alberta: indus­ tries were able to develop export markets? For Manitoba manufacturers,'some of the questions are different, as befits the different performance ofthisprovince: 1) How did their spatial markets ofthe 1960scompare to those at the end of the 1970s? 2) Were they able to maintain their penetration of the Manitoba market? 3)To what extent did they take advantage of growing markets in Alberta and British Columbia? 4) To what extent were they able to develop export markets, particularly in the United States?

DataSource To answer these questions, data on the interprovincial shipments of manufactured goods were derived from the Statistics Canadapubli­ cation Destination of Shipments of Manufacturers which was pub­ lished on an occasional basis for the years 1967, 1974, and 1979.10 In those three .years, as part of the annual Census of Manufacturing, manufacturers were asked to provide a province-by-province break­ down of the destination of their shipments. The response rate to these official surveys was very high, especially from the larger manufacturers which collectively accounted for a very high proportion of all ship­ ments. A difficulty associated with using these data arises from missing numbers which cannot be published because of the disclosure rule. II 92 SEIFRIED

However, despite some missing data, sufficient information was avail­ able to identify trends in market structure for Alberta and Manitoba between the 1960s and the late 1970s by using the 1967 and 1979 publications. In this way, the effects of the great surge of growth in Alberta in the 1970s can be documented. It must be emphasized that these data refer to shipments of goods of Canadian manufacture. Asa result, when reference is made to shares of provincial markets, it is the market for Canadian-made goods which is involved. The total provincial market, which includes goods of foreign origin, is of somewhat larger dimensions. An indication of the differences in size between the total provin­ cial market for manufactured goods and the Canadian-suppliedpor­ tion in Alberta and Manitoba can be ascertained from the Statistics Canada publication on interprovincial shipments of wholesaled goods for 1979.1 2 It provides figures for the place of origin of goods for province of residence, other provinces, and other countries. The data reveal that while a significant portion of wholesaled goods in these two provinces are of foreign origin (nearly 20 percent), there are wide variations in the importance of imported goods of different categories. In both Alberta and Manitoba the foreign component ranged from less than 10 percent for paper products and drugs to about 20 percent for motor vehicles and electrical equipment, around 30 percent for metal products, and from 40 to 50 percent for machinery. Since these data were collected for only one year, no measure through time of any changes in the importance of foreign goods is available. However, there are indications that for all of Canada, imports were gaining an increasing share of the market through the 1970s.l 3 In summary, it is evident that in at least some industries, the total provincial market was considerably larger than the portion served by domestic consumption.

Market Areas of Alberta Manufacturers The data on shipment destinations of Alberta manufacturers for 1967 and 1979 reveal a large and growing share going to their provin­ cial market (Table 4). This local focus is hardly surprising since the Alberta market was growing rapidly, with the value of receipts of Canadian goods expanding by nearly 450 percent over this period, compared to an increase of just over 200 percent in Manitoba. At the same time, the percentages shipped to other provinces in both western and central Canada declined, but the proportion shipped to other countries increased slightly from 8.4 to 9.4 percent. In most industry groups, there was relatively little change in the percentage of output destined for the Alberta market. For residentiary goods producers and equipment manufacturers the provincial market remained of overriding importance, absorbing 70 to 90 percent of shipments (Table 5). The large furniture, metal fabricating, machinery, THE WESTWARD SHIFT OF MANUFACTURING ON THE PRAIRIES 93

TABLE 4

DESTINATION OF SHIPMENTS OF GOODS OF MANUFACTURERS, 1967 AND 1979

Alberta Manitoba Manufacturers Manufacturers Percent of Total Percent of Total Shipments Shipments ($ value) ($ value) 1967 19791 1967 19791 Alberta 57.9 63.4 6.4 8.6 British Columbia 10.4 8.4 3.2 4.8 Saskatchewan 6.4 4.6 7.4 7.6 Manitoba 3.0 * 56.6 46.4 Ontario 5.2 4.8 14.2 13.1 Quebec 7.5 6.0 5.1 6.8 Other Countries 8.4 9.4 5.5 10.4

I Unallocated shipments have been allocated to province of origin. * Data not available. Source: Statistics Canada, Destination of Shipments of Manufacturers 1967 (31-504) and Destination ofShipments ofManufacturers 1979 (31-530).

TABLE 5

PERCENTAGE OF SHIPMENTS OF MANUFACTURERS DESTINED TO OWN PROVINCIAL MARKET, 1967 AND 1979

Alberta Manitoba Manufacturers Manufacturers ($ value) ($ value) 1967 19791 1967 19791 Food & Beverages 53.7 54.2 53.2 51.3 Clothing 37.1 35.8 25.3 22.9 Wood Products 53.8 60.8 82.4 52.6 Furniture 84.9 82.7 59.4 60.9 Commercial Printing * 93.8 70.5 73.5 Primary Metals 47.5 42.8 80.9 * Metal Fabricating 85.3 87.1 71.3 54.1 Machinery 72.4 83.5 21.6 21.0 Transportation Equipment 68.5 69.5 57.6 22.3 Electrical Products 34.2 34.5 34.0 16.0 Non-Metallic Minerals 77.9 86.4 93.0 65.6 Chemicals 35.0 36.8 * * Misc. Manufacturing ** 81.7 69.7 All Manufacturing 57.9 63.4 56.6 46.4

I Unallocated shipments have been allocated to province of origin. * Data not available. Source: Calculated by author from 31-504 and 31-530. 94 SEIFRIED and non-metallic mineral industries were all in this category. In several other activities, including the manufacturing of foods and beverages, transportation equipment, and wood products, the province continued to absorb 50 to 70 percent of shipments. External markets were domi­ nant in the clothing, primary metal, electrical, and chemical products industries with about two-thirds of production being shipped from the province. Markets outside Canada were significant in the food, wood, primary metal, and chemical products industries. With an increased focus on their home province, Alberta manu­ facturers increased their share of this market, relative to other supply­ ing provinces. Between 1967 and 1979 the percentage of Canadian shipments to Alberta accounted for by its own producers, known as the self-supply ratio, 14 increased from 44.9 to 54.7 percent (Table 6). In two

TABLE 6

SELF~SUPPLY RATIOSI 1967 AND 1979

Alberta Manitoba 1967 19792 1967 19792 Food & Beverage 70.6 73.6 66.7 64.7 Clothing 12.0 13.1 30.9 35.8 Wood 53.2 46.9 * 36.3 Furniture 37.3 43.8 70.6 65.6 Primary Metals 42.4 34.0 36.3 * Metal Fabricating 47.2 48.9 54.0 53.0 Machinery 20.2 44.2 24.1 35.1 Transportation Equipment 14.7 13.9 20.5 18.7 Electrical Products 5.9 6.7 9.8 10.7 Non-Metallic Minerals 84.5 85.2 69.4 73.8 Chemicals 30.5 44.1 * * Misc. Manufacturing * * 24.8 22.8 All Manufacturing 44.9 54.7 42.2 43.4

I Percentage of shipments of Canadian origin to a province shipped by establishments in it. 2Unallocated shipments have been allocated to province of origin. * Data not available. Source: 31-504 and 31-530. groups, food and beverages and non-metallic minerals, the proportion remained especially high, atjust over 70 and 85 percent, respectively. The rapid growth of the printing and publishing industry was asso­ ciated with an increase in its share of the Canadian portion of the provincial market from 60 to 75 percent. Local manufacturers also carved out an increased share of the Alberta market in several other industries. The proportion of locally-made furniture increased from 37 THE WESTWARD SHIFT OF MANUFACTURING ON THE PRAIRIES 95 to 44 percent, while chemical producers registered a gain from 30 to 44 percent of the Canadian-supplied market. The figures for the machin­ ery group indicate that provincial firms were reacting strongly to the stimulus of a growing oil and gas industry. The portion of Canadian shipments to the Alberta market accounted for by local manufacturers more than doubled from 20 to 44 percent for the entire machinery group, and within it, there was an increase from 27 to 60 percent in miscellaneous machinery, which is primarily oil and gas equipment. Finally, in more labour-intensive industries such as leather, textiles, clothing, transportation equipment, and electrical products, where Alberta has no competitive advantage, the portion of the market accounted for by local manufacturers remained low, in the 5 to 15 percent range. With the marked increase in the Alberta share of domestic goods between 1967 and 1979, it is evident that the share of some other province(s) must have experienced a decline. The data reveal that the four major supplying provinces, British Columbia and Manitoba in the west, and Ontario and Quebec in central Canada, all experienced a drop in their share of national shipments to the Alberta market (Table 7). The two western provinces had only minor overall declines in their relatively small share of the Alberta market. However, in a few indus­ tries they made significant gains in market share. For example, British

TABLE 7

ORIGIN OF DOMESTIC GOODS DESTINED TO ALBERTA, 1967 AND 1979

Percentage of Goods Received ($ value) 1967 1979 Alberta 44.9 52.7 British Columbia 8.3 8.0 Manitoba 3.4 3.1 Ontario 31.5 25.6 Quebec 10.2 8.2

Source: 31-504 and 31-530.

Columbia increased its share of the transportation equipment market from 3 to 10 percent. At the same time, Manitoba was increasing its share in both the transportation equipment and metal fabricating sectors. The biggest loss in market share was suffered by Ontario, with its portion sliding from nearly one-third (31.5 percent) of Canadian goods 96 SEIFRIED down to nearly one quarter (25.6 percent). The declines were concen­ trated in four groups: metal fabricating, machinery, transportation equipment, and chemical products. The decline in Quebec's much smaller share was also significant, from 10 down to 8 percent. With rapidly growing industries pulled along by the expansion of the provincial market, it might be expected that with their increased size Alberta manufacturers might be in a position to expand their share of neighbouring markets in British Columbia and Saskatchewan. This hypothesis is supported by the data. Alberta increased its share of the Canadian-supplied segment of the Saskatch-ewan market from 9.4 to 13.3 percent. At the same time, Manitoba's share was expanding from 7.5 to 9.6 percent, while Saskatchewan's share remained steady at 33.5 percent. As in Alberta, the losses of market share in Saskatchewan were borne by central Canada; Ontario's share dropped from 33.1 to 28.1 percent, while that of Quebec edged downward from 10.9 to 9.5 percent. The same general patterns were evident in British Columbia. Alberta increased its share of Canadian shipments to that market from 5.8 to 6.9 percent. The small portion accounted for by Manitoba expanded from 1.2 to 1.7 percent. The share accounted for by manu­ facturers in British Columbia expanded from 55.0 to 60.8 percent, the highest self-sufficiency value outside Ontario. Once again, this in­ creased self-sufficiency was mainly at the expense of Ontario and Quebec, with the former province experiencing a sharp drop from 27.2 to 21.5 percent of the British Columbia market for Canadian goods and the latter a fall from 10.2 to 7.6 percent.

Market Areas of Manitoba Manufacturers The data for Manitoba reveal patterns of change which stand in marked contrast to those of Alberta. The portion of its shipments absorbed by the Manitoba market dropped sharply from 56.6 percent in 1967 to 46.4 percent in 1979 (Table 4). With the exception of Ontario, the shares going to other provinces increased, but the largest relative gain was made in foreign shipments, where there was a near doubling from 5.5 to 10.4 percent. Two groups of industries could be discerned on the basis of the importance of the Manitoba market. The first comprised activities in which this market absorbed more than 50 percent of shipments in 1967. For several of these groups, including foods and beverages, primary metals, and non-metallic minerals, the provincial market remained dominant (Table 5). By contrast, for the wood products, metal fabricating, and transportation equipment industries the formerly dominant provincial market declined in impor­ tance as external markets became more prominent. A second group of industries included clothing, machinery, and electrical products, where the home market accounted for only 20 or 30 percent of sales since important external markets had already been developed by 1967. A THE WESTWARD SHIFT OF MANUFACTURING ON THE PRAIRIES 97 notable change was the growing importance of markets in Alberta, British Columbia, and the United States for such key industries as machinery, transportation equipment, and metal products. The 1967 market breakdown ofthe agricultural implement industry (machinery group) was as follows: Manitoba 17 percent, Saskatchewan and Alberta combined 56 percent, and foreign markets 23 percent. The 1979 data showed that extra-provincial markets were still dominant, with Manitoba remaining at 17 percent, Saskatchewan and Alberta combined having declined to about 49 percent, and foreign markets having increased to about 30 percent. The growth ofmetal fabrication and transportation equipment was stimulated by expanding markets further west. Between 1967 and 1979, Alberta's share of Manitoba's metal products output increased from 7.0 to 17.2 percent, while that of British Columbia expanded from 2.0 to 5.8 percent. In transportation equipment, the Alberta share rose from 4.5 to 11.4 percent, while that of British Columbia jumped from 1.2 to 13.6 percent. With these seemingly impressive increases, Manitoba manufac­ turers were actually increasing their market penetration of other western provinces, although the degree of penetration remained rela­ tively low. From 1967 to 1979 Manitoba's share of the Saskatchewan market increased from 7.5 to 10 percent, and its share of the British Columbia market expanded from 1.2 to 1.9 percent. However, Mani­ toba manufacturers were not quite maintaining their share of the rapidly growing Alberta market as their portion declined slightly from 3.4 to 3.2 percent. As far as Canadian shipments to their own market were con­ cerned, Manitoba firms were essentially maintaining their share, with few dramatic changes in the extent of penetration. The overall self­ supply ratio (Canadian goods) increased slightly from 42.2 to 43.4 percent (Table 6). In individual industry groups, food and beverage producers continued to supply about two-thirds of Canadian supplies to Manitoba; clothing about one-third; metal fabricating just over one-half; transportation equipment about 20 percent; and electrical goods about 10 percent. Only in the machinery 'industry was there a marked increase, from 24 to 35 percent.

Discussion The data on factory shipments by Alberta manufacturers indi­ cated that much of their growth during the 1960s and 1970s was stimulated by the rapidly expanding provincial market. The propor­ tion of goods destined for Alberta increased between 1967 and 1979 while the share going to other provinces was decreasing. The increase in its self-supply ratio showed that this province was becoming more self-sufficient in Canadian-made goods. The data confirmed the 98 SEIFRIED widely-held notion that an expanding market stimulated local produc­ tion, which to some extent displaced goods previously imported from other provinces. This process of import substitution was particularly evident in the furniture, printing, machinery, and chemical products industries. Not surprisingly, import displacement occurred mainly at the expense of shipments from Ontario and Quebec. Although there may be some danger in drawing strong conclusions from change measured between two individualyears a little over a decade apart, the evidence might suggest the beginning of a fundamental restructuring of the Canadian economy. Traditionally, it was argued that development in peripheral regions, e.g. western Canada, depended on stimulus from core regions, e.g. central Canada. Given the shifts of population and income into Alberta in the 1970s and resultant increases in manufac­ turing self-sufficiency, Davis reversed the core-periphery emphasis somewhatin suggesting that the Canadian heartland depended, to a considerable degree, on developments in the periphery." From this assertion it could be argued that one factor contributing to Ontario's industrial malaise of the late 1970s was its partial displacement from western Canadian, particularly Alberta, markets. This whole process of economic shift from Ontario to Alberta was engendered by rapid increases in energy prices and the resultant buoyant activity in the latter province. With the slowdown in the oil and gas industry which began in 1981-82, Alberta's economy also slackened sharply. Since then, there is evidence to suggest that the historic dominance of the core may have started to reassert itself; Ontario has led the economic recovery of Canada from 1983 into 1985, based heavily on auto pro­ duction largely for export to the United States, with only limited stimulus from the western periphery. The question of whether the trend of the 1970s in Alberta toward import displacement has been maintained or increased in the 1980smust await further data collection and analysis. Another conclusion to be drawn from the data in this study is that Alberta appeared to make little progress toward the goal of industrial diversification. The economy continued to depend heavily on the oil and gas industry, which, directly and indirectly, fuelled much of the growth in this province. To lessen its dependence on resource indus­ tries, the province ideally would have developed manufacturing indus­ tries oriented strongly to external markets. The data for 1967and 1979 show little progress in this direction. Trends in market areas served by Manitoba stood in marked contrast to those of Alberta. The slowly-growing Manitoba market either remained of minor importance in a number of industry groups, for example, clothing, or was becoming of lesser importance, for THE WESTWARD SHIFT OF MANUFACTURING ON THE PRAIRIES 99 example, transportation equipment and electrical products. In other words, provincial manufacturers were lessening their dependence on the relatively small Manitoba market, seeking growth possibilities in other provinces or countries, particularly the United States. The self­ supply ratio changed very little: it seems that Manitoba manufacturers already had a market penetration commensurate with. a provincial population of one million people. The.increasing emphasis of Manitoba manufacturing on external markets was desirable from the point of view of expanding and diversi­ fying the manufacturing sector. In view of the success in shifting to external markets, one might speculate why manufacturing growth did not proceed faster than it did. The answer becomes clearer if one goes beyond the shipments statistics in this paper and looks more closely at the economics situa­ tion of various industries. In two large industries, foods and beverages, and clothing, external markets remained important but there was little, if any, employment growth. Within the foods and beverage industry, meat packing was a major exporter but there were no growth possibili­ ties here, especially with the problems resulting from overcapacity in the Canadian industry and declining per capita beef consumption which appeared in the late 1970s. The clothing industry continu.ed to export about three-quarters of its production, mainly to Ontario and Quebec, but growth possibilities were limited by demand factors, such as a slowly-growing Canadian market for clothing which was being supplied increasingly by foreign goods, and on the supply side, the difficulty ofManitoba manufacturers in 0 btaining an adequate labour supply for. their factories. In several industries, notably metal fabricating, machinery, trans­ portation equipment, and electrical products, producers were success­ ful in expanding external markets. These activities were one of the major success stories of the Manitoba economy of the 1960sand 1970s, and probably contributed in considerable measure to the growth it enjoyed during this period. However, even in these industries there were problems. Much of the growth was associated with a few large firms in the aerospace and farm implement sectors. Farm implement production is notoriously cyclical, reflecting the well-being of the agricultural sector and the associated predilection of farmers to pur­ chase equipment. The difficulties of agriculture in the 1980s, arising from increasing costs and weak commodity prices, have impacted heavily on implement makers across Canada. The metal fabricating industry is made up of a large number of small and medium-sized firms. The data showed a markedly increased, albeit relatively small, market penetration in Alberta and British Columbia. The hope for future expansion does not seem bright; these producers face the 100 SEIFRIED dilemma of having competition from firms in a much larger market, Ontario on the one side, and developing firms in the increasingly large markets of Alberta and British Columbia on the other. The main findings of this paper are that the provinces of Alberta and Manitoba had contrasting experiences concerning the emphasis by their manufacturers on various provincial markets. Alberta pro­ ducers increased their concentration on their own rapidly growing market in the 1970s, which in large measure accounted for their high rates of growth. Therefore, the conventional wisdom explaining growth in this province is borne out by the facts. Ironically, its manu­ facturers did de-emphasize the importance of their own market some­ what, and at the same time increased the proportion of their shipments going to Alberta and British Columbia. However, since they had only a small share of these (and other markets), the Manitoba manufactur­ ing sector could achieve only modest growth.

NOTES Douglass North, "Location Theory and Regional Economic Growth," Journal ofPolitical Economy 63 (June 1955): 240-55. 2 A. F. Burghardt, "A Hypothesis About Gateway Cities," Annals Association ofAmerican Geographers 61 (June 1971): 269-85. 3 John Rees, "Technological Change and Regional Shifts in American Manufacturing," The Professional Geographer 31 (February 1979): 45-54. 4 R. Bellan, Winnipeg First Century: An Economic History (Winnipeg: Queenston House Publishing, 1978). 5 A. F. J. Artibise, "An Urban Economy: Patterns of Economic Change in Winnipeg, 1873­ 1971," Prairie Forum 1 (November 1976): 163-87. 6 B. M. Barr, "Reorganization of the Economy," in The Prairie Provinces, ed. P. J. Smith (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1972), pp. 65-82. 7 J. Tait Davis, "Some Implications of Recent Trends in the Provincial Distribution of Income and Industrial Product in Canada," The Canadian Geographer 24 (Fall 1980): 221-36. 8 Ibid., 234-35. 9 For example, this assertion is made by B. M. Barr and J. C. Lehr on p. 284 in their chapter, "The Western Interior: The Transformation of a Hinterland Region," in Heartland and Hinterland: A Geography ofCanada, ed. L. D. McLean (Scarborough: Prentice Hall, 1982). 10 Canada, Dominion Bureau of Statistics, Destination ofShipments ofManufacturers 1967 (Cat. No. 31-504 Occasional); Statistics Canada, Destination ofShipments ofManufacturers 1974 (Cat. No. 31-522 Occasional); Canada, Statistics Canada, Destination ofShipments of Manufacturers 1979 (Cat. No. 31-530 Occasional). 11 The disclosure rule is aimed at the prevention of information being divulged relating to any identifiable manufacturing establishment. In practice, it means that data are now shown for industrial or geographical aggregations made up of fewer than three companies or of three or more if such aggregations are dominated by one or two companies. As a result, in an individual prairie province where an industry is dominated by a few large enterprises, no data on interprovincial shipments were published. 12 Canada, Statistics Canada, Origin and Destination of Goods of Merchandising Establish­ ments 1979 (Cat. No. 63-540 Occasional). 13 See, Canada, Science Council of Canada, Uncertain Prospects: Canadian Manufacturing Industry 1971-1977, October 1977. 14 For a discussion ofthe self-supply ratio see Destination ofShipments ofManufacturers 1977 (31-530), p. xxiii. 15 Davis, "Some Implications of Recent Trends," 236. 101 PRAIRIE THESES, 1984-85 The CANPLAINS Data Base maintained by the Information Services of the Canadian Plains Research Center has provided the following list of 1984-85 theses concerning the prairie region. Theses of a general nature or which did not relate specifically to the plains region have been deliberately omitted. If any relevant theses have yet to be included we would be grateful to our readers for bringing them to our attention. Readers wishing a list of theses for all or other years, or wishing a listing of research in addition to theses on a particular subject may have a search of CANPLAINS performed by their libraries. CANPLAINS can now be accessed through the Canadian Online Inquiry (CAN/ OLE) system operated by the Canada Institute for Scientific and Technical Information, National Research Council. CAN/ OLE is available across Canada at most major libraries or to individuals with a valid identification number obtainable from CISTI. Further information about searches can be obtained from librarians, or from Information Services, Canadian Plains Research Center, University of Regina.

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BOHLENDER, David A. Sound Propagation Under Temperature Inversion Conditions in Southern Alberta. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Physics, University of Calgary, 1984. BROUGHAN, F.M. Paleoenvironments of the E.astend, Whitemud (Maestrichtian) and Ravenscrag (Palaeocene) Formations, Eastern Cypress Hills, Saskatchewan. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Geological Sciences, University of Saskatchewan, 1984. BULLOCK, P.R. The Classification of Salt-affected Land in Saskatchewan. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Soil Science, University of Saskatchewan, 1985. BURNETT, R.B. Determination of Climatically Suitable Areas for Soybean Production in Manitoba. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Soil Science, University of Manitoba, 1984. BUYONG, Taher B. Remote Deformation Monitoring Using Distance Difference. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Survey Engineering, University of Calgary, 1985. BYRNE, Aidan P. A Comparative Study of the Performance and Economics of Active Domestic Solar Heating Options in Alberta. M.Sc. thesis, Committee on Resources and the Environment, University of Calgary, 1984. CALVERLEY, Elizabeth Anne. Sedimentology and Geomorphology of the Modern Epsilon Cross-Stratified Point-Bar Deposits in the Athabasca Upper Delta Plain. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Geography, University of Calgary, 1984. CHATELLIER, Jean-Yves D. Sedimentology of the Mississippian Banff Formation in Southwestern Alberta Mountains and Plains. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Geology and Geophysics, University of Calgary, 1984. CHU, F.S. Deformation Analysis of the Edgerton Slide. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Civil Engineering, University of Alberta, 1984. COLE, Bruce J. Preliminary Investigation of Groundwater Recharge by Injection in Saskatch­ ewan. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Agricultural Engineering, University of Saskatchewan, 1985. CONGRAM, Angela Marie. A Crustal Refraction Study in the Williston Basin of Southern Saskatchewan. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Geological Sciences, University of Saskatchewan, 1985. CUTFORTH, Herbert W. Dependence of Corn Development in Manitoba on Physical Environment. Ph. D. dissertation, Dept. of Soil Science, University of Manitoba, 1985. DAHARU, R.A. Micellar Flooding of Bonnie Glen Crude. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Mineral Engineering, University of Alberta, 1984. . DE SCALLY, F.A. Snow Avalanche Hazard in Kananaskis Country, Alberta: the Development of a Time-lapse Slope Monitoring System. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Geography, University of Alberta, 1984. EGAN, D.M. Mineralogical and Geochemical Aspects of Saline Lake Sediments of Northern Great Plains. M.Sc. thesis, University of Manitoba, 1984. ERIYAGAMA, Sarath Chandra. Geology and Reservoir Rock Types, Mississippian-Ratcliffe Beds, Hummingbird Oilfield Area, TP 2-3, RGE 18-19 W. 2M, Saskatchewan. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Geology, University of Regina, 1985. FERREIRA, William S. A Physical Comparison of Subaerial and Subaqueous Eruptive Environments in the Proterozoic Amisk Group, Saskatchewan, Canada. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Earth Sciences, University of Manitoba, 1984. GAMBIER, A. Glacigenic Streamlined Landforms in the Hinton/ Edson Area, Alberta. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Geography, University of Alberta, 1984. GEHL, David T. Variability in Spring Wheat for Rapid Germination and Seedling Vigor at Low Soil Temperatures. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Crop Science and Plant Ecology, University of Saskatchewan, 1985. GOSSEN, Bruce. Ascochyta Blight of Lentils in Saskatchewan. Ph.D. dissertation, Dept. of Biology, University of Saskatchewan, 1985. GREGORICH, E.G. Soil Landscapes: a Pedological Study of the Effect of Cultivation on Soil Properties. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Soil Science, University of Saskatchewan, 1985. GROVES, Kent E.M. The Effect of Soil Ph and Moisture on the Rate of Degradation of Chlorsulfuron in Three Saskatchewan Soils. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Crop Science and Plant Ecology, University of Saskatchewan, 1985. . GUGEL, Richard K. Factors Affecting Incidence of Sclerotinia Stem Rot of Rapeseed (Canola). M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Biology, University of Saskatchewan, 1985. HUGO, Ken John. Hydrodynamic Flow Associated With Leduc Reefs. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Geology and Geophysics, University of Calgary, 1985. HURL, D. Aspects of Urban Goods Movement Analysis: Application to Winnipeg. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Civil Engineering, University of Manitoba, 1984. JENNINGS, D.B. The Late Quaternary Geomorphology of Elk Island National Park, Central Alberta. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Geography, University of Alberta, 1984. KNOX, Ronald E. Use of Nuarimol to Control Common Root Rot in Barley. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Crop Science and Plant Ecology, University of Saskatchewan, 1985. KRUGER, G.A. The Copper Fertility of Saskatchewan Soils. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Soil Science, University of Saskatchewan, 1985. PRAIRIE THESES 103

KUTLUK, Hatice. Megaspore Palynology of the Bearpaw-Horseshoe Canyon Formation Transition Zone, Alberta. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Geology and Geophysics, University of Calgary, 1985. LA DOCHY, Stephen E.G. The Synoptic Climatology of Severe Thunderstorms in Manitoba. Ph.D. dissertation, Dept. of Geography, University of Manitoba, 1985. LAFOND, Joseph G.P. A Study of Seedling Establishment in Nine Spring Wheat Cultivars. Ph.D. dissertation, Dept. of Crop Science and Plant Ecology, University of Saskatchewan, 1984. . LAM, E.W.Y. A Regression Method for Estimating Runoff. M.Sc·. thesis, Dept. of Civil Engineering, University of Calgary, 1985. LEBOUTILLIER, David W. A Stochastic Analysis of Cold Spells in Southern Saskatchewan. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Geography, University of Saskatchewan, 1985. LEFEBVRE, Rene. A Study of Pre- and Post-recovery Cores from Aberfeldy Thermal Recovery Pilots, Lloydminster Area, Saskatchewan. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Geology and Geophysics, University of Calgary, 1984. LIM, Sutinah. On the Demulsification of Water-in-oil Bituminous Emulsions. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Chemistry, University of Calgary, 1984. LOMAS, Margaret Kathleen. Synthetic Seismograms Related to Detailed Geology in the Celtic Field, Saskatchewan. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Ge-ological Sciences, University of Saskatch­ ewan, 1984. LONG, M.1. The Effect of Mature Caragana Shelterbelts on Microclimate, Soil Moisture and Growth of Spring Wheat. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Plant Science, University of Manitoba, 1984. MACHEMER, Steven D. Lithofacies and Diagenesis of the Cardium Formation, Northeast Pembina Area, Alberta. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Geology and Geophysics, University of Calgary, 1984. MAIDENS, John M. A Low-frequency Magnetotelluric Study in Southern Saskatchewan. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Physics, University of Saskatchewan, 1984. MAIER, Rolf. Stability and Dynamics of Water Floods in the Recovery of Oil. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Chemistry, University of Calgary, 1984. MIGCHELS, P.L. Surface Albedo and Radiation Characteristics for Five Different Tillage Systems in the Red River Valley. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Agricultural Engineering, University of Manitoba, 1984. MODESTUS, W. Phosphorus as a Limiting Nutrient for Maximum Production of Wheat in Manitoba. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Soil Science, University of Manitoba, 1984. MUNN, N.L. Temporal Dynamics of Phosphorus in Two Alberta Streams. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Zoology, University of Alberta, 1984. MURAGE, P.M. Potassium as a Limiting Nutrient for Maximum Production of Wheat in Manitoba. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Soil Science, University of Manitoba, 1984. NADEAU, M.B.L. The Effect of Water Stress on the Root Growth of Green Foxtail (Setaria virdisi and Yellow Foxtail (Setaria glauca). M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Plant Science, University of Manitoba, 1984. NURKOWSKI, J.R. Coal Quality, Coal Rank Variation and Its Relation to Reconstructed Overburden, Upper Cretaceous and Tertiary Plains Coals, Alberta, Canada. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Geology, University of Alberta, 1984. PARK, D.G. The Origin and Nature of Brecciation of Devonian Strata in Wood Buffalo National Park. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Geology, University of Alberta, 1984. PATIL, S.B. Biomass Gasification as an Alternate Farm Fuel. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Agricultural Engineering, University of Manitoba, 1984. PA TTERSON, Garth W. Effect of Fall Stubble Management on Overwinter Soil Moisture Storage and Crop Yield. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Soil Science, University of Saskatchewan, 1985. PIDSKALNY,R. S. Studies of Albugo candida on Rapeseed: Yield Effects, Disease Development of Cultivar Mixtures, and Infection Dynamics. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Plant Science, University of Manitoba, 1984. PRUGGER, Arnfinn Ferdinand. Microseismic Studies Related to Potash Mining. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Geological Sciences, University of Saskatchewan, 1985. PUTNAM, Peter Edward. Reservoir Origin and Controls of Hydrocarbon Distributions Interpreted With a Computerized Data Base, Lower Cretaceous Mannville Group, West-central Saskatchewan. Ph.D. dissertation, Dept. of Geology and Geophysics, University of Calgary, 1985. REINL, E.S.K. Changes in Soil Organic Carbon Due to Agricultural Land Use in Alberta. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Soil Science, University of Alberta, 1984. RIUNGU, T.C. The Effect of Temperature on Germination of Rapeseed (Brassica napus and Brassica campestris) and Mustard (Brassicajuncea and Sinapis alba). M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Plant Science, University of Manitoba, 1984. 104 PRAIRIE THESES

ROBERTS, Terry Lynn. Sulfur and Its Relationship to Carbon, Nitrogen and Phosphorus in a Climo-toposequence of Saskatchewan Soils. Ph.D. dissertation, Dept. of Soil Science, University of Saskatchewan, 1985. ROGERS, John S. The Nature of Prairie Lake and Stream Sediments and Their Interaction with Mercury. Ph.D. dissertation, Dept. of Soil Science, University of Saskatchewan, 1984. SANTOS, M.C.D. Pedogenesis of Luvisolic Soils in East-central Saskatchewan. Ph.D. dissertation, Dept. of Soil Science, University of Saskatchewan, 1984. SAUCHYN, D.J. Mass-wasting Processes and Rockwall Morphometry, Kananaskis Region, Southern Canadian Rocky Mountains. Ph.D. dissertation, Dept. of Geography, University of Waterloo, 1984. SCHMEICHEL, Dale R. A Sensitivity Analysis of Air Commuter Networks Serving Uranium Mines in Northern Saskatchewan. M.A. thesis, Dept. of Geography, University of Saskatchewan, 1985. SCHWEYEN, Timothy, H. The Sedimentology and Paleohydrology of Waldsea Lake, Saskatchewan, an Ectogenic Meromictic Saline Lake. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Earth Sciences, University of Manitoba, 1984. SELLES, F. Nitrogen Isotope Studies in Chernozemic Soils. Ph.D. dissertation, Dept. of Soil Science, University of Saskatchewan, 1985. SKWARA-WOOLF, Theresa. Early Miocene (Hemingfordian) Mammals from the Cypress Hills Formation, Southwestern Saskatchewan. Ph.D. dissertation, Dept. of Geological Sciences, University of Saskatchewan, 1985. TALLIN, Jeffrey E. Waste Management Schemes of Potash Mines in Saskatchewan. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Civil Engineering, University of Saskatchewan, 1984. THERIAULT, Francois, Sedimentology, Diagenesis and Related Reservoir Properties of the Upper Devonian Grosmont Formation, Northern Alberta. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Geology and Geophysics, University of Calgary, 1984. TOLLEFSON, Laurie C. Irrigation Scheduiing for Pulse Crops. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Soil Science, University of Saskatchewan, 1985. TRAVERS, G.D. A Classification of Factors Which Cause Flooding in Western Canada. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Geography, University of Alberta, 1984. VORONEY, R.P. Decomposition of Crop Residues. Ph.D. dissertation, Dept. of Soil Science, University of Saskatchewan, 1984. WALLACE, Kenneth D. The Effects of Pipeline Construction on Crop Productivity on Agricultural Lands in Alberta. M.Sc. thesis, Committee on Resources and the Environment, University of Calgary, 1984. WATERS, P. M. Geostatistics of the Estevan Coal Seam in the Boundary Dam Mine, Southern Saskatchewan. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Geology, University of Alberta, 1984. WAYWANKO, A.O. Sedimentology and Geophysical Well Log Analysis of the Clearwater Formation (Lower Cretaceous), Cold Lake, Alberta. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Geology, University of Alberta, 1984. WEICHEL, Bertram J. An Evaluation of Habitat Potential for Wild Rice (Zizania palustris) in Northern Saskatchewan. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Geography, University of Saskatchewan, 1985. WING, Samuel J.C. Cementation and Diagenesis in the Upper Cretaceous Frenchman Formation in the Frenchman River Valley, Saskatchewan. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Geological Sciences, University of Saskatchewan, 1984. WONG, Siu Ling L. Developmental Analysis of Time to Maturity in Six Spring Wheat Crosses. Ph.D. dissertation, Dept. of Crop Science and Plant Ecology, University of Saskatchewan, 1985. WOOD, James M. Sedimentology of the Late Cretaceous, Judith River Formation, Cathedral Area, Dinosaur Provincial Park, Alberta. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Geology and Geophysics, University of Calgary, 1985. WRIGHT, E.B. Tolerance of Winter Wheat to Fall-applied Herbicides and Dinitroaniline Herbicide Residues. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Plant Science, University of Manitoba, 1984. YADAV, B. Genetics Studies of Resistance of Leaf Rust in Some Wheat Lines. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Crop Science and Plant Ecology, University of Saskatchewan, 1985. ZWICKY, Lynn. Barriers to Innovative Financing for Energy Conservation and Renewable Energy in Alberta. M.E.Des. thesis, Dept. of Environmental Science, University of Calgary, 1984.

Biological and Environmental Sciences AITCHISON, Caroline. The Ecology of Winter-active Collembolans and Spiders. Ph.D. dissertation, Dept. of Entomology, University of Manitoba, 1984. PRAIRIE THESES 105

ALBERT, Shanda M~ Hospice Care in Calgary Auxiliary Hospital and Nursing Home District No.7. M.A. thesis, Dept. of Educational Policy and Admin. Studies, University of Calgary, 1985. BAKER, Evan. Vegetation Dynamics on a Reservoir Delta, Glenmore Reservoir, Calgary. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Geography, University of Calgary, 1985. BAUCK, S.W. Environmental Factors & Respiratory Disease in Saskatchewan Swine Barns. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Herd Medicine and Theriogenology, University of Saskatchewan, .1985. BLEW, Roger. Rhizosphere Nitrogen Fixation (C2 H2 Reduction) Associated With the Major Species of Tall Grass Prairie. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Biology, Emporia State University, Kansas, 1984. Funded by National Science Foundation. BLOK, Vivian Carol. Isolation and Identification of Compounds Contributing to Tastes and Odours in Buffalo Pound Lake Water. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Biology, University of Saskatchewan, 1984. BURTON, D.K. Impact of Bacillus thuringiensis in Dosages Used for Black Fly (Simuliidae) Control Against Target and Non-target Organisms in the Torch River, Saskatchewan. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Entomology, University of Manitoba, 1984. COSENS, Susan E. Sources of Selection on Avian Songs and Singing Behaviour in Temperate Marsh and Grassland Habitats. Ph.D. dissertation, Dept. of Zoology, University of Toronto, 1984. DUFFUS, D.A. A study of Wetlands and Their Conservation in Southern Saskatchewan. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Geography, University of Regina, 1984. DUKART, Marie G. Some Aspects of the Ecology of the Plains Garter Snake, Thamnophis radix haydeni, in Southeastern Saskatchewan. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Biology, University of Regina, 1984. FRANKLING, Frederick T. Ecology of Plants Growing on Abandoned Uranium Mill Tailings in Northern Saskatchewan. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Crop Science and Plant Ecology, University of Saskatchewan, 1984. GARROD, Roger C. Ecology of Wild Rice Zizania aquatica: Fruit Production and Habitat Relationships. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Botany, University of Manitoba, 1984. GIBERSON, Donna J. Life History and Production Dynamics of Ephoron album (Ephemerop­ tera: Polymitarcidaet in the Valley River, Manitoba. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Entomology, University of Manitoba, 1984. GILBERT, Jeannie A. Pollination Vectors and Fungal Associations of Dwarf Misteltoes in Manitoba. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Botany, University of Manitoba, 1984. Funded by Natural Sciences & Engineering Research Council. GLAHOLT, Randal. Availability of Critical Pronghorn Antelope Habitat in Southern Alberta and Its Relation to Land Use. M.E.Des. thesis, Dept. of Environmental Science, University of Calgary, 1984. GRIFFITHS, Lorraine. Some aspects of Propagation and Culture of the Saskatoon tAmelanch­ ier alnifolia). M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Plant Science, University of Manitoba, 1984. HAUG, Elizabeth. Observations on the Breeding Ecology of Burrowing Owls in Saskatchewan. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Biology, University of Saskatchewan, 1985. Funded by World Wildlife Fund. JOHANNESEN, D. V. The Effects of Undernutrition on Some Reproductive & Metabolic Parameters in White-tailed Deer. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Biology, University of Saskatch­ ewan, 1985. JOHNSTON, C.H. The Genetic and Environmental Basis for External Coloration in Lake Whitefish Coregonus clupeiformis from Southern Indian Lake, Manitoba. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Zoology, University of British Columbia, 1984. JONKER, Peter M. Snowmobilers, Their Experience and Habitat Preferences, and the Implications for Wintering Moose in McLean Creek Area, Alberta. M.Sc. thesis, Committee on Resources and the Environment, University of Calgary, 1984. KUYKENDALL WILK, Sally A. Tallgrass Prairie Range Assessment Techniques. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Biology, Emporia State University, Kansas, 1984. LA WSON, Margaret A. Preliminary Investigations into the Roles of Visual and Pheromonal Stimuli on Aspects of the Western Plains Garter Snake, Thamnophis radix haydeni. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Biology, University of Regina, 1985. LOCASCIULLI, O. Distribution and Abundance of Terrestrial Snails in Three Habitat Types in Southwestern Alberta. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Zoology, University of Alberta, 1984. MAITEKI, George. Seasonal Abundance, Damage Assessment and Economic Threshold of the Pea Aphid, Acyrthosiphon pisum (Harris) on Field Peas in Manitoba. Ph.D. dissertation, Dept. of Entomology, University of Manitoba, 1985. 106 PRAIRIE THESES

MARION, Karen -E.D. The Restructuring of an Emergency Medical Service System: a Case Study of the Paramedic Service in Calgary, Alberta. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Geography, University of Calgary, 1984. MARLES, Robin A. Ethnobotany of the Chipewyan of Northern Saskatchewan. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Biology, University of Saskatchewan, 1984. MENSFORTH, Michael A. Effects of Soil Amendation and Time on the Development of Microbiological Activity in Reclaimed Oil Sand Tailings. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Biology, University of Calgary, 1984. MWIINDILILA, C.N. Characterization of Rhizoctonia solani (Thantephorus cucumeris) Isolates in Manitoba. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Plant Science, University of Manitoba, 1984. NECKLES, Hilary. Plant and Macroinvertebrate Responses to Water Regime in a Whitetop Marsh. M.Sc. thesis, University of Minnesota, 1984. NORRIS, H.J. A Comparison of Aging Techniques and Growth of Yellow Perch Perea flavescens from Selected Alberta Lakes. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Zoology, University of Alberta, 1984. OSEEN, Margaret A.M. A Study of Physical Fitness in Rural Saskatchewan women. M.Sc. thesis, College of Physical Education, University of Saskatchewan, 1984. PATTIMORE, John H. The Feasibility of Reintroducing the Swift Fox to Southwestern Manitoba. M.N.R.M. thesis, Natural Resources Institute, University of Manitoba, 1985. PRESCOTT, Cindy. Effects of Sulphur Dioxide Pollution on the Decomposition of Pine Needle Litter. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Biology, University of Calgary, 1984. REID, Donald G. Ecological Interaction of River Otters and Beavers in a Boreal Ecosystem. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Biology, University of Calgary, 1985. REIST, James D. Systematics and Evolutionary History of Esocoid Fishes. Ph.D. dissertation, Dept. of Zoology, University of Toronto, 1984. ROMERIL, C.S. Utilization of Acute Care Hospital Pediatric Services in Alberta. M.H.S.A. thesis, Dept. of Health Services Administration, University of Alberta, 1984. SCOTT, Gregory L. An Ecological Study of Factors Affecting the Microdistribution of Ephemeroptera and Other Benthic Macroinvertebrates, in Bragg Creek, Alberta. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Biology, University of Calgary, 1985. SELINGER, M.G. Garter Snake Denning Ecology. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Biology, University of Regina, 1984. SKINNER, D.L. Selection of Winter Food by Beavers at Elk Island National Park. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Zoology, University of Alberta, 1984. SMITH, Douglas Hardie. Systematics of Saskatchewan Trichoptera Larvae With Emphasis on Species from Boreal Streams. Ph.D. dissertation, Dept. of Biology, University of Saskatchewan, 1984. STRONG, W.L. Below-ground Ecology of Boreal Forests in the Hondo-Lesser Slave Lake Area, Alberta. Ph.D. dissertation, Dept. of Botany, University of Alberta, 1984. SUTHERLAND, J.M. Habitat Selection and Reproductive Ecology of the American Coot, Fulica americana Gmelin, in South-central Saskatchewan. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Biology, University of Saskatchewan, 1985. SUTHERS, I.M. Role of Dissolved Oxygen in Limiting Diel and Summer Distribution of Yellow Perch in a Prairie Marsh. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Zoology, University of Manitoba, 1984. SUTTERLIN, Linda. Interpretation of Bears in Waterton Lakes National Park. M.E.Des. . thesis, Dept. of Environmental Science, University of Calgary, 1984. TAYLOR, John. Bear Management in Canadian National Parks: Fifteen Essential Elements. M.E.Des. thesis, Dept. of Environmental Science, University of Calgary, 1984. TOMALAK, Marek. Nematode Parasites of Bark Beetles Coleoptera: Scolytidae in Manitoba: Taxonomy and Pathogenicity. Ph.D. dissertation, Dept. of Entomology, University of Manitoba, 1984. TORRANCE, Douglas J. Reproductive Success of Swainson's Hawks in Two Habitats in Southwestern Alberta. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Biology, University of Calgary, 1984. TURNER, L.J. Space and Prey Use by Northern Pike Esox lucius in Two Alberta Lakes. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Zoology, University of Alberta, 1984. WHITE, William M. The Effects of Sulfur Dioxide Deposition from a Natural Gas Processing Plant on the Chemical Properties of Some Selected Soils Near Innisfail, Alberta. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Geography, University of Calgary, 1984. WHITING, Eric R. Biogeography of Hetageniid Mayflies in Saskatchewan: a Multivariate Ecological Study. Ph.D. dissertation, Dept. of Biology, University of Saskatchewan, 1985. WHYTE, A.J. Breeding Ecology of the Piping Plover Charadrius melodus in Central Saskatchewan. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Biology, University of Saskatchewan, 1985. PRAIRIE THESES 107

WR UBLESKI, Dale A. Species Composition, Emergence Phenologies and Abundances of Chironomidae (Diptera) from the Delta Marsh, Manitoba, Canada. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Entomology, University of Manitoba, 1984. Funded by Delta Marsh Field Station, University of Manitoba; Ducks Unlimited Canada.

Social Sciences and Humanities AL-ISSA, Brigitta H. Calgary's Skid Row: Population and Services. M.S.W. thesis, Faculty of Social Work, University of Calgary, 1984. ALEXANDER, D.J. Alberta Women and World War Two. M.A. thesis, Dept. of History, University of Calgary, 1985. ANDREAS, Charles D. Hedonic Price Modeling of the Saskatoon Housing Market With Particular emphasis on Inner-city Neighborhoods, 1980-83. M.A. thesis, Dept. of Geography, University of Saskatchewan, 1984. APUZZO, A.M.R. A Comparative Cost Analysis of Petrochemical Development in Alberta. M.A. thesis, Dept. of Economics, University of Calgary, 1984. BAAH, Samuel. Pricing Efficiency in the Alberta Hog Industry. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Rural Economy, University of Alberta, 1984. BACHIU, Vernon G. Evaluation of the Saskatchewan Indian Community College Occupational Training Program 1976-1981. M.Ed. thesis, Dept. of Continuing Education, University of Saskatchewan, 1985. BANKSOTA, K. An Economic Analyis of the Production Structure of the Sawmilling Industry in Alberta. Ph.D. dissertation, Dept. of Rural Economy, University of Alberta, 1984. BENJAMIN, Keith. 1988Olympic Media Village: a Conceptual Design. M.E.Des. thesis, Dept. of Architecture, University of Calgary, 1984. BILASH, O.S.E. Decoding the Cultural Landscape: a Structural Analysis of the University of Alberta. M.A. thesis, Dept. of Geography, University of Alberta, 1984. BOURDON, David A. Militarism, Sport and Social Control in Alberta: 1900-20. M.A. thesis, Dept. of History, University of Calgary, 1985. BOUVIER, Rita. Specialized Training in the Saskatchewan Urban Native Teacher Education Program: a Case Study. M.Ed. thesis, Indian and Northern Education Program, University of Saskatchewan, 1984. BOWERS, Harvey A. A Study of the Role of Assistant Directors as Perceived by Directors, Assistant Directors and Chairpersons of Boards of Education in Saskatchewan. M.Ed. thesis, Faculty of Education, University of Regina, 1985. BROWN, Isabel. Native and Non-native Recidivism Three Years After Saskatchewan Com­ munity Training Residence Program Release. M.S.W. thesis, Faculty of Social Work, University of Regina, 1985. BROWN, LilIas Marie. A Follow-up Survey of the Graduates of the Continuing Education Programs at the University of Saskatchewan, 1965-1980. M.C.Ed. thesis, Dept. of Continuing Education, University of Saskatchewan, 1984. BUCHIK, Patricia. Adaptive Reuse of the Okotoks Railroad Station. M.E.Des. thesis, Dept. of Architecture, University of Calgary, 1984. CALDER, Barbara Lynn. A Comparison of Obstetric and Newborn Continuing Education Needs of Staff Nurses in Small Saskatchewan Hospitals as Perceived by Directors of Nursing and Staff Nurses. M.C.Ed. thesis, Dept. of Continuing Education, University of Saskatchewan, 1984. CAMPBELL, Colin. Social Organization of Alberta Casinos. M.A. thesis, Dept. of Sociology, University of Calgary, 1985. CARTLIDGE, Thora. Historic District Conservation in Winnipeg and Minneapolis/St. Paul. M.A. thesis, Canadian Plains Studies Program, University of Regina, 1984. CASS, D.E. Investment in Alberta's Petroleum Industry, 1913-1930. M.A. thesis, Dept. of History, University of Calgary, 1985. CHAPMAN, T.L. Sex Crimes in Western Canada, 1890-1920. Ph.D. dissertation, Dept. of History, University of Alberta, 1984. CHOMYN, S.A. Needs for Services in Saskatchewan Small Communities as Perceived by Residents. M.A. thesis, Dept. of Rural Economy, University of Alberta, 1984. CURRIE, Doug. Teacher Effectiveness Criteria as Perceived by Saskatchewan Educators. M.Ed. thesis, Dept. of Educational Administration, University of Saskatchewan, 1985. DAR, Fazal Haque. Saskatchewan Council for International Cooperation: a Strategic Management Perspective. M.Admin. thesis, Faculty of Administration, University of Regina, 1985. DE JONG, Edward. Economic Diversification and Development for the Province of Alberta: a Systematic Approach. M. E.Des. thesis, Dept. of Urban and Regional Planning, University of Calgary, 1984. 108 PRAIRIE THESES

DHALIWAL, N.S. An Analysis of Alternative Forecasting Methods of the International Durum Wheat Market. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Agricultural Economics, University of Saskatchewan, 1984. DOROSHENKO, E. Profile of the Saskatchewan Superintendent/ Director of Education. M.Ed. thesis, Faculty of Education, University of Regina, 1985. DYBWAD, H.E. Taxation of the Saskatchewan Coal Industry: an Economic Analysis. M.A. thesis, Dept. of Economics, University of Regina, 1984. DYER, J. E. An Evaluation of Factors Leading to the Success and Failure of Agriculture Credit Corporation of Saskatchewan Borrowers. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Agricultural Economics, University of Saskatchewan, 1985. EARMME, S.Y. A Water Use Projection Model for the North Saskatchewan River Basin, Alberta, 1980-1985: an Input-output Approach. Ph.D. dissertation, Dept. of Economics, University of Alberta, 1979. EDWARDS, Rilla May. A Proposal for a Non-disciplinary Management Response to Non-culpable Performance Problems Among Permanent Employees in the Saskatchewan Public Service. M.Admin. thesis, Faculty of Administration, University of Regina, 1985. FAST, Vera K. The Protestant Missionary and Fur Trade Society: Initial Contact in the Hudson's Bay Territory, 1820-1850. Ph.D. dissertation, Dept. of History, University of Manitoba, 1984. FRENCH, Austin. A Strategic Approach to Industrial Development for the South Peace Region of Alberta. M. E.Des. thesis, Dept. of Urban and Regional Planning, University of Calgary, 1984. FREY, Cecelia E. Organizing Unorganized Space: the Prairie Aesthetic in the Poetry of Eli Mandel. M.A. thesis, Dept. of English, University of Calgary, 1985. FRITZ, Loretta J. Attribute Preferences and Attribute Trade-offs: a Study of Potential House Buyers in Edmonton and Saskatoon. M.B.A. thesis, College of Commerce, University of Saskatchewan, 1984. GEDDERT, Ronald L. The Location of Differentially Preferred Discretionary Service: the Case of Saskatoon as a Site for a National Hockey League Franchise. M.A. thesis, Dept. of Geography, University of Saskatchewan, 1984. GOULET, L.M. Student Teachers' Involvement in Teaching and Planning the Early Field Experiences of the Northern Teacher Education Program: a Case Study. M.Ed. thesis, Faculty of Education, University of Regina, 1985. GRAHAM, W.M. Construction of Large-scale Structural Base Maps of Central Edmonton for 1907, 1911 and 1914. M.A. thesis, Dept. of Geography, University of Alberta, 1984. GROSS, Timothy D. Infill Housing in Regina: the Roles of the Actors in the Implementation Process. M.A. thesis, Dept. of Geography, University of Regina, 1984. GRUENDING, R.E.G. An Ethnographic Case Study of an Effective Administrative Team in a Saskatchewan Urban Elementary School. M.Ed. thesis, Dept. of Educational Administra­ tion, University of Saskatchewan, 1985. GUNN ING HAM, James D. An Exploratory Study of Relationships Between the Responsibilities of Saskatchewan Rural Trustees and Demographic Data. M.Ed. thesis, Faculty of Education, University of Regina, 1984. HADLEY, Margery T. Photographyand the Landscape of Travel: Western Canada, 1884-1914. M.A. thesis, Committee on Resources and the Environment, University of Calgary, 1984. HAMILTON, Amy M.e. The Development ofa Questionnaire to Identify Attitudes of Selected Native Students to Writing English. M.Ed. thesis, Dept. of Curriculum Studies, University of Saskatchewan, 1985. HAYDEN, D.L. An Economic Analysis of the Private Use of Public Grazing Land in Alberta. M.A. thesis, Dept. of Rural Economy, University of Alberta, 1984. HEINIGER, Marcel. Recent Emigration of Swiss Farm Families to Canada. M.A. thesis, Dept. of Geography, University of Calgary, 1984. HILL, Beverley W. A Study of the Method of Funding Seniors' Activity Centres by the Saskatchewan Department of Social Services. M.Admin. thesis, Faculty of Administration, University of Regina, 1984. HILL, Donald B. The Role of the Cooperating Teacher as Perceived by Interns, Faculty Advisors, and Cooperating Teachers of the University of Regina Elementary Teacher Education Program. M.Ed. thesis, Faculty of Education, University of Regina, 1985. HOLBROW, W.W. A Study of the Development of the Saskatchewan Co-op Credit Society (Credit Union Central). M.A. thesis, Dept. of Sociology and Social Studies, University of Regina, 1984. HOUGHTON-LARSEN, Richard E. Central Canadian Ideology in the Canadian Newspaper Industry and Its Effects on the News Flow of Six Major Western Canadian Dailies. M.A. thesis, Dept. of Sociology, University of Saskatchewan, 1984. PRAIRIE THESES 109

JUDD-VAN-EERD, Maureen K.M.J. Continuing Education Needs for Physical Therapists in Saskatchewan: a Descriptive Survey. M.C.Ed. thesis, Dept. of Continuing Education, University of Saskatchewan, 1984. KHATUN, H. Intra-urban Residential Migration of East Indian People in Edmonton. M.A. thesis, Dept. of Geography, University of Alberta, 1984. KNOWLER, D.J. Non-conventional Energy Supplies and Market Failure: the Case of Coal Liquefaction in Alberta. M.A. thesis, Dept. of Economics, University of Alberta, 1984. KOROLUK, R. An Economic Analysis of the Establishment of Separate Crop Accounts Within the Western Grains Stabilization Program. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Agricultural Economics, University of Saskatchewan, 1985. KRAUS, Patricia. Post Diploma Degree Nurses' Perceptions of Barriers to Obtain Baccalaureate Degrees in Nursing in Saskatchewan. M.C.Ed. thesis, Dept. of Continuing Education, University of Saskatchewan, 1985. KRAUSE, Lily M. Continuing Education Programs for Registered Nurses in Hospitals and Special Care Homes in Saskatoon. M.C.Ed. thesis, Dept. of Continuing Education, University of Saskatchewan, 1984. KREWIAK, Michael W. An Analysis of the Leisure Facility Preferences of the Urban Elderly. M.A. thesis, Faculty of Arts, University of Manitoba, 1984. LAM, S-Y. A Regional Crop Forecasting Model for the Canadian Prairies. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Agricultural Economics and Farm Management, University of Manitoba, 1984. LAPORTE, R. E. The Development of Parks in Regina, 1882-1930: Private Initiative and Public Policy. M.A. thesis, Dept. of History, University of Regina, 1984. LEA, Joanne E. Houseand Heritage: a Study of Ethnic Vernacular Architecture of 1880-1920 in Rural Alberta. M.A. thesis, Dept. of Archaeology, University of Calgary, 1985. LEUNG, Kwok-Hung. Ethnic Schools and Public Education: a Study of the Relationship Between Ethnic Schools and Public Education in Alberta. M.Ed. thesis, Dept. of Education Policy and Administrative Studies, University of Calgary, 1984. LIPINSKI, G.M. A Review of Post-planning Evaluation of the Development of the Ross Industrial Park, Regina, Saskatchewan. M.A. thesis, Dept. of Geography, University of Regina, 1985. LO, Sze Kee. Applications of Remote Sensing Techniques to Wetland Vegetation Assessment with Special Reference to the Last Mountain Lake Area, Southern Saskatchewan. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Geography, University of Saskatchewan, 1984. LOVE, Brian Cameron. The Effect of Road Traffic Noise on Housing Prices in Calgary 1978to 1982. M.A. thesis, Dept. of Geography, University of Calgary, 1984. MARCHAND, Laureen M. An Exploration of the Idea of Identity in Saskatchewan Art. M.A. thesis, Dept. of Art and Art History, University of Saskatchewan, 1985. MATTHEW, N.F. Industrial Education in Alberta, Its Evolution and Development 1968-1982. M.Ed. thesis, Dept. of Industrial and Vocational Education, University of Alberta, 1984. MCCLURE, Jean M.L. The Saskatchewan Social Studies curriculum in Hutterite Colony Schools: a Descriptive Study. M.Ed. thesis, Faculty of Education, University of Regina, 1984. MCCONNELL, R.D. Compensation for Waterfowl Depredation in Alberta With Particular Reference to Habitat Availability. M.A. thesis, Dept. of Rural Economy, University of Alberta, 1984. MCCORMACK, P. How the (North) West Was Won: Development and Underdevelopment in the Fort Chipewyan Region. Ph.D. dissertation, Dept. of Anthropology, University of Alberta, 1984. MCGIBBON, M.J. Citizen Protest in the Urban Planning Process: a Case Study of the North Saskatchewan River Valley Area Redevelopment Plan. M.A. thesis, Dept. of Geography, University of Alberta, 1984. MCMILLAN, Lloyd J. The Development of an Introduction Education Course for Western Christian College, North Weyburn, Saskatchewan. M.Ed. thesis, Faculty of Education, University of Regina, 1985. MEIN, Stewart G. Adult Education in the Districts of Saskatchewan and Assiniboia, Northwest Territories During the Three Phases of Settlement in the Territorial Period 1870-1905. M.Ed. thesis, Dept. of Continuing Education, University of Saskatchewan, 1984. MELCHIN, Brook. Festival Market, Louise Crossing, Calgary. M.E.Des. thesis, Dept. of Architecture, University of Calgary, 1984. MINIONS, Donna Mavis. Three Worlds of Greek-Canadian Women: a Study of Migrant Greek Women in Calgary, Alberta. M.A. thesis, Dept. of Anthropology, University of Calgary, 1984. MITURA, Verna Mae. The Allocation of the Farm Operator's Labor Time in Saskatchewan Rural Households. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Agricultural Economics, University of Sas­ katchewan, 1984. 110 PRAIRIE THESES

MOORE, G.R. The Impact of an Increase in Grain Freight Rates and Trucking Distance on Farmland Market Price in Manitoba. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Agricultural Economics, University of Manitoba, 1984. MULLENS, Harry J. Love, Sexuality and Aging in Nursing Homes and Public Housing in Saskatchewan. M.A. thesis, Dept. of Psychology, University of Regina, 1984. MURAUSKAS, G.T. The Expansion of the Northern Saskatchewan In-migration Field and Changes in the Perceived Friction of Distance. M.A. thesis, Dept. of Geography, University of Saskatchewan, 1984. NEUDORF, Johann. The Involvement of Boards of Trustees in Education in Rural Sas­ katchewan. M.Ed. thesis, Faculty of Education, University of Regina, 1985. NEUFELD, Keith T. Ranching and the Grasslands National Park: an Historical and Institutional Analysis. M.A. thesis, School of Urban and Regional Planning, University of Waterloo, 1984. O'DWYER, Karen B. Patterns of Political Orientations and Behaviors of Social Studies 30 Students in Southern Alberta. M.A. thesis, Dept. of Curriculum and Instruction, University of Calgary, 1985. O'GRADY, Kevin L. An Inquiry Into the Objective Function of a Monopoly Crown Corporation: the Saskatchewan Power Corporation. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Agricultural Economics, University of Saskatchewan, 1984. OZEMBLOSKI, Lloyd W. A Comparison of the Intensity, Frequency and Duration of Distress Among City and Non-city Public School Principals in Saskatchewan. M.Ed. thesis, Faculty of Education, University of Regina, 1984. PAULUS, Joni Rose. A Comparative Study of Human Rights in Alberta and Saskatchewan. M.A. thesis, Dept. of Sociology, University of Calgary, 1984. RADIAN, Elizabeth. Feasibility of a Single-entry Intake Unit for Alberta Social Services and Community Health. M.S.W. thesis, Faculty of Social Work, University of Calgary, 1984. REGULAR, W.K. "Red Backs and White Burdens": a Study of White Attitudes Toward Indians in Southern Alberta, (Treaty 7 Area), 1896-1911. M.A. thesis, Dept. of History, University of Calgary, 1984. REID, Dale P. Identity and Adaptation to Community and Economic Change" Among the Southend Cree. M.A. thesis, Dept. of Anthropology and Archaeology, University of Saskatchewan, 1984. RENIHAN, F.I. Bargaining as Conflict: a Studyin Collective Bargaining Under a Two Tier Structure in Saskatchewan Education. Ph.D. dissertation, Dept. of Educational Admin­ istration, University of Saskatchewan, 1985. RHINE, Janet L. Sedimentological and Geomorphological Reconstruction of the Late Pleistocene Athabasca Fan-Delta, Northeast Alberta. M.Sc. thesis, Dept. of Geography, University of Calgary, 1984. ROCAN, Claude. Changing Canadian Perceptions of Louis Riel's Significance. Ph.D. dissertation, Dept. of Political Science, York University, 1984. ROUSSEAU, Danielle. The Sportscentre Design for the Kananaskis Valley Village Project. M.E.Des. thesis, Dept. of Architecture, University of Calgary, 1984. RUITENBEEK, Herman Jack. Enhanced Oil Recovery: Incorporating Optimal Timing Effects of Reservoir Development Into Supply Analysis. M.A. thesis, Dept. of Economics, University of Calgary, 1984. RUSSELL, B.A. Western Alienation in Alberta in the 1930's. M.A. thesis, Dept. of History, University of Calgary, 1985. SALOPEK, Marijan. A Study of Western Canadian Concerns and Fears During the Korean War. M.A. thesis, Dept. of History, University of Alberta, 1984. SEALY, Jonathan. Leadership Styles of Principals in Native Schools in Saskatchewan. M.C.Ed. thesis, Dept. of Continuing Education, University of Saskatchewan, 1985. SEATON, Hugh. An Employment Strategy for Three Metis Settlements in Alberta. M.E.Des. thesis, Dept. of Urban and Regional Planning, University of Calgary, 1984. SELLINGER, G.P. The Projected Impact of Environmental Forces on Programs of Study in Selected Departments in the Science and Education Faculties at the Universities of Alberta and Calgary: 1983-1988. Ph.D. dissertation, Dept. of Educational Administration, University of Alberta, 1984. SHENNAN, Wesley M. Towards New Methodological Realms in Urban and Regional Planning. M.Phil. thesis, Dept. of Urban Design and Regional Planning, University of Edinburgh, 1984. SIBENIK, Peter. The Doorkeepers: the Governance of Territorial and Alberta Lawyers, 1885­ 1928. M.A. thesis, Dept. of History, University of Calgary, 1984. SIMONS, G.C. Agent, Editor and Native Attitudes of the Western Canadian Press to the Department of Indians Affairs 1880-1891. M.A. thesis, Dept. of History, Queen's University, 1984. PRAIRIE THESES 111

SIMULIK, A.P. Language Usage Amongst Selected Groups of Slavic-speaking Immigrants in Edmonton. M.A. thesis, Dept. of Slavic and East European Studies, University of Alberta, 1984. SKAALID, Bonnie C. Barriers to Curriculum Implementation Affecting Rural and Urban Elementary Teachers in Saskatchewan. M.Ed. thesis,Dept. of Educational Administration, University of Saskatchewan, 1984. SLOMAN, Katherine. A Study of the Incidence of Wife Abuse in Airdrie, Alberta. M.S.W. thesis, Faculty of Social Welfare, University of Calgary, 1984. SMITH, James L. Disposal of Sewage Sludge - a Cost Benefit Analysis for Calgary, Alberta. M.Sc. thesis, Committee on Resources and the Environment, University of Calgary, 1984. STUART, C.A. Cree Indian Family Systems. M.Ed. thesis, Dept. of Educational Psychology, University of Alberta, 1984. TAYLOR, Georgina. Equals and Partners? An Examination of How Saskatchewan Women Reconciled Their Political Activities for the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation With the Traditional Roles for Women. M.A. thesis, Dept. of History, University of Saskatch­ ewan, 1984. TETRAULT, Guy G. Concerns Identified by Principals of French Immersion Schools in Saskatchewan. M.Ed. thesis, Dept. of Educational Administration, University ofSaskatch­ ewan, 1984. THOMPSON, Darlene Faye. A Study of Saskatchewan Students Enrolled in Athabasca University Correspondence Programs and University of Waterloo Correspondence Programs. M.Ed. thesis, Dept. of Continuing Education, University of Saskatchewan, 1984. TOLEDO, H.E. A Geography of Social Well-being: a Comparative Analysis Between Alberta and Saskatchewan. M.A. thesis, Dept. of Geography, University of Regina, 1985. TRACHTENBERG, Henry Manuel. The Old Clo Move: Anti-Semitism, Politics and the Jews of Winnipeg, 1882-1921. Ph.D. dissertation, Dept. of History, York University, 1984. VINJE, Garry. Recreational Open Space Design for Calgary's Inner City. M.E.Des. thesis, Dept. of Urban and Regional Planning, University of Calgary, 1984. VON STEIN, Joachim. Providing University Courses and Programs to People Living in Northern Communities in Alberta, Saskatchewan and Manitoba: Three Case Studies. Ph.D. dissertation, Dept. of Educational Administration and Found., University of Manitoba, 1985. WALKER, Beverly Jane. The Effects of Federal Provincial Negotiations Upon Cable Regulation in Manitoba and Saskatchewan. M.A. thesis, Simon Fraser University, 1984. WELLS, W.A. The Saskatchewan Option in Cable Television. M.A. thesis, Dept. of Sociology, University of Regina, 1984. WIGMORE, Margaret A. Secret Empires of the Heart: a Study of the Work of Margaret Laurence. Ph.D. dissertation, Dept. of English, Queen's University, 1984. WOODLEY, Kenneth F.C. Viewson Manitoba School Trustees About Policy and Policymaking in Education. Ph.D. dissertation, Dept. of Educational Administration and Found., University of Manitoba, 1984. ZDUNICH, Darlene J. Tuberculosis and the Canadian Veterans of World War One. M.A. thesis, Dept. of History, University of Calgary, 1984. ZOLF, D. The Alberta Educational Communications Authority: a Case Study of Public Policymaking in Educational Broadcasting. Ph. D. dissertation, Dept. of Educational Administration, University of Alberta, 1984. ZWICKER, Donna J.A. Alberta Women and World War Two. M.A. thesis, Dept. of History, University of Calgary, 1985.

113

Book Reviews

The Canadian Prairies: A History by Gerald Friesen. Toronto: Uni­ versity of Toronto Press, 1984. Pp. 524. More than a quarter of a century has elapsed since W. L. Morton first published his classic study of prairie society, Manitoba: A History. In the intervening years many fine works have been produced on various aspects of prairie history but, until the recent publication of The Canadian Prairies:A History, none of these studies came close to equalling, let alone surpassing, Morton's achievement. What makes Friesen's work a plausible successor to the old mas­ ter's is its very breadth. By covering a period which extends from the seventeenth century to the present and by studying a vast region that has long needed a good general survey, The Canadian Prairies has virtually assured itself of an important niche in Canadian historiog­ raphy. More to the point, however, is that in the process of writing this book Friesen did a magnificent job of synthesizing the results of myriad theses, monographs, and articles. In so doing, the author made the salient points of these highly specific studies comprehensible to the non-specialist while simultaneously providing solid information to the major historiographic debates-a feature which will be of great inter­ est to serious students of prairie history. The conceptual framework that Friesen uses to make sense of all these data are derived from several sources: the environmental/ economic determinism of Innis and Creighton, the class/ cultural models ofE. P. Thompson and Eric Hobsbawm, the argument ofPolonyi's The Great Transformation, and the writings of C. B. Macpherson, V.C. Fowke and H. C. Pentland on political and economic developments in a quasi-colonial region. Finally, while there are several other intellectual cross-currents running through The Canadian Prairies, Friesen's great­ est debt is to W. L. Morton-although not always in a positive sense. While deferential to many of Morton's insights on the nature ofprairie society, Friesen also attempts to correct other aspects of his interpreta­ tion. For example, Friesen uses recent research in order to fill the historiographic gap left by Morton's inability to "say anything of consequence about the era of native dominance" in western Canada. (P. 10) More important, Friesen relies upon class analysis to explain many aspects of nineteenth and twentieth century prairie history, and this is an approach which was entirely (and regrettably) absent from Morton's work. While all ofthe foregoing might lead one to expect-orfear-that the resulting interpretation would be Marxist in orientation, this is most certainly not the case. Rather, what emerges from Friesen's work is a liberal perspective which is coloured by a strong sense of prairie 114 BOOK REVIEWS

populism and regional pride. In effect, he sees prairie history as a partially completed march towards the creation of a unique and egalitarian society within the confines of the larger Canadian and global communities. This very definite strain of progressivism is tem­ pered by an awareness of the injuries sustained by some groups, especially natives and the Metis, on this journey to the present but, for the most part, The Canadian Prairies is an optimistic work which sees a pattern of "co-operation and conflict, tragedy and triumph" in western history. (P. 462) Friesen's analysis is based upon a solid appreciation of the region's economic history. The prairie landscape, composed of boreal forest, parklands and plain, was united by economic necessity as the region's first inhabitants "relied upon seasonal movement between two if not three" of these zones. (P. 4) Even the coming of whites between 1640 and 1840 did not change the basic rhythms of prairie life, for the "European fur trade was established upon these native cycles...." (P. 4) The adaptation to international capitalism did, however, create massive changes. Both the pattern of native life and the economic unity of the three landscapes were disrupted as the prairies became an agricultural hinterland for the industrial world between 1840and 1890. The imposition of the market economy, white settlement, railways, and all of the political and cultural institutions of the Anglo-Celtic world altered forever the course of prairie history. In the years between 1890 and 1940 this new agricultural economy was set firmly in place, challenged internally and eventually confirmed by western Canadians. However, in recent times the modern prairie provinces have, on an individual basis, reunited the three zones of the prairies by marrying "the agricultural productivity of the prairie and parkland to the min­ eral, timber and hydro-electric resources of the northern forests." (P. 4) Thus, despite other changes, the environmental/economic underpin­ nings of western society have remained fairly consistent and have helped to define that unique society throughout its history. Within this economic framework The Canadian Prairies provides a solid survey of the social and political development of the region. Arranged both chronologically and thematically, it begins by examin­ ing the fur trade era from both native and European perspectives and argues that it was a two hundred-year-long period "distinguished by adaptation, peace and co-operation." (P. 22) This is followed by a careful analysis of the turbulent transition from fur trade society to the British-Ontarian agricultural society of the late nineteenth century. Here Friesen examines the Metis' response to the new order and their temporary success at winning a place in it (1869-70). He also demon­ strates how, by the end of the period, both the Metis and the native population had been totally overwhelmed by the onslaught of white settlement. BOOK REVIEWS 115

Byfar the best section of The Canadian Prairies is that which deals with the years of rapid growth and massive depression between 1840 and 1940. This is an excellent chronicle of the racial, religious, class and regional issues which shaped prairie politics, social structure and economic life during this period. Finally, Friesen concludes his survey with a section on the "new west," which is perhaps the least satisfactory portion of this book, even though it provides an adequate synopsis of recent developments. There are two aspects of this final section which are somewhat troublesome. First, it is far too briefto do justice to the more than forty years that it covers. To some extent, this simply reflects the lack of scholarly work done on the modern period~afactor which the author of any survey can do little to overcome. The second problem arises from what some may perceive to be Friesen's overly optimistic assess­ ment of contemporary prairie society. He draws a picture of a com­ munity which is becoming more tolerant of ethnic differences, which has retained its sense of identity despite the intrusions of a monolithic and pervasive mass culture, and which has a firm grip on its economic and political future. While Friesen stops far short of portraying the prairies as the best of all possible worlds, one gets a certain intimation that it just might be. There is, of course, evidence which challenges many of these conclusions and Friesen is well aware of many counterarguments; indeed, he cites several. This knowledge has not, however, deterred him from retaining his optimism. Perhaps he is justified in this, for after completing so masterful a survey, no author can be blamed for offering a hopeful assessment of the society which he has spent so much time studying. The Canadian Prairies is an invaluable contribution to Canadian historiography. Its real genius lies in its successful joining of impor­ tant, but often neglected, studies on various aspects of western life. It will be the standard reference on prairie history for many years to come and is a "must read" for any student of Canadian history. James D. Mochoruk Department of History University of Manitoba

The Myth ofthe Savage: Andthe Beginnings ofFrench Colonialism in the Americas by Olive Patricia Dickason. Edmonton: The University of Alberta Press, 1984. Pp. 380. First People, First Voices by Penny Petrone, editor. Toronto: Univer­ sity of Toronto Press, 1983. Pp. 224. These books deal with quite diverse aspects of Indian and contact history in Canada. Both have an appealing format and style which 116 BOOK REVIEWS

should make them accessible to a wide readership, but they share little in subject matter and approach. Olive Patricia Dickason's The Myth of the Savage: Andthe Beginnings ofFrench Colonialism in the Ameri­ cas, is an important contribution to our understanding of the complex origins of French attitudes and policies toward the people of the new world. Perceptions of and approaches toward native people were conditioned by literary, theological and folklore traditions, by pub­ lished accounts and illustrations widely circulated in Europe, and by the realities of contact. Dickason's work upholds the view that, com­ pared to the other colonizing powers, France had a-superior record of relations with native people, but her central argument is that this gift for accommodation and co-operation, evident in New France, was the product of a century of cumulative experience and experiment in the new world. The first part, "American Discoveries and European Images," describes the development of European beliefs about and attitudes toward the people of the new world. While close attention is paid to French perceptions, Dickason displays an impressive command of manuscript and primary printed soures in English, Spanish and Latin. Beginning with the 1493 publication of Columbus's letter announcing his discovery, Dickason traces how Europeans began to accumulate a welter of haphazard first-hand accounts and hearsay evidence on the inhabitants of the new world. The new technology of the printing press allowed this information to be disseminated rapidly and widely. The illustrations which accompanied these publications, of which there are lavish examples in the book, were invariably the work of artists who had not seen what they were trying to depict, but were nonetheless important moulders of images and patterns of thought. A decided tendency was to present the Indians as cannibals. The European schol­ ars and theologians who collected and synthesized this evidence pro­ duced their own great volume of writing, which was concerned primar­ ily with the question of how the new world inhabitants fit into the Christian cosmos. Evidence of the Indians' appearance, customs, and habits raised fundamental questions and problems concerning biblical accounts. The general consensus that emerged from this medley of pondering and speculation was that the new world inhabitant was "l'homme sauvage," a concept which had long been part of European literature and folklore. Renaissance Europe believed that the people of the new world were at an early, immature stage of civilization, but that there was every hope that they could be "humanized" and Christian­ ized, and cured of their largely deplorable habits and customs. The belief in the myth of the savage, Dickason argues, provided Europeans with a moral sanction to colonize, and made it possible to ignore the complexity and integrity of new world societies.: As evidence of this complexity and integrity, the second part, BOOK REVIEWS 117

"Early Contacts of Amerindians and Frenchmen," begins with brief ethnographic sketches of the societies that inhabited the northern Atlantic coast, the St. Lawrence and its hinterlands at the time of first contact with Europeans. Dickason then describes the legal and politi­ cal rationales Europeans devised to justify their presence in the new world. The French approach, Dickason believes, was more in keeping with native philosophy which called for the sharing of the land and its resources. The French did not effect nominal purchases of the land, as the Dutch and English did, but devised the doctrine that they received the use of the land in return for teaching Christianity. According to Dickason, this was "perfectly acceptable" to the Indians, "as they regarded such agreements very much as they did alliances, as arrange­ ments to be cyclically renewed, with appropriate gifts," and the French were careful to honour these conventions. (Pp. 132-33)Dickason then focusses on three failed attempts to establish French colonies in the new world in the sixteenth century, developing the argument that it was only through painful experience that the French acquired skill in accommodating and co-operating with Indians. A chapter is devoted to the Cartier-Roberval colonization effort. The next attempt to estab­ lish a French presence in the new world was in Brazil between 1555and 1560. There the French took great care to nurture relations with their suppliers of brazilwood. They began the practice of sending young men to live with the inhabitants to learn the language and way of life. Men groomed as interpreters and "go-betweens" were known later in Can­ ada as "coureurs de bois." The experience gained through this, and another failed attempt at colonization, in Florida, convinced the French that active co-operation with the inhabitants, or la douceur, was the key to future success. It was learned that friendship with the Indians was essential to the establishment of a power base in the new world, that effective alliances had to be negotiated and sealed accord­ ing to native conventions, and it was realized that alliances could be used to advantage in attacking European rivals. The policy of douceur allowed New France to be finally and firmly established in the new world in the seventeenth century. The third part, "Iron Men and True Men in New France," traces how the policy of douceur was realized by traders and missionaries in the St. Lawrence valley. Accommodation and co-operation was more successful in the trade and military realm than in the religious. Al­ though a massive transformation to "civilization" and Christianity was not achieved, the French gained the loyalty and friendship of many Indians. The French skillfully engaged Indian self-interest, and man­ ipulated their love of honour and prestige, creating lasting alliances. The strength of these alliances was proved in the support given to the French in the colonial wars. The ultimate goal of a spiritual and cultural metamorphosis for the Indians ultimately failed, according to 118 BOOK REVIEWS

Dickason, because the French were incapable of transcending their traditional view of native people as deficient counterparts. A criticism that might be made of Dickason's approach is that in her effort to point out that assumptions and judgements were heavily prejudiced by social and cultural baggage, and that past successes and failures influenced action and behaviour, the role of the environment, and the importance of the staple product in determining the nature of race relations is underestimated. The French had little choice but to establish harmonious, conciliatory relations with the native people of Canada because of the economic resources the territory offered. The boreal forest environment was too harsh to invite extensive agricultur­ al settlement. Canada offered none of the mineral wealth that the Spanish found, which required a concentrated labour force and led to coercive instruments such as encomienda, which were designed to assure such a supply. In Canada there were furs, and a system of lakes and rivers that allowed these to be transported with relative ease from the hinterland to the coastal markets. In this environment Europeans were technologically inferior to the Indian trappers, middlemen and transporters. To maintain a successful fur trade, the French had to rely on the Indians and they had to enter into and observe already existing inter-tribal trade and alliance systems. As they were dependent on the fur trade, the French could not afford to act in an abrasive, offensive manner. They could not destroy the Indians or their habitat because the economy of the fur trade required that these be preserved. When the English arrived on the Bay to trade in furs they too found they had to pursue a policy much like douceur, despite their rather different corpus of accumulated experience. First People, First Voices is a collection of Canadian Indian writing and speeches, from the time of contact with Europeans to the present, with an emphasis on earlier as opposed to contemporary works. The editor, Penny Petrone, presents the theme that Indians, writing in Canada today, draw on a long literary tradition in English, as native people have spoken English for over three centuries, and have been writing in English since the early nineteenth century. Throughout this time their words have often been translated into and recorded in English. Although Petrone notes that "the real roots of Indian litera­ ture" are to be found in the oral tradition in native languages, the book provides only a small sampling of these as she notes that many collec­ tions of myths and legends already exist. (P. vii) This book includes a wide diversity of modes of expression, including orations, letters, petitions, reports, journals, songs, poetry and prose. Petrone believes that these illustrate the evolution of an Indian literary tradition in English, and that they also reveal a great deal about the Indian view of Canadian history. The collection is arranged in chronological order, and briefintro- BOOK REVIEWS 119 ductions are appended to each item, brief because the editor felt that "the various Indian spokesmen should speak for themselves with a minimum of interpretation." (P. viii) The first chapter consists of seventeenth and eighteenth century speeches and statements that were chosen primarily to illustrate the eloquence and skill ofIndian orators, their use of figurative and symbolic language, and of metaphor, wit and irony. The unifying theme of the second chapter, which focusses on the nineteenth century, is native people coming to terms with the settlement of Europeans in their midst. Petrone presents this as a time ofmisery, poverty and disease and she describes the dominant theme of the texts presented here-Indian petitions, protests, and treaty speech­ es-as one of loss of dignity, nationhood, and self-sufficiency, although a will to survive was also evident. Chapter three presents a sampling of literature from the first Indians to write in English. In the period of the late nineteenth century to the 1950s, covered in the fourth chapter, the Indians were becoming "increasingly aware of their physical and spir­ itual roots in North American soil." (P. 125) This section features the work of essayists, speakers and poets who tended to reach back into the Indian past for their themes and subject matter. Some Indian myths, legends and songs are placed in this chapter because it was during this period that these were rescued, collected and published. The final chapter presents a selection of contemporary Indian poetry, fiction, political speeches, biography, history and drama. First People, First Voices performs an important service by point­ ing out that Canada's native people have left an accessible record in their own voice, and that it is possible to trace and reconstruct some­ thing of their thoughts and perspective on events. Canadian historians have generally failed to incorporate any Indian point of view, and a lack of source material is not an acceptable excuse for this oversight. Historians must approach this material with care. Some cautionary notes might have accompanied the selections to alert the uninitiated. Although readers may be more concerned with matters of form and style than with subject matter, problems also arise with the former. Many passages in the first chapter are from the Jesuit Relations, and are English translations of French missionary accounts of Indians speaking in their own languages. The problem of how accurate and authentic these translations are is only briefly raised with the sugges­ tion that they may reflect the interpreters' "tastes, abilities, purposes and beliefs." (P. 3) Something more of the linguistic and cultural difficulties involved in translation should be taken into account. Some discussion about the nature of missionary sources might also have been included. The Jesuit Relations were published accounts, intended for wide circulation in the hope ofattaining financial support and attracting recruits to the field. In order to exalt the importance of missionary work, these and other missionary publications tended to 120 BOOK REVIEWS dwell on the cruelties and evils of the tribal life they condemned. The converts who were held up as sterling examples of the transforming power of mission work tended to speak of the wickedness of their former pagan lives. The same tendency toward a selective presentation is evident in sources such as Hudson's Bay Company documents, and Alexander Morris's account of the Treaties. The introductory notes might have said more aboutthe nature of sources, and they might also have provided more historical context. Chapter one; for example, presents an imperfect understanding of the factionalism among the Hurons that resulted from Jesuit missionary work. Simplifications and generalizations are perhaps unavoidable in a book that attempts to represent a time span of over three hundred years. A more topical, less chronological approach might have been more satisfying. Chronology tends to reflect the evolving Euro-Canadian perception of native peo­ ple, who were first regarded as vital military and trade allies, then as potential converts to Christianity, then as chronic complainers unable to adjust, and then as feathered and painted curios reciting legends at garden parties and on public platforms. A more native-centred ap­ proach might, for example, have begun with the ancient myths and legends. This book suffers from some organizational problems. Simply being Indian does not appear to be an adequate organizing principle, as, like any other group ofpeople, Indians have spoken and written on a wide variety of topics. Modes of expression as diverse as poetry and political speeches cannot be included in the same collection without danger of doing a disservice to both. Sarah Carter Department of History University of Manitoba

The Collected Writings of Louis Riel/Les Ecrits Complets de Louis Riel general editor George F. G. Stanley. Edited by Raymond Huel, Gilles Martel, Glen Campbell, Thomas Flanagan, and Claude Rocan. 5 vols., Edmonton: The University of Alberta Press, 1985. The collecting, editing, annotating and publishing of primary documents has a long scholarly tradition in Canada. Few leading Canadian historical figures will have had their complete writings so carefully and successfully scrutinized as Riel. There are two areas in which this considerable and wise investment on the part of the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC) and the Univer­ sity of Alberta must be scrutinized: the standards of scholarship in editing primary documents and, second, the contribution to the his­ toriography and understanding of Riel. The five volumes succeed much more in setting new standards for the scholarly editing of docu- BOOK REVIEWS 121 ments than in making a contribution to a new understanding of either Riel or the prairie West. The standard for the collecting, editing, annotating and publish­ ing of primary documents has been set by the Champlain Society, the Hudson's Bay Record Society, and the Hakluyt Society. These vol­ umes, with scholarly introductions that have placed the documents in their social and economic context, "have always been carefully edited, and exhaustively annotated by researchers who have devoted a lifetime to the study of their subject. The Riel Papers have attempted similar standards but within the tight time frame imposed by SSHRC. The impression is that the Riel project was a learning process for the editorial team. That the Riel project has however already initiated a new interest in Riel is reflected by the publications of the various Metis associations, of government agencies, and of the editors of the project. The Riel editors decided to divide the papers into four volumes: volume one, 1861 to 1875; volume two, 1875 to 1884; volume three, 1884to 1885;and volume four the poetry. Volume five is an invaluable reference volume which includes articles on Metis spoken and written language, the Riel family genealogy, Riel family photographs, a chron­ ology, a bibliography, and biographical notes on the major figures mentioned in the correspondence. While the chronology might strike one as a trifle facile, it is in fact an admirable guide to the documents. The biographical index is also useful, but it is not as complete as it could be. The bibliography, while generally exhaustive on matters relating to Riel, has some astonishing omissions. All of the research papers printed in the Parks Canada Manuscript Report Series have been ignored. This is puzzling given the energy the Department has devoted to the restoration and interpretation of, for example, Riel House and Batoche. Some of the manuscripts relate directly to Riel, for example R. Gosman, "The Riel and Lagimodiere Families in Red River Society" (Manuscript Report Series, No. 171). While the bibliography stops in 1982, there is an appendix updating it to 1985. The book by Walter Hildebrandt, The Battle of Batoche (Ottawa: Environment Canada, 1985), appears even though a manuscript report from several years earlier is not listed. The bibliography has located several previously unknown documents and lists them as being available in "private collections." Initially it was intended to have a copy of all difficult to find material on microfilm at the University of Alberta. If this has happened it should have been mentioned. The other support material is useful and the editors should be complimented, although there are the occasional problems. The 1885 map of the Saskatchewan Valley (Map 6) is so crowded that a different 122 BOOK REVIEWS

scale would have been useful. In some of the other maps, especially Map 4 of Montana 1879-1884, it is difficult to decipher some of the place names. A small point worth raising concerns the naming of geographic features. Quebec place names are in French, but those in the West are in English although usage by the communities at the time may have been French. Maps should reflect cultural reality. Also on Map 4 the location of Fort Macleod is confusing. Originally the Fort was on an island in the Oldman River, and later on the south shore of that river. It was never on the north shore. It would have been useful as well to indicate the trail systems on all of the maps, rather thanjust on a select few. This would have assisted immeasurably to contemplate Riel's possible movements. The photographs of the Riel family make it easier to identify with Riel, although as printed they do not do the originals any service. The pictures of Riel himself are useful as frontispieces in the various volumes although as reference items they probably would have been better in volume five. While it is understandable that photographs were confined to Riel and his immediate family, some of those of his councils and immediate associates would have been of interest. The introductions themselves are unfortunately limited, although intentionally so. Rather than offering the dynamic new interpretations or synthesis that several years of immersion in the documents could have produced, the introductions comment narrowly on the letters themselves and the editorial problems they present. This is a different approach from that used by the Champlain Society, the Hakluyt Society or the recently mourned Hudson's Bay Record Society. This is not to say that the editors have not made major contributions-they have, but they have decided instead to publish elsewhere. Thomas Flanagan probably has been the most prolific with his publications like Riel and the Rebellion: 1885 Reconsidered (Saskatoon: Western Pro­ ducer Prairie Books, 1983). It is to be hoped that the other editors will attempt similar insights no matter how controversial. Indeed, given the highly volatile state of emotions on the Riel question, the editorial decision to minimize the introductions was probably wise. One of the other major criticisms that will be levelled at the volumes is that they are inconsistent in their scholarly notations. There are also occasional errors of fact. For example in letter 3-151 footnote four, Flanagan indicates that Father Belcourt was not involved in the free trade events of 1849 when there is ample evidence that he was. In letter 1-191 footnote 23, Huel states that Robert Machray was the first Anglican Bishop of Rupert's Land in 1866. David Anderson was consecrated the first Bishop May 1849, Machray was the second Anglican bishop. The depth of the annotations is also extremely limited. Rather BOOK REVIEWS 123 than referring readers to volume five for biographical details every letter has one-line biographical footnotes. The practice is, however, not consistent. Many letters have no biographical notes at all. Letter 1-171 is typical with no notations for names like Amable Audry,Charles Neault, Louis Sansregret, or Paul Proulx, etc. While it is not necessary to do so, given the support biographies in volume five, the one-line biographies of people like James Ross or William Mactavish in some of the other letters provide very little information and certainly not enough for contextual support. The problem is essentially editorial. There should have been some rules to ensure consistency. Possibly the best decision would have been to confine all biographical information to volume five and increase the depth of information there. . There are other problems of definition as well. There is confusion between terms of Metis, French Metis, English Metis, half-breeds, Metis anglais, Metis ecossais-e-terms which are extremely important. From a quick reading of the documents it would seem that Riel differentiated between the English-speaking and French-speaking mixed bloods. James Ross for his part would not have appreciated being called a Metis, which is what Huel does. One of the other major problems with the project is the almost exclusive orientation to political history. Indices to the Hudson's Bay Record Society, for example, tend to concentrate on topics that might be of concern to a variety of interests, including social and economic histories. The Riel index reflects the use ofcomputer selection process. If the computer had been programmed with the intention of concen­ trating on those items which would reflect the direction of Western Canada historiography, it would have been possible to include com­ plex social and economic items. If researchers interested in Riel's use of the word Metis (a topic of some debate recently) wanted to use the papers, every document would have to be read.' Riel's attitude to the English-speaking mixed bloods, or the place of his family in Red River society, are equally relevant topics with no entries. While not every topic can be registered, the editors in their effort to make the volumes timeless showed no discipline or topic prejudice and have inadvertently emphasized traditional political concerns. Nevertheless, these volumes will justifiably be recognized as one of the major contributions of western Canadian scholarship in the 1980s. Students will and should use the volumes frequently. It is hoped however that this will not be to the exclusion of the other primary documentation which is so plentiful both on Riel and the Metis, but hardly as accessible. F. Pannekoek Aspen Gardens 124 BOOK REVIEWS

Batoche (1870-1910) par Diane Payment, Saint-Boniface, Les Editions du Ble, 1983, 157 Pp. (y compris cartes, photos et bibliographie). L'auteur nous livre ici le produit de sa these de maitrise soutenue a I'Universite d'Ottawa, en 1983. II s'agit, en fait, d'un travail de re­ cherche realise sous les auspices de Pares Canada. Quatre themes principaux sont abordes: le commerce et I'agriculture, les relations entre les Metis et le clerge, la question des terres et I'action politique des Metis de Batoche. Ce choix nous parait justifie meme s'il donne lieu a quelques repetitions au cours du texte qui n'en est pas alourdi pour autant. Le demenagement des Metis de la Riviere-Rouge en direction de la Saskatchewan-sud remonte a deux causes, semble-t-il: la complicite du Gouvernement Macdonald dans la question des terres du Manitoba et la migration vers l'Ouest des troupeaux de buffles. Elu chef de la chasse, Gabriel Dumont applique le reglement a la lettre (p. 96). Un premier incident, survenu en 1875, souleve la crainte des gendarmes a cheval, qui parlent meme d'un "second soulevement." Pourtant, les Metis n'ont fait rien d'autre que d'imposer la loi de la chasse, pratique qui existait depuis longtemps. Cela nous porte a songer aux Loyalistes qui, des leur arrivee au Nouveau-Brunswick et au Haut-Canada, vers les 1790, n'avaient pas hesite, eux, a s'auto-gouverner et meme a obtenir des concessions royales-telle la chambre d'assemblee-i-a titre "d'anciens sujets." Pourquoi les gendarmes agirent-ils done comme ils le firent si ce n'est par mepris raciste et crainte d'usurpation de pouvoir par un peuple qui habitait le pays depuis beaucoup plus longtemps qu'eux? Ce sens de domination de certains elements de la race blanche donne le ton atoute cette histoire racontee si bien par Mademoiselle Payment: mutation, dans quelques annees a peine, de fils d'anciens voyageurs francais et d' Amerindiennes, devenus chasseurs de bisons, puis freteurs, et enfin, agriculteurs ou commercants; refus par le Gou­ vernement Macdonald ·de les traiter comme un peuple different des Amerindiens ou des immigrants europeens et de traiter avec Riel, leur chefpolitique; imposition de reglements hargneux par l'entremise d'agents unilingues anglophones et parfois meme de francophones antipathiques; disons le carrement, crainte des Orangistes de l'Ontario, et plus tard du Manitoba, de se voir cerner par des catholiques franco­ phones. Sauf pour quelques difficultes techniques d'imprimerie, la seule chose que l'on puisse reprocher a l'auteur semble etre sa trop grande partialite envers les Metis lorsqu'il s'agit de leurs relations avec le clerge, Si I'on concede le paternalisme exagere parfois des mission­ naires vis-a-vis de leurs ouailles, il faut toutde meme reconnaitre leur devouement indefectible envers ce peuple illettre mais tres croyant. Mais ce n'est pas le clerge qui flanche, lorsque Riel a recourt aux armes, BOOK REVIEWS 125 puisque les pretres ont toujours preche contre l'emploi de la force armee, Ceux-ci se dissocient de Riel lorsqu'il rejette le pape et veut fonder une nouvelle. Eglise. Rielles fait prisonniers. Pourtant, des le cessez-le-feu les missionnaires reprennent leur role de pasteurs et de guides moraux aupres de leurs paroissiens, et, contrairement ace qu'on pourrait s'attendre, la communaute metisse refleurit et prend de l'ex­ pansion, meme, pendant un certain temps. Grace au travail de benedictin de Diane Payment, nous pouvons mieux comprendre l'arriere-plan sociologique, religieux et econo­ mique de la communaute de Batoche qui fut impliquee de premiere main dans l'insurrection ·de 1885. Dorenavant, personne ne saurait ecrire l'histoire-bataille de Batoche sans se referer d'abord acette etude primordiale. Jean Pariseau Historien en chef Service historique de la Defence nationale

1885: Metis Rebellion or Government Conspiracy? by Don McLean. Winnipeg: Pemmican Publications, 1985. Pp. 137. Don McLean, a researcher at the Gabriel Dumont Institute, has produced a short book on the events leading up to the Metis resistance of 1885. He seeks to demonstrate that the federal government deliber­ ately provoked the uprising in order to save the Canadian Pacific Railway (CPR) from bankruptcy and Canada from absorption by the United States. (Pp. 72-73) Theauthor's introductory chapters are heav­ ily loaded with judgements about the federal government's nefarious intentions to "exploit" the west, to impose a "process of controlled underdevelopment," (Pp.T l , 18) and to transform "the western region into a colony of eastern industrialists and merchants." (Pp. 44) The CPR and Prime Minister Sir John A. Macdonald were the main villains in the author's Manichaean parable, although other accomp­ lices were involved in the provocation of the Metis resistance. If there is any substance to this revisionist argument, McLean utterly fails to demonstrate it. Indeed, his approach is one-sided and tendentious, while his arguments are based on clumsy tautologies or the technique ofpost hoc, ergo propter hoc. The author accepts what is yet to be proved as already proven, or he cites insubstantial or derisively inadequate sources to establish a point which is thereafter taken as given. The examples of McLean's technique are sown throughout the book, but considerjust a few. The author suggests that the North West Mounted Police (NWMP) was established entirely as a result "of the lessons learned during the Red River conflict" (P. 51), not also because of the American threat to Canadian sovereignty, the Cypress Hills 126 BOOK REVIEWS massacre, or the more general destabilizing activities of whiskey-trad­ ing American freebooters. McLean also declares that the National Policy was "designed to ensure that the West would be developed primarily for the benefit of the CPR syndicate and the colonization companies...." (P. 51) The movement of the railway to a more southern line was due uniquely to CPR wishes to thwart speculators who had bought land along the proposed northern route and to rake off the profits solely for its own stockholders. (Pp. 76-78) Among other desiderata, McLean does not mention that the southern route might have been quicker and cheaper to build (he claims it was more expensive, though without citing any evidence), or better placed to compete with potential American rivals. Nor does McLean make much use of common sources on the CPR even though his own views are quite categorical. In fact, no one would dispute that the CPR was a privately held, profit-seeking corporation, but it was also a state-sponsored enterprise with a national purpose. In this book, there is no recognition of any legitimate state interest in the settling of the North-West Territories. McLean often uses "clear," "clearly," or "quite clearly" in describ­ ing conclusions he has drawn from his alleged evidence. A case in point is the assertion that the CPR was vital to British political, military, and economic interests. (Pp. 82-83) Apart from the author's firm convic­ tion, however, the reader will discover as evidence of this view only one article from the Regina Leader- Post and another from the Prince Albert Times. There is no reference to cable traffic or other communi­ cations which may have been exchanged between London and Ottawa nor even to standard secondary sources 01'1 British foreign policy. The same can be said of Hudson's Bay Company factor Lawrence Clarke's role in provoking the uprising. Again, whatever Clarke's role may have been, McLean discredits his argument by drawing over­ blown conclusions from flimsy or non-existent evidence. Clarke, on the one hand, welcomed the return of Riel and, on the other, warned the government of a possible rebellion and planned to set up Riel as a "scapegoat." (Pp. 88-89) "A government plot" was prepared: Mac­ donald declined to bribe Riel to leave the country because the Metis leader "was needed" for Ottawa's machinations. (P. 95) But there is scarcely any evidence presented to establish these points save for a telegram that makes little sense, even according to McLean, but which he claims, nevertheless, "pinpoints Clarke as theman responsible for bringing on the armed conflict of 1885." (P. 99) This conclusion is almost as baffling as the jumbled telegram upon which it is based, although, to be sure, it is all "clear" to the author. Henceforth, McLean takes it as given that Clarke "engineered" the rebellion and that the government in Ottawa knew of his activities. (P. 106) Whether Ottawa or Clarke was the main inspiration of the plot, however, is not ex­ plained. BOOK REVIEWS 127

Prior to publication ofthis book, McLean presented his views in a paper at the Metis conference in Saskatoon in May 1985. The paper was greeted with some skepticism and heckling,but McLean assured his audience that the book would adduce sufficient evidence to quiet any doubts. Although the book has now been published, the evidence which McLean promised is not brought forward. Michael J. Carley Ottawa

Attorneyfor the Frontier-Enos Stutsman by Dale Gibson. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 1983. Pp. 166. It is always refreshing to have a prominent legal scholar and professor undertake the challenge of writing in a discipline other than the law. Although the book bears the name Attorneyfor the Frontier -Enos Stutsman, the title is deceptive because only limited references are made to Stutsman's involvement as an attorney. Professor Gibson gives credit to his wife, Lee, and a colleague, Cameron Hardy, as collaborators. By virtue of the extensive, in depth research on a broad source base, the need for this group effort was clearly required. There is a tendency for North American historians to talk about Canadian history and American history as disjunctive subject matters. In terms of the Western Plains of North America prior to 1870, it is very clear that influential historical figures very often transcended the now existing United States-Canada border. Enos Stutsman's contribu­ tion to the history of the Red River Valley was truly unique and distinctive. Prior to the publication of Professor Gibson's book, he was a figure known to historical scholars dealing with the 1868-70 Mani­ toba period. However, virgin soils were ploughed in terms of this exhaustive review of the true contribution of a remarkable person, supported by in excess offour hundred source documents, with ample quotations by the author to justify his interpretation ofcertain actions and positions taken by Stutsman. Stutsman was severely physically impaired, having been born without legs. One would naturally assume that this type of physical handicap would have resulted in a sedentary life. This was not the case. Stutsman travelled extensively through the Western Plains with the most primitive type of transportation, suffering the severe rigours of climate with ongoing, undaunted determination. His role in life was truly multifaceted-businessman, lawyer, journalist, politician, cus­ toms agent and bonvivant. Probably his robust appetite for compan­ ionship, melded with song, food and drink, provided a strong motiva­ tional force. Stutsman started his political career as a democrat in 1847, at the age of twenty-one. By 1851 he had been called to the Bar in Illinois. In 128 BOOK REVIEWS

1855 he moved to Des Moines and engaged in real estate and banking. Shortly thereafter he moved to Soo City, Iowa, having accumulated resources by virtue of his earlier real estate and banking endeavours. Soo City was enjoying a land boom and Stutsman acquired considera­ ble wealthin land, atleast on paper.The evidence reveals that he was indeed a strong economic power in Soo City. By 1868 the speculative bubble had burst and it appears Stutsman had been effectively wiped out financially. One would assume that such a severe financial blow, coupled with his physical limitations, would have demoralized an average individ­ ual. However, Stutsman was not an average individual and his indom­ itable spirit and courage motivated him westward following the fron­ tier. The in depth analysis of the book begins with his stay in Yankton, North Dakota, covering the years from 1859 to 1866. His role during this period was that of land speculator and politician. As a politician he held the position as President of the Legislative Council for three successive sessions. His involvement saw Yankton transformed from Indian territory to frontier town. His political role was evidenced by his repeated election to the Legislative Council. He spent considerable time travelling extensively through the Western territories. Stutsman's next venue of activity was Pembina, still part of the Dakota Territory, which covered the period 1868-69. His formal title was special agent of the Federal Treasury Department to investigate smuggling and other customs irregularities between the Territory and British North America. In 1868 he was one of the first in the United States to sponsor, as the member of the Dakota Territorial Council Assembly, a bill conferring the right of suffrage on women. Pembina in many ways was the American gateway to theCana­ dian West and the story of Stutsman's involvement during this period is extraordinarily perceptive. Professor Gibson's review of the formal documentation indicates in great detail Stutsman's role in the Ameri­ can annexation movement. Clear evidence of this position is demon­ strated through a letter he wrote to the President of the United States on 2 November 1869: I should be deficient in my duty both as an official and as an American citizen if I did not solemnly call your attention to the situation as it exists in this part of the Continent of North America and the opportunity it offers for instance and decisive action on the part of the Government of the United States. At this moment this country is properly without any government, and a large number of its inhabitants-the majority, I believe-are favorably disposed to its annexa­ tion by the United States. If Washington had been less timid, Stutsman could have easily been one of the great American heroes. A chapter is devoted to the September 1869 McLean mans laugh- BOOK REVIEWS 129 ter trial at Portage. There is no doubt that Stutsman was a perceptive trial lawyer, with a high degree of forensic skills, modified by the unique consideration of frontier justice. He indeed showed outstand­ ing prowess as an advocate..As noted, this is the only detailed reference to Stutsman on which his capabilities as an attorney for the frontier can be judged. The chapter on the Riel Rebellion indicates his extensive skills as a frontier politician. Louis Riel's group took counsel from Stutsman in planning the concepts of the "Provisional Government" established at Fort Garry (Winnipeg) in 1869. There can be no doubt that Riel relied very heavily on Stutsman to provide the formal legal documentation and informal legal opinions required to advance the position that Riel, under international law, had the right to establish an independent nation. This observation breaks new ground. This book, a carefully developed character study, clearly excites the imagination of the reader. It cannot be all-encompassing in terms of the totality of its principal character, simply because ofa paucity of source material. There are some questionable interruptions ofthe local history of the time. For example, the author considers all people of mixed blood as Metis. This designation may be valid in today's par­ lance, however, a hundred years ago there was a strong identifiable cultural separation between half-breed and Metis groups. At long last an important individual in the history ofthe western plains has been elevated from footnote reference through the percep­ tive, analytical and in depth research ofProfessor Dale Gibson and his colleagues. W. Steward Martin Winnipeg, Manitoba

Kate Rice Prospector by Helen Duncan. Toronto: Simon & Pierre, 1984. Pp. 200. Toward the end of his masterly The Legend of John Hornby, behind which lay six years of painstaking research, George Whalley wrote: "The central figure in a myth or a tragedy has a stature and power that not even accurate history can confer, and through the blurring and distorting vehicle of his [Hornby's] own legend certain features remain clear and distinct...." (P. 325) The central figure in Kate Rice Prospector is also a legend, but it is far from certain which of the features in this purported biography by Helen Duncan belong to accurate history and which to the inventions ofa hyperactive "subcon­ scious mind" (P. 10) fed by a miscellany of reading, travelling and interviewing. Granted, it's difficult to write about a legend without either ex- 130 BOOK REVIEWS

ploding it or contributing to its creation. Moreover, Duncan wants to make a case for the power of legends over the minds and ambitions of the young and adventurous. She depicts the young Kate Rice en­ thralled by her father's stories about Daniel Boone and Kit Carson. Translated into late nineteenth century Canadian terms, this imagina­ tive identification sends Kate, rifle in hand, offinto the wilds ofcentral Manitoba to stalk the elusive great strike of mineral wealth. The implication is that Kate is to do for young Canadians, particularly females, what Boone and Carson did for Rice's generation of North American readers ofdime novels and Horatio Alger stories. As fiction Duncan's book ranks well above most of these, but as biography it is unabashed mythmaking. As Duncan makes clear in her briefauthor's note and even briefer bibliography, she had a skeleton of verifiable fact around which to reconstruct the flesh-and-blood heroine of this tale. Presumably rec­ ords at the University of Toronto would confirm that a woman named Kathleen Rice from St. Mary's, Ontario, graduated as gold medallist in Mathematics in 1906. Perhaps there are college photographs that show her as Duncan describes her: six feet tall, lean of build, strikingly beautiful. The dust jacket has a photograph of a decidedly attractive, serious-looking young woman; it may be Rice, although the acknowl­ edgements don't say. As for particulars of Rice's prospecting career north of Lake Winnipeg from 1909to 1940, Duncan managed to locate a dozen people who knew or claimed to have known her, a handful of business records, a single newspaper article, and not much else. The rest is conjecture, offered in dialogue and action scenes that are often effectively rendered, if sometimes marred by self-consciousness or cliche. Duncan is disarmingly candid about her procedure in stretching out the thin fabric of documentary evidence to fill a book. "After my exhaustive research," she writes, "I worked and weaved my way among arguable fact, conflicting opinions and an almost total eclipse of dates.... And where even evidence failed, to stitch and sew [sic], to make my own judgments, to use my own imagination, according to my conception of Kate and her partner Dick Woosey." (P. 12) Out of such stitching and sewing come vignettes like the following: For a long time she was quite still, lying flat out, the enormity of her find, its consequences to her life and the life of her partner having a strange effect on her. She was completely matter-of-fact. Her island-it was bound to happen. Ever since she'd first seen it, she had known, subliminally, at least. She tried to think how Dan Mosher would accept the find, then getting up she gave a shrug of satisfaction. (P. 122) Lacking any witness to these proceedings, and any first-hand testi­ mony by Rice herself in the form of letters or diary, we are apparently left with only Duncan's word for it that this is how Kate moved, thought, felt, knew and gestured. BOOK REVIEWS 131

Nor is Duncan the least hesitant to manipulate the documents that do exist. Chancing on a diary by an unknown trapper, she incorporates it (or is it an adaptation? we have no way ofknowing) into the story as if it were the writing of Kate's prospecting partner Dick Woosey. And since Woosey's relationship with Rice is one ofthe central mysteries of her life story, the enigma at the heart ofthe legend, the precise author­ ship of those lengthy italicized passages makes a lot of difference. I suspect that both Duncan and her publisher have been seduced by the recent phenomenal growth in the market for books about wom­ en, especially if they can be made out to be feminists or proto-femin­ ists. "She was great, she was beautiful, she was different, she was a feminist long before the expression was ever heard," Duncan gushes. (P. 8) Which only goes to show how trendy feminism has become, and how distorted in the process. Having set out to determine not only "the facts about Kathleen" but also "why she acted the way she did," (P. 17) Duncan resorts to a series of caricatured female foils to the great, beautiful, different and rebellious heroine. Almost without exception the other women in this story are fit objects of Kate's contempt: her mother slothful, selfish and small-minded, her mother's friends catty and self-satisfied, her own friends unimaginative and defeated, and the remainder exploited, exploitative, or servile. Little wonder, then, that Daniel Boone and Kit Carson should have so captivated the romantic and self-willed individual whom Duncan shows at the book's conclu­ sion, in defiance of the known facts, once more lighting out for yet more northerly territories, "Since they carried out what they were com­ pelled to do, their lives have acquired the lustre arid grandeur of leg­ ends," Duncan writes of Kate Rice and her partner Dick Woosey. (P. 13) Against inner compulsion, lustre, grandeur, in a word destiny, the mundane requirements of biographical writing scarcely enter the competition. Susan Jackel Canadian Studies University of Alberta

"We Were the Salt of the Earth!": The On-to-Ottawa Trek and the Regina Riot by Victor Howard. Regina: Canadian Plains Research Center, 1985. Pp. 206. Few events occupy so large a place in the radical mythology of Canada as the On-to-Ottawa Trek and the Regina Riot with which it came to an end on a hot summer's night in 1935. They figure also in recent histories-both academic and popular-ofCanada in general as benchmarks of the development of social consciousness, ofa sense of the need to protect those who are harmed by economic crises. Yet we have had to wait half a century for the first definitive account of these 132 BOOK REVIEWS

events, which Victor Howard provides in H We Were the Salt of the Earth." It is appropriate that Howard should have chosen the subject, since he is also the historian of the Mackenzie-Papineau battalion of Canadian volunteers which formed part of the International Brigades during the Spanish Civil War. For so many of the men who had taken part in the On-to-Ottawa Trek later joined the battalion that it was easy to see the Spanish experience as an extension of the militancy which seemed to distinguish the participants in the trek from other radicals in Canada at the time. There was a certain desperate anger in their final outburst in Regina that seemed to anticipate their later willingness to risk their lives in a distant cause. Movements that emerge from the people, as the trek emerged from the discontent of single unemployed men herded into the relief camps of western Canada, are likely to be ill-documented, and that is perhaps one of the reasons why it has taken so long for a full narrative of the On-to-Ottawa movement to appear. By the time they set off, the trekkers may have been well indoctrinated in radical principles, but they were weak in literary skills, although those most likely to have left a record were probably the particularly dedicated men who later died in Spain. The only extensive participant's account is Richard Liver­ sedge's Recollections ofthe On to Ottawa Trek which Howard edited for publication in the Carleton Library a decade or so ago. To an unusual extent Howard has had to rely on interviews, and this oral element has certainly, at crucial points in the sequence of events, given his narrative a special freshness and intimacy.

H We Were the Salt ofthe Earth" is a good, straightforward telling of events, and a somewhat deflationary one in its effect, for, like most incidents that have acquired a semi-mythical status because their his­ tory has been incompletely known, the trek does seem to shrink in magnitude in the eye of this clear historical account, just as I imagine the Trojan wars would decline into a series of tribal skirmishes if we could ever find the real facts on which Homer elaborated. It is true that some historians create their own myths, but Howard is not of this kind. His narrative is scrupulously factual,with remarkably little specula­ tion and, except for a little flight at the end when he sees an epic quality in the view the trekkers had of themselves, it isjudicious to the point of caution. But events do not have to be epic to be significant, so long as they move in step with their times. And this relatively small incident in the Canadian West, at its height involving no more than two thousand young men, and ending with a riot with a single fatality, played a notable role in defining Canadian social attitudes and even in deter­ mining political destinies. BOOK REVIEWS 133

Despite the violence with which it ended, the trek aroused an extraordinary amount of sympathy among the general populace for the plight of the single unemployed; it marked the beginning of a new trend towards society assuming responsibility for its members in bad times as well as good; it may well have contributed to the electoral defeat of R. B. Bennett later in 1935, the defeat that heralded a long, almost unbroken period of Liberal rule during which a welfare state was constructed in which the humiliations the unemployed endured during the early 1930s would not again be possible. In this context, it is strange that Howard pays scant attention to the later (1938) riots of single unemployed men in Vancouver, which undoubtedly reinforced the lessons of the trek and the Regina Riot.

Indeed, what one misses most in Ii We Were the Salt ofthe Earth" is a serious attempt to place the trek in the general context of western radicalism. At the time it took place, Communist or other militants were in a position to take directive roles, though one suspects, particu­ larly at the time of the riot, that events swung out of their control and that the Comintern, in that era of wooing the democracies and follow­ ing popular front lines, was not pleased with what happened that night in Regina. And indeed, as with much else that took place during the trek, we must find the antecedents ofthat incident in an earlier and not yet wholly moribund tradition which stemmed from the earlier part of the century when libertarian movements like the IWW and the One Big Union dominated western Canadian radicalism. Seen from this view­ point, the trek and the riot represent the last fling in Canada of the militant syndicalism that preceded the Russian Revolution and the temporary ascendancy of the Communist party over the radical left. The impulse of the trek, after all, did not spring from the lessons of Communist ideology, but from the natural anger with which men reacted spontaneously to intolerable circumstances, and such direct action in an extreme situation belongs in the tradition of revolutionary syndicalism and has little to do with Marxist views of how society should change. George Woodcock Vancouver

Daughters of Time: Women in the Western Tradition by Mary Kin­ near. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1982. Pp. 228. The welcome growth of courses in women's history in the past decade has resulted in a demand for general texts, yet the recent, and therefore unavoidably incomplete, nature of research in the field makes the writing of any general text a difficult task. In Daughters of Time: Women in the Western Tradition, Professor Mary Kinnear, of the University of Manitoba, has not attempted a synthesis in the tradition 134 BOOK REVIEWS of general texts, but rather has briefly summarized in an integrated and orderly manner basic source materials and recent historical research in English on women in European history from the ancient world to the present. The result is a solid introduction to the subject and a useful guide to further study. Professor Kinnear is a careful scholar who maintains a balanced and critical approach toward what are complex and often contentious issues. In the chapter on early civilizations, for example, her discussion of the possible existence of a matriarchy could well serve as a model of historical methodology. She is careful to stress the paucity of research on the question, the cultural conditioning of most observers, the ambiguity of various interpretations and, therefore, the impossibility of drawing categorical conclusions. She is also aware that women cannot be treated as a bloc and that their status, experiences, and contributions have varied with time, place, and situation. In treating the impact of industrialization on women, Kinnear points out that women's work in the nineteenth century depended not only on class but also on age and marital status. Similarly she distinguishes the varieties of feminism that have developed in the past two centuries, their conflicting goals and internal divisions, and the fact that their views reflected their particular societies. Throughout the book, her technique is to present as much evidence as possible without exploring the implications in any detail, and it is only in a postscript that she suggests certain conclusions about what she terms "women's historical landscape." (P. 189) Selection is, however, inevitable when attempting to discuss sev­ eral thousand years of women's history within the confines of 189 pages of text, and it is the author's moderate and unpolemical fem­ inism that dictates the focus of the work. Women, she argues, have played "a crucial role, producing, processing and reproducing the cultural and economic resources of each generation," (P. 6) and there­ fore she pays particular attention to women's work and their roles within the family in both preindustrial and industrial societies. She emphasizes that these contributions have not been without cost to women, who historically have been seen within the confines of the family and whose sexuality has been controlled for family interests. It is only within the past two centuries that these limited roles have been challenged in any extensive way and so it is not surprising that eight of the sixteen chapters in this text are devoted to developments in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries (particularly in Britain and the United States) that have changed the status of women. Although this emphasis is defensible and perhaps even desirable, it does raise ques­ tions about the pattern of women's history. The first half of the book, which deals with the period up to the BOOK REVIEWS 135

French Revolution, strikes what the author herselfalludes to as a "sour note," (P. 91) namely the lack of improvement in the lives of most women. The Middle Ages are characterized as a period in which men controlled society and women had "an official powerlessness," (P. 77) while the Renaissance, Reformation, and Enlightenment are judged to have had no real impact on women. On the rare occasions when individual women, such as Catherine the Great or Maria Theresa, are discussed, their achievements are minimized on the grounds that they themselves were not feminists or that their lives did not affect the position of women. Conversely, in the later sections of the book, the emphasis is on improvements in the condition of women and particu­ larly on those individuals and reform movements that actively worked for change. Thus, for example, little attention is paid to the cult of domesticity that affected the majority of women in the past century, while there is much discussion of birth control movements, educa­ tional and legal reform, and socialism. Focussing on improvements in the status ofwomen, especially in Britain and the United States (with some reference to Canada) in the past 150 years is justified in that these developments are important to an understanding of the current questioning of women's positions in western society. Moreover, a continual assertion ofthe relative lack of change in the status of most women can make for grim reading and would not be conducive to stimulating enthusiasm for the topic. This short-term view does, however, result in an overly-pessimistic interpre­ tation of the medieval world where, as Eileen Power suggested, women enjoyed a "rough equality" and in an underestimation ofthe impact of such intellectual movements as the Renaissance and the Enlighten­ ment, whose long-term effects have been of primary importance to women. Also, it might be worthwhile to celebrate the achievements of women like Margaret Paston or Madame Roland who, if not fem­ inists, could succeed in an unequal world or, without denying the achievements of British and American women, to look more closely at the recent history of women in Italy, France, Germany, and Russia. These aspects might counterbalance the impression that women's his­ tory has been marked by steady progress toward equality, rather than by a more uneven pattern of gains and losses. This is not to imply that the author is unduly optimistic about the status of women in the western world. In the concluding chapter she stresses the unresolved problem of women's dual role in society and the economic inequalities and stereotyping that still exist despite the pro­ gress ofeducation and technology. Given the complexity of her subject and the limitations of space, Professor Kinnear has produced a bal­ anced survey of recent scholarship that will be of particular use for courses in women's history or in Western civilization. It is a tribute to 136 BOOK REVIEWS her skills as an historian and to the high quality ofresearch in the field that Daughters of Time raises as many questions as it answers. Patricia E. Prestwich Department of History University of Alberta

Musicfrom Within by Dr. Ferdinand Eckhardt. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 1985. Pp. 207. The recent publication of the biography of Sonia Eckhardt­ Gramatte has provided an informative and interesting account of a fascinating individual whose career led her to prominence in her adopt­ ed country, Canada, although, through force of circumstances, she never achieved the full potential of her talents. The biography is written by her second husband, Dr. Ferdinand Eckhardt, who has approached his task with devotion and integrity. This devotion is evident throughout, though there are frequent glimpses of distinctly human weaknesses to balance the general tone of praise and admiration. Eckhardt writes, "Many times she offended Walter with her wild temper...." (P. 43) Then, on page 77, he states, "Though Sonia could sometimes appear gruffor unfeeling, etc." Again, on page 136, he quotes a letter from his wife which speaks in very unflattering terms of the city and people of Winnipeg. If an adverse criticism of the basic thrust of the book should be offered, it is that the result is as autobiographical as it is biographical. This is easily understandable when one remembers that Dr. Eckhardt himself lived in the public eye to a considerable extent, and that even the successful efforts to enhance the reputation of Walter Gramatte, Sonia's first husband, which led to their first meeting, did more to strengthen Dr. Eckhardt's position in cultural circles than that of Sonia herself. The historical detail included in the book covers events of great interest and importance, including two world wars, and details the experiences of a young girl of unusual talent growing up in an atmos­ phere oftension and economic hardship. It is obvious that her training lacked discipline and, in fact, this was a problem that affected her throughout her career. For example, in Philadelphia in 1929, her knowledge of orchestration was called into question. Indeed, it is made clear that her talent for performance, whether as a violinist or pianist, might have been more highly developed if it had not been for the turmoil of the times, and that her compulsion to compose arose partly from her frustration in seeking opportunities to fulfill herself as a concert artist. It is difficult to imagine a more traumatic set of circumstances than those facing such an artist; she BOOK REVIEWS 137 lived in and achieved success in Moscow, Berlin, Paris and Vienna, having to abandon each one in turn because ofeconomic and political strife or personal tragedy. It is no wonder that the relative calm and opportunity which Canada provided should have proved to be a blessing. In more specific matters the book has some weaknesses. There are numerous grammatical or printing errors, including one on page 98, paragraph 1, which finishes abruptly after the word 'suddenly,' and another on page 165 where the statement appears that "musicians would ... have had to been paid double." There are also numerous places where more detail or accuracy in musical matters would be of benefit to readers interested in more than an historical romance. Such incomplete references as the Beethoven Romance (which one?), Brahms Hungarian Dances (all of them?), Lalo Symphony, Saint-Saens Con­ certo (which?), should be corrected. Then again, since it is unlikely that any other author will undertake the arduous work involved in prepar­ ing another biography of Sonia Eckhardt-Gramatte of this scope, it would be desirable to include a more comprehensive list of her works for the sake ofcompleteness. (This reviewer is familiar with aNonet for wind and string instruments commissioned by the University of Regina in 1967 which was not listed.) Instrumentation of the orchestral works and performance timings should also have been included. It is possible that many of these errors or omissions might not be apparent in the original extended version as written by Dr. Eckhardt and that some may have developed during translation, but even as it stands, this is a worthwhile record of an important musical figure whose contribution to the literature of the twentieth century is rapidly gaining its deserved recognition. Howard Leyton-Brown Conservatory of Music University of Regina

Ethnic Art andArchitecture in Canada edited by A. W. Rasporich and James Frideres. Canadian Ethnic Studies Association, 1984. Pp. 185. This volume was published as a special issue (Vol. XVI, No.3) of the Canadian Ethnic Studies journal. The variety of topics in this volume's nine articles indicates the breadth of concern about the representation of ethnicity in art and architecture in Canada. "Ethnic architecture" receives more attention than "ethnic art," and, in fact, all but two of the articles discuss architecture. Yet, a certain dichotomy can be identified in all of the studies where professional architecture and fine art are separated from "ethnic" folk architecture and folk art in Canada. 138 BOOK REVIEWS

Both Trevor Boddy and Radoslav Zuk provide insight into the place of ethnic professionals in the realm of Canadian architecture. Boddy studied the professional development of three arc·hitects with roots in ethnic and religious minorities. A common discovery of his case studies was that each architect learned or rekindled an apprecia­ tion for his ethnicity after spending time in his ancestral environment. This resulted in deliberate efforts to reintroduce his ancestral archi­ tecture to his ethnic community in Canada. But "the identity that nurtures also binds." As each of the architects expanded his clientele to include others beyond his ethnic sphere, the specific ethnic characteris­ tics of his work became less pronounced and were melded with features of other cultural origins. Eventually, the ethnic flavour or attitude of his projects drifted away from being acceptable and even saleable primarily to his ethnic clientele to projects that were patronized more often by "the Anglo-Saxon elite which supposedly runs this country." The need for the professional ethnic architect to redefine his work and ethnicity to conform to his contemporary environment is given a personal perspective by Radoslav Zuk. Zuk presents a series of ab­ stract criteria which govern his designs of Ukrainian churches in a Canadian context. Inasmuch as the article is a valuable insight into the parameters of today's ethnic architect, it does appear to downplay the value of folk initiative in architecture. For example, Zuk suggests that a building whose design does not match all of his criteria cannot be considered "completely valid." In fact, he argues that copying histori­ cal prototypes for the purposes of relaying a physical image of ethnicity "cannot become an excuse for an otherwise inferior architecture," for it suggests a lack of "real" cultural growth. In striving to point out the need for proper context in architecture, Zuk seems to ignore the historical context of what he has termed an "excuse." Admittedly, the history of early Ukrainian church architec­ ture and its practitioners in Canada involved no individuals possessing Zuk's credentials. However, the presence and variety of architectural types among Ukrainian churches suggest an accumulating cultural development over the many decades which preceded Zuk's refined contributions. A similar pattern emerges in Beaton-Planetta's study of three churches of different denominations in Sydney, Nova Scotia, where ethnic ghetto parishioners continue to upgrade their structures in ways that will belie their ethnicity. Considering the dearth of infor­ mation about twentieth century immigrant folk cultures in the Mari­ times, Beaton-Planetta's article is overdue. Unfortunately, it is pre­ sented by the author as a "preliminary study" and is hampered by misconceptions and misinformation, possibly the result of over-relying on oral sources for obtaining data. While studies about the Doukhobors, Hutterites and Mennonites BOOK REVIEWS 139 have appeared for many years, the articles by Mealing, Thompson and Patterson have provided fresh perspectives in each area. Mealing's article dwells on the Doukhobors in British Columbia but only after identifying phases of architectural and settlement change from the period before emigration to the present day. By tracing the movements of the Doukhobors in Canada through a wealth of historical photog­ raphy, the study underlines the importance ofreplication in the Douk­ hobor lifestyle, settlement and architecture for culturo-religious pres­ ervation. As their settlement pattern adjusted to privatization, the architecture began to satisfy CMHC standards more than those ofthe Doukhobor way of life. Thompson explains the significance of order­ liness in cultural self-preservation among the Hutterites, who utilize a finite architecture and settlement pattern to emphasize their specific identity. Thompson points out that the Hutterites limit their cultural change without denying its inevitability. Instead they find it more important to maintain a distance from the world around them. This same theme is presented by Patterson in her examination of Swiss­ German Mennonite farmsteads in Ontario. She examines the physical characteristics ofthese farmsteads, believing that they symbolize guards against potential tensions with the outside world. Within'these bounds, she has found a unique sub-culture reflecting the cumulative experi­ ences which brought the Mennonites to the Waterloo region. Espe­ cially valuable for explaining the responses of European settlers (ac­ customed to small-scale cluster village economies) to the independent large farms ofNorth America, Patterson's article also emphasizes how these settlers managed to retain cultural characteristics that were for­ eign to their regional Canadian surroundings. Ofcourse, as Kobayashi points out in her discussions about Japanese immigrants, protecting cultural individuality may be easier in a rural environment than in the city. Two articles deal with ethnic art in Canada, supplemented with a research note by Robert Klymasz, who makes the same distinction as was made for architecture between "ethnic art" and the ethnic artist. Works of ethnic art have been viewed as static examples of outmoded cultures, perhaps belonging to a museum. In studying Inuit arts and crafts co-operatives in the Arctic, Myers found that Inuit art was not considered "fine art" until it had been made "saleable" by individuals unaware of any functional value the art may have had originally. White society actively promoted only those aspects ofInuit society which did not conflict with the products of white society. Those prepared to produce art within the confines of this ethnic mould are hailed as artists. Of course, those who continue to produce attractive yet func­ tional material culture are considered craftsmen. Morley's presenta­ tion of William Kurelek as an ethnic artist illustrates an interesting aspect of this phenomenon. In fact, its place within this volume is 140 BOOK REVIEWS curious, as the author seemed hard pressed attimes to identify Kurelek as an ethnic artist other than referring to the fact that he was of Ukrainian parentage. In short, this collection of articles is a useful beginning in identify­ ing the material manifestations of cultures functioning in Canada and comparing them with the stereotyped traits of Canada's official list of ethnic groups. For the sake of comparison, it is unfortunate that more work has not been done with folk builders, painters, carvers, etc. to determine what they consider art or architecture and whether they also proceed with artistic or environmental ideals to seek any harmony in mind. While identifying the problem, the contributors have tended to discuss it from a one-sided perspective. Radomir Bilash Senior Research Historian Ukrainian Cultural Heritage Village Historic Sites Service Alberta

Married to the Wind: A Study of the Prairie Grasslands by Wayne Lynch. Vancouver: Whitecap Books, 1984. Pp. 166. Married to the Wind is a book combining mini-essays in print with photographs on the subject of the Canadian grasslands of Al­ berta, Saskatchewan and Manitoba. The book is set out in six chapters accompanied by six sets of photographs illustrating the text. These chapters are: The Land: Its Face and Its Temperament; The Level Plain; Windscapes; Layers of Time; Coulees; Water and Wings. The chapter on the land gives basic information on the geological and climatological processes which have influenced the shape of the physical portion of the prairie environment. The soil chemistry, so important for determining the plant species which form the base for any ecosystem, is outlined. The effects of glaciers on land are given in some detail, since the recent glaciation of the area had so much influence on determining the present landscape. With the chapter entitled "The Level Plain," discussing the basic plains habitat, Lynch goes from the general, informative overview used in the first chapter to a selective pattern. He talks about grass-why it is so successful in the combination of physical factors found in this region. He talks about wind and its effects on the survival and repro­ ductive biology of plants and animals. He talks about burrowingforms and why there are so many in grasslands. He talks about the most successful animal residents of the grasslands-coyotes and grasshop­ pers. Large amounts of information and basic ecological concepts are given to the reader by easy, short discussions about a few aspects of the environment and the inhabitants of this habitat. BOOK REVIEWS 141

In "Windscapes," the discussion of the effects of wind goes from its general impact on grasslands to the changes brought about by wind on exposed land. The type of windscape is seen to depend on the underlying soil type, so that sand from erosion deposits or glacial outwash leads to sandhills or dunes while erosion of rocky outcrops results in badlands topography. The mini-essays concentrate on the sandhills and range from discussing the large number of species of spiders found in these dry habitats to the importance of communica­ tion by pheromones in small nocturnal hiders-such as rodents. Lynch also notes that whatlooks like a reduced habitat to the human eye may contain required conditions for some other species, such as the mule deer and sharp-tailed grouse which thrive in the sandhills. Other species, the Ord's kangaroo rat and plains spadefoot toad, are found in Canada only in the sandhills region. The "Badlands" chapter discusses the landscape which results from wind erosion of rocky outcrops and outlines the effects of the reduction of plants-both in number of individuals and number of species-on the landscape and the animal species. This discussion triggers the author's mind to contemplate topics ranging from garter snake biology to reproduction in spiders. "Coulees," the results of water erosion, are gentler in their appear­ ance and local conditions than badlands. Because they are better vegetated than badlands, they support many more species of orga­ nisms. This species diversity is exemplified by a discussion of the bats of the grasslands, which are present because of the roosting sites in the coulees. (To me, as a biologist, one of the charms of this book is the author's reference to and photographs of groups of organisms such as toads, cacti, bats, spiders and snakes which usually do not receive recognition in books for the general reader.) In this chapter, Lynch discusses the important concept of concentration of non-metabolized (or non-metabolizeable) substances, including man-made chemicals, in the carnivorous portion of the food web or chain-a topic which is applicable to all of the ecosystems referred to in the book. "Water and Wings" is a chapter on the water habitats of the grasslands-particularly the sloughs. These transient bodies of water are essential for organisms which are dependent on water for some, but not all, periods in their life cycle. The most obvious are the migratory water-nesting birds but the group also includes algae, fresh-water shrimp, dragonflies and toads. There are mini-essays on the advan­ tages of transient water habitats (the absence of the predatory pike and snapping turtles which live in permanent water bodies) and the disad­ vantages (disappearance of the water before the young are hatched). Lynch also discusses the natural life cycle of shallow water bodies and the gradual filling of these post-glacial structures (a natural process which is only accelerated by leveling by farmers to increase field size and machine efficiency). 142 BOOK REVIEWS

Throughout the book, Lynch refers to the simplification of most ecosystems by humans and what this means. He notes that some forms, such as the prairie grizzly and prairie wolf, are gone forever. Others, ranging from grasslands plant species and their attendant insects to burrowing owls and the swift fox, are vulnerable because of the reduc­ tion in natural habitats. A book such as this tells us what we are losing with our insistence that the perceived drive for human sustenance overrides all other concerns. The book is crammed with facts which are palatably and sensi­ tively presented, written from a base of knowledge and not mere rhapsodizing. It is well-printed and the photographs are large and beautiful. D. M. Secoy Biology Department University of Regina

Pictures by Lois Simmie. Saskatoon: Fifth House, 1984. Pp. 169; Fish-Hooks by Reg Silvester. Moose Jaw: Coteau Books, 1984.Pp. 79. The production of short story collections in Western Canada continues to reflect the creative energies of the region in such fine recent publications as Robert Currie's Night Games (Coteau, 1983), Kristjana Gunnar's The Axe's Edge (Press Porcepic, 1983),or Caroline Heath's anthology of prairie women's fiction, Double Bond (Fifth House, 1984). Such collections suggest that the work of such better­ known writers as Edna Alford or Bill Kinsella is no isolated phenom­ enon but a product of deep-rooted cultural forces, the same, perhaps, that lie behind the often-noted prairie anecdotal tradition prominent in the region's poetry. From recent publications I have selected for review two collections, Lois Simmie's Pictures and Reg Silvester's Fish­ Hooks, which claim attention, but which for various reasons seem to be less likely to get it than those mentioned above. Simmie is first of all a writer in the traditional realistic mode, recording the gritty particulars of place and experience, seeking psy­ chological verisimilitude, variety, and depth, and building narrative on the formal structures of enigma, quest, and closure. One does not read her stories for the insights and illuminations that can come from the undermining or rejection of these conventions, but for those which they can yield when managed with unusual skill. And unusual skill­ and, in three or four cases, more than that-is certainly seen in all but one or two of these stories. Silvester is, on the other hand, more adventurous formally than Simmie. Though he sometimes begins his work in a conventional manner, it is usually not long before we find ourselves in strange territory indeed, curious, fantastic, and often poetic. Like Simmie, he BOOK REVIEWS 143 has included in his collection of thirteen stories a small number of works whose relative weakness is unfortunate in a generally strongand at least in part unified collection. The protagonists of Simmie's stories are prairie natives, living either in small towns or the region's medium-sized urban centres. Though they range in age from the very young to the old, and in economic status from down-and-out to middle-class, they are united in their impoverishments, whether these are material or spiritual or both. In "Romantic Fever" a young girl bed-ridden by a chronic illness is cared for by an austere nurse vigilant against any unhealthy manifesta­ tions of spontaneity and joy; in "Behind the Lines" the emptiness of a "happy marriage" ironically and finally claims the attention of a wife; while in "The Triton" a lake drowning similarly though less subtly forces the main character to confront the meaninglessness of her life. Other deprivations abound: of sexual love and the simple warmth of friendship, of parental harmony or fulfillment at work. Their final impact never resonates with the consolations of tragedy, where loss is at least significant: the author rather stays firmly in a middle ground of the disappointments, frustrations and unhappiness of ordinary life. Yet curiously, the stories are not depressing, perhaps because in oppo­ sition to the quiet pain and even desperation they record are luminous prose passages rendering in unpretentious symbolism the focus of the characters on release and escape. In "Emily," for example, a young girl floundering in the water of a summer lake she had dreamed of master­ ing is taught to swim by an older girl, Emily, a year-long resident, deaf, mute, and generous in every sense. The mature narrator makes her retrospective collage of that time: "the immense shimmering blue of the lake," her father in a rowboat fishing, her sister dancing to a gramo­ phone on the beach with her boyfriend, her mother and another woman in deck chairs, and boys' faces smirking from the bushes where she has seen them take the compliant Emily. And right in the centre of that blue water, Emily and I are floating, floating in the silence like a strange pair of sea creatures. Emily's eyes, the color of the lake, are open, and her long hair is drifting out around her face. In other stories Vancouver's Stanley Park, a manic cat, or a Harlequin Romance perform similar functions. The dream of rescue is usually illusory, but occasionally (and not improbably) it is actually fulfilled, whether through the winning of a lottery ticket or through sexual love. There are excellent stories in this collection, but it should be said that as good as the others can be, none can match the first four, which include "Emily," along with "Romantic Fever," "Red Shoes," and "Pictures." All are told from the perspective of a young girl and all capture features of small town prairie life with a subtlety and mastery that should earn them classic status. Silvester's characters represent a narrower band of society than 144 BOOK REVIEWS

Simmie's, being largely young uprooted adults or somewhat older and established middle class representatives. But to put it this way is somewhat misleading, for the difference in range is the function of a different set of concerns. Simmie is interested in family and community relations and their fragility and necessity, whereas Silvester's more apocalyptic vision deals with these at points of more disturbing precar­ iousness and even breakdown. She deals with troubled marriage and parenthood, he deals with troubled divorce and birth control; her characters dream of stability and permanence, his cope-or try to cope-with uncertainty and transience as the norm. The contents list the thirteen stories with a break in space after the titles of the first six and ten, and illustrations in the book separate groups at the same points. A reading shows the first grouping to be the most significant: all six stories deal with three characters, a woman called Delia and two men, Dave Jones and a seventies drug casualty named Ron James. No individual story makes the relations between the three very clear, however, and only after sequential reading of all does a fuller picture emerge from an a-chronological ordering: Dave has been married to and is now divorced from Delia, who before her marriage was the lover of Ron, and after her divorce has taken up with him again. Dave is the narrator of five stories which focus on the troubled triangle; Ron is the narrator of 'another which does not concern itself with it. He is also the narrator of one of the next seven stories, which like the first six contain characters who make appear­ ances in more than one narrative, though the pattern of intermeshing is less persistent and systematic in these. The most striking formal feature of the stories lies in their rejec­ tion of conventional assumptions of relevance, whose operating princ­ iples are the highlighting of matter that illuminates major concerns of action and psychology and the subordinating or marginalizing of that which does not. In Silvester's stories some feature of such marginal matter tends to drift into prominence, becoming focus and obsession that threaten to overwhelm everything else. Sometimes the method comes close to that of a Stephen King horror story, where matter at first perceived as passive and inert is shown to be active, even malig­ nant. In "Berserk in a Water Bed" a story of suburbia turns out to be one about the bizarre inhabitants of a water bed; in another story Ron J ames is visited by a journalist (or rather someone apparently such) who intends a story on his marvelous bottle collection and instead is forced to listen to the bizarre beings living in James's walls and cup­ boards. But more typically the technique is muted so that the marginal matter operates finally in a subtly symbolic manner. Thus in the title story the fishhooks obsessing a central character seem to override a narrative of young frustration in a contemporary high-tech and unem­ ployment economy, until at the end we see the operation of the fish- BOOK REVIEWS 145

hooks and the economy as precisely identical. In the opening story, "The Magnificent Coloured Dildo," dragonflies at a beach concern the narrator, Dave Jones, as much as the marriage crisis attributed to his wife's insatiable sexual appetite, and we learn of their antiquity as insects, the size oftheir fossil remains, their air speed in miles per hour, the details of their intricate manoeuvers, the percentage of their weight in wing muscle, and so on. At the story's end a dragonfly trapped in Dave and Delia's tent struggles vainly to escape, avoiding-through ignorance or stupidity-an opening which would let it out. At last, exhausted, it falls, and is free. "And that's the truth," the story con­ cludes. None of Silvester's stories-fine as they may be-reaches the level of Simmie's at her best, but this is scarcely a damaging criticism, since I do not think that any writer of the region to date has matched the magic of those childhood narratives. More to the point would be to say that the difference between Silvester and Simmie is a difference be­ tween generational perspectives, with Silvester's rejection of Simmie's realism representing notjust an artistic desire to strike out on his own, but also a sense that its formal solaces are out of place in the real world in which personal and economic security and faith in the future are so very hard to come by. Ian Adam Department of English University of Calgary

The History of Prairie Theatre: The Development of Theatre in Al­ berta, Manitoba and Saskatchewan, 1833-1982 by E. Stuart Ross. Toronto: Simon and Pierre, 1984. Pp. 304. This book surveys the history of theatre on the Prairies, covering the pioneer, amateur, educational, and new professional theatre. It is a useful compendium of the early touring years, stock companies and vaudeville, the urban and university contributions to the art, school drama, as well as very specific efforts of the likes of the Manitoba Theatre Centre, Edmonton's Citadel Theatre, Theatre Calgary and the Banff School of Fine Arts. There is also a brief concluding section on modern prairie playwrights. It is difficult to derive a thesis from this volume, unless it is that theatre in the West, being generally imported, has usually had little to do with the region. There is thus an ambivalence in the text, a haziness, about the relationship between the presentation of an "outside" drama and the Prairies as an area with a distinct history, between the medium and the setting. Conceivably, the story could be the regional theatre of severaljurisdictions. Doubtless, prairie historians attempting this work 146 BOOK REVIEWS would have seen fit to integrate more of the social, educational and recreational history of the plains into the tale. But then few such historians could have added Stuart's broad understanding of drama, especially recent drama, to the enterprise. Still, one would have wished that Stuart had injected some of the essense of drama-its pace, excitement, story-weaving, and commen­ tary on the human condition into the chronicle. Certainly few aca­ demic historians would have been as well-equipped to imbue the work with literary values. Perhaps it is unfair to ask Stuart to inspire a narrative about drama with the robust spirit of drama itself, but this reviewer would have been delighted to see the attempt. The book as it stands is a useful catalogue, but it is too often an empty list of plays that were performed, without real insight into either the forgotten casts or the directors, their personalities and struggles. The volume is best the few times it is honestly and purposefully critical, especially about developments in the last generation, for example, the motley fortunes of the Banff School. Possessing strength as an initial statement about theatre history, the book, however, is handicapped by the author's refusal to footnote, an oversight that will unduly minimize the volume's role as a building block. The inclusion of a general bibliography of secondary works, when one cannot tell what comes from where, and when at .least a third of the work is fashioned from undisclosed primary sources, it simply second rate. Those who have been part of Stuart's history will likely be pleased with his efforts. In this sense, the book will have an attraction not unlike that of a local history, for it will rekindle memories of associa­ tions, the magnificent potential of the art form and its sometimes comically pathetic realization, the sparkle of triumph and the misery of discomfiture. It is somewhat a pity that for the average reader most of these moments, the highs and lows, will lie between the lines. David C. Jones University of Calgary 147 INDEX Prairie Forum is now entering its eleventh year of publication. As a service to readers a comprehensive list of all submissions to the journal for its first ten years is being provided in this issue. This index has been divided into two sections, listed alphabetically by author and by title, and including the volume, number, date of issue, and page number of each item. All articles, book reviews, articles, research notes and lists of prairie theses are included by category. It should be noted that book reviews are listed by the name of the reviewer, with the name of the author following the title of the book.

ARTICLES - BY AUTHOR Abizadeh, Sohrab and Mahmood Yousefi. The Alberta Corporation Income Tax Incentives: A Critical View,vol. 10, no. 2 (Fall 1985):399. Ajao, Adenihum O. and Brenton M. Barr. Entrepreneurial Assessment of Government Programmes to Encourage Alberta's Foreign Trade, vol. 2, no. 2 (November 1977):153. Anderson, Alan B. Generation Differences in Ethnic Identity Retention in Rural Saskatchewan, vol. 7, no. 2 (Fall 1982):171. ---. Prairie Ethnic Studies and Research: Review and Assessment, vol. 7, no. 2 (Fall 1982): 155. Ariano, A.A. and Yee-Lay Jack Lam. French-Language Instruction: A Closer Look at Schools in Southwestern Manitoba, vol. I, no. 2 (November 1976):151. Arthur, George. The North American Plains Bison: A Brief History, vol. 9, no. 2 (Fall 1984):281. Artibise, Alan F.J. An Urban Economy: Patterns of Economic Change in Winnipeg, 1878-1971, vol. I, no. 2 (November 1976):163. ---. The Urban West: The Evolut,iQD"ef Prairie Towns and Cities to 1930, vol. 4, no. 2 (Fall 1979):237. Atton, F. Mervyn. Fish Resources and Fisheries Industry of the Canadian Plains, vol. 9, no. 2 (Fall 1984):315. Babcock, D.R. Autonomy and Alienation in Alberta: Premier A.C. Rutherford, vol. 6, no. 2 (Fall 1981):1 17. Backeland, Lucille and J.S. Frideres. Franco-Manitobans and Cultural Loss: A Fourth Generation, vol. 2, no. I (May 1977):I. Barber, Steve and Charles Brook. The Historic Winnipeg Restoration Area: A Brief History, vol. 5, no. 2 (Fall 1980):219. Bennett, John W. and Seena B. Kohl. Longitudinal Research in Cultural Ecology: A History of the Saskatchewan Research Program, 1960-77, vol. 4, no. 2 (Fall 1979):197. Bishop, Charles A. The Western James Bay Cree: Aboriginal and Early Historic Adaptations, vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):147. Boddy, Trevor. Introduction: Notes for a History of Prairie Architecture, vol. 5, no. 2 (Fall 1980):123. Bodnar, Diana. The Three Prairie Legislative Buildings, vol. 5, no. 2 (Fall 1980):143. Bogaards, Winnifred M. Edward McCourt, One Man's View of Alberta and Saskatchewan, vol. 5, no. I (Spring 1980):39. Bouthillier, P.H. and S.E. Hrudey. Dissolved Oxygen Depletion Problems in Ice-Covered Alberta Rivers, vol. 4, no. 2 (Fall 1979):22I. Brennan, J. William. Wooing the 'Foreign Vote': Saskatchewan Politics and the Immigrant, 1905-1919, vol. 3, no. 1 (Spring 1978):61. Brooks, W.H. The Bible Christian Church in the West, vol. I, no. I (April 1976):59. Burke, Richard and Robin Karpan. Attitudes of Saskatchewan Businessmen Toward Govern­ ment Export Assistance, vol. 3, no. 1 (Spring 1978):45. Byron, David. The Recognition of Leaders of the Opposition in Alberta, 1905-1983, vol. 9, no. I (Spring 1984):45. Carbyn, Ludwig. Status of Wolves in the Canadian Plains Region, vol. 9, no. 2 (Fall 1984):29I. Carlyle, William J. The Changing Family Farm on the Prairies, vol. 8, no, 1 (Spring 1983):I. ---. Government Acquisition of Land in Manitoba, 1966 to 1976, vol. 4, no. I (Spring 1979):55. 148 INDEX

Carriere, Father Gaston. The Early Efforts of the oiiI.fe MissIon-ariesin Western Canada, vol. 4, no. 1 (Spring 1979): 1. --- (trans.). Letter from Bishop Tache to his Mother, Concerning his Life with the Chipewyan Nation, vol. 3, no. 2 (Fall 1978):131. ------Carter, Sarah. Material Culture and the W.R. Motherwell Home, vol. 8, no. I (Spring 1983):99. ---. The Missionaries' Indian: The Publications of John McDougall, John Maclean and Egerton Ryerson Young, vol. 9, no. 1 (Spring 1984):27. Chakravarti, A.K. Precipitation Deficiency Patterns in the Canadian Prairies, 1921 to 1970, vol. I, no. 2 (November 1976):95. Conway, J.F. The Decline of the Family Farm in Saskatchewan, vol. 9, no. I (Spring 1984): 101. Dawson, Don. Ethnic Language and Cultural Maintenance in Canadian Education: The Trend Towards "Public Bilingual" Schooling, vol. 7, no. 2 (Fall 1982): 19. Denhez, Marc. Protecting the Built Environment of Saskatchewan, vol. 7, no. I (Spring 1982): 13. . Dick, Lyle. Estimates of Farm Making Costs in Saskatchewan, 1882-1914, vol. 6, no. 2 (Fall 1981): 183. Dickason, Olive P. Historical Reconstruction for the Northwestern Plains, vol. 5, no. I (Spring 1980):19. Driedger, Leo. Attitudes of Winnipeg University Students Toward Immigrants of European and Non-European Origin, vol. 7, no. 2 (Fall 1982):213. . Dunae, Patrick A. "Making Good": The Canadian West in British Boys' Literature, 1890-1914, vol. 4, no. 2 (Fall 1979): 165. __ __ Elder, P.S. Putting Renewable Energy on an Equal Footing, vol. 10, no. 2 (Fall 1985):415. Elliott, David R. and Iris Miller. Aberhart and the Calgary Prophetic Bible Institute, vol. 9, no. I (Spring 1984):61. Evans, Simon M. American Cattlemen on the Canadian Range, 1874 to 1914, vol. 4, no. (Spring 1979): 121. ---. The End of the Open Range Era in Western Canada, vol. 8, no. 1 (Spring 1983):71. Foster, J.E. The Metis: The People and the Term, vol. 3, no. I (Spring 1978):79. Friesen, Victor Carl. The Rural Prairie Novel and the Great Depression, vol. 2, no. I (May 1977):83. Gaboury, Etienne. Towards a Prairie Architecture, vol. 5, no. 2 (Fall 1980):237. Gibbins, Roger and J. Rick Ponting. Contemporary Prairie Perceptions of Canada's Native Peoples, vol. 2, no. I (May 1977):57. Goldring, Philip. Governor Simpson's Officers: Elite Recruitment in a British Overseas Enterprise, 1834-1870, vol. 10, no. 2 (Fall 1985):251. Goldstein, Jay. National Identification in Winnipeg: An Analysis of School-Naming Events from 1881 to 1976, vol. 3, no. 2 (Fall 1978): 117. Good, W.S. and M.D. Beckman. A Prairie Distribution System in Transition: The Case of Farm Machinery Parts in Manitoba, vol. 2, no. I (May 1977):43. Gordon, Stanley. F.W.G. Haultain, Territorial Politics and the Quasi-party System, vol. 6, no. I (Spring 1981): l. Hall, D.J. Clifford Sifton and Canadian Indian Administration, 1896-1905, vol. 2, no. 2 (November 1977): 127. . ---. The Manitoba Grain Act: An "Agrarian Magna Charta"?, vol. 4, no. I (Spring 1979): 105. Harrison, Dick. Fictions of the American and Canadian Wests, vol. 8, no. 1 (Spring 1983):89. Hildebrandt, Walter. The Battle of Batoche, vol. 10, no. 1 (Spring 1985): 17. ---. P.G. Laurie of Battleford: The Aspirations of a Western Enthusiast, vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983): 157. Hilts, Joseph A. Land Agent, Promoter, Politician and Farmer: Thomas Greenway in Manitoba, 1878-1908, vol. I., no. 2 (November 1976): III. Horrall, S.W. The (Royal) North-West Mounted Police and Prostitution on the Canadian Prairies, vol. 10, no. I (Spring 1985): 105. Hrudey, Steve E. Advances in Water Reuse: Issues for Water Management in Alberta, vol. 7, no. 1 (Spring 1982): 1. Ironside, R.G. and E. Tomasky. Agriculture and River Lot Settlement in Western Canada: The Case of Pakan (Victoria), Alberta, vol. 1, no. 1 (April 1976):3. Johnson, Stuart D. and Cornelia B. Johnson. Institutional Origins in the Chilean Refugee Community in Winnipeg, vol. 7, no. 2 (Fall 1982):227. Jones, David C. The Reflective Value of Movies and Censorship on Interwar Prairie Society, vol. 10, no. 2 (Fall 1985):383. ---. Schools and Social Disintegration in the Alberta Dry Belt of the Twenties, vol. 3, no. I (Spring 1978): 1. INDEX 149

Kaye, Barry. "The Settlers' Grand Difficulty": Haying in the Economy of the Red River Settlement, vol. 9, no. I (Spring 1984):I. ---.The Trade in Livestock between the Red River Settlement and the American Frontier, 1812-1870,vol. 6, no. 2 (Fall 1981):163. Kerr, Don. Building the University of Saskatchewan, 1907-1930, vol. 5, no. 2 (Fall 1980):157. Kirkland, Clare L. A Simulated Consolidation of the Grain Handling and Transportation System in West-Central Saskatchewan, vol. 2, no. 1 (May 1977):19. Kulshreshtha, Surendra N. Short-Run Effects of an Inland Terminal on the Grain Handling System and Rural Communities: A Case Study ofWeyburn, vol. 7, no. I (Spring 1982):69. Kupsch, Walter O. Man and Resources of the Canadian Plains, vol. 9, no. 2 (FaIl1984):18I. LaDochy, Steve, Tim Ball and Barry Woronchak. The Nitty-Gritty of Winnipeg Air, vol. I, no. 2 (November 1976):135. Lambrecht, Kirk. Regional Development and Social Strife: Early Coal Mining in Alberta, vol. 4, no. 2 (Fall 1979):263. Lehr, John C. Governmental Coercion in the Settlement of Ukrainian Immigrants in Western Canada, vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):179. ---.TheLog Buildings of Ukrainian Settlers in Western Canada, vol. 5, no. 2 (Fall 1980):183. Levine, Allan G. The Winnipeg Grain Exchange on Trial: The Case of the Grain Growers' Grain Company Reconsidered, vol. 10, no. 2 (Fall 1985):339. Lussier, A.S. Msgr. Provencher and the Native People of the Red River, 1818-1853,vol. 10, no. I (Spring 1985):I. Mackinnon, C.S. Some Logistics of Portage La Loche (Methy), vol. 5, no. I (Spring 1980):51. Makahonuk, Glen. Painters, Decorators and Paperhangers: A Case Study in Saskatchewan Labourism, 1906-1919, vol. 10, no. I (Spring 1985):189. ---. The Saskatchewan Coal Strikes of1932: A Study in Class Relations, vol. 9, no. I (Spring 1984):79. McCormick, P.L. Transportation and Settlement: Problems in the Expansion of the Frontier of Saskatchewan and Assiniboia in 1904, vol. 5, no. I (Spring 1980):I. McCracken, Jane. Stephan G. Stephansson: A "West Icelander", vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):195. McCutcheon, Brian R. The Birth of Agrarianism in the Prairie West, vol. I, no. 2 (November 1976):79. McDonald, John. Soldier Settlement and Depression Settlement in the Forest Fringe of Saskatchewan, vol. 6, no. I (Spring 1981):35. McNab, David. The Colonial Office and the Prairies in the Mid-Nineteenth Century, vol. 3, no. I (Spring 1978):21. Melnyk, Bryan. Residential Buildings in Calgary: 1905-1914, vol. 8, no. I (Spring 1983):43. Miller, J.R. The 1891 Election in Western Canada, vol. 10, no. 1 (Spring 1985):147. Mitchell, George J. The Importance, Utilization, Management, and Future of Wild Game Animals on the Canadian Plains, vol. 9, no. 2 (Fall 1984):249. Monu, Erasmus D. Community Leaders in South Western Manitoba, vol. 7, no. 2 (Spring 1982):39. Mossmann, Manfred. The Charismatic Pattern: Canada's Riel Rebellion of 1885 as a Millenarian Protest Movement, vol. 10, no. 2 (Fall 1985):307. Mott, Morris. Flawed Games, Splendid Ceremonies: The Hockey Games of the Winnipeg Vies, 1890-1903,vol. 10, no. 1 (Spring 1985):169. Nelson, Samuel J. Geological History of the Interior Plains, vol. 9, no. 2 (Fall 1984):159. Norbeck, Carl and J. Gordon Nelson. Canadian Conservation and the Cypress Hills, vol. I, no. 1 (April 1976):47. Owram, Doug. "Conspiracy and Treason": The Red River Resistance from an Expansionist Perspective, vol. 3, no. 2 (Fall 1978):157. Palmer, Howard and Tamara Palmer. The 1971 Election and the Fall of Social Credit in Alberta, vol. 1, no. 2 (November 1976):123. ---. The Religious Ethic and the Spirit of Immigration: The Dutch in Alberta, vol. 7, no. 2 (Fall 1982):237. Pannekoek, Frits. The Historiography of the Red River Settlement, 1830-1868, vol. 6, no. 1 (Spring 1981):75. Paul, Alec H. Human Aspects of the Canadian Plains Climate, vol. 9, no. 2 (Fall 1984):203. Peter, Karl and Ian Whitaker. The Changing Roles of Hutterite Women, vol. 7, no. 2 (Fall 1982):267. Ray, Arthur J. The Northern Great Plains: Pantry of the Northwestern Fur Trade, 1774-1885. vol. 9, no. 2 (Fall 1984):263. ---. William Todd: Doctor and Trader for the Hudson's Bay Company, 1816-1851.vol. 9. no. 1 (Spring 1984):13. Riegert, P.W. A Century of Locusts and Mortgages, vol. 2, no. 2 (November 1977):121. --_. Insects on the Canadian Plains, vol. 9, no. 2 (Fall 1984):327. 150 INDEX

Robertson, James A. The Soils of the Interior Plains of Western Canada, vol. 9, no. 2 (Fall 1984):217. Rooke, Patricia T. and R.L. Schnell. Charlotte Whitton Meets "The Last Best West": The " Politics of Child Welfare in Alberta, 1929-49, vol. 6, no. 2 (Fall 1981):143. Rowe, J. Stan and Robert T. Coupland. Vegetation of the Canadian Plains, vol. 9, no. 2 (Fall 1984):231. Russell, Peter A. The Saskatchewan Conservatives, Separate Schools and the 1929 Election, vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):211. Seifried, N.R. Growth and Change in Prairie Metropolitan Centres After 1951, vol. 7, no. I (Spring 1982):49. Selwood, John and. Evelyn Baril. Land Policies of the Hudson's Bay Company at Upper Fort Garry: 1869-1879, vol. 2, no. 2 (November 1977):101. Serfaty, Meir. The Conservative Party of Alberta under Lougheed, 1965-71: Building an Image and an Organization, vol. 6, no. I (Spring 1981):57. - Sheehan, Nancy M. The WCTU on the Prairies, 1886-1930: An Alberta-Saskatchewan Comparison, vol. 6, no. I (Spring 1981):17. Shepard, R. Bruce. Plain Racism: The Reaction Against Oklahoma Black Immigration to the Canadian Plains, vol. 10, no. 2 (Fall 1985):365. Simpson-Housley, Paul, Gordon Lipinski and Elroy Trithardt. The Flood Hazard at Lumsden, Saskatchewan: Residents' Cognitive Awareness and Personality, vol. 3, no. 2 (Fall 1978):175. Smith, David. Instilling British Values in the Prairie Provinces, vol. 6, no. 2 (FallI98l):129. Snell, James G. American Neutrality and the Red River Resistance, 1869-1870, vol. 4, no. 2(Fall 1979):183. Spector, David. The 1884 Financial Scandals and the Establishment of Business Government in Winnipeg, vol. 2, no. 2 (November 1977):167. Spinks, J.W.T. A Research Strategy for the Canada West Region, vol. 3, no. I (Spring 1978):39. Stich, Klaus Peter. "Canada's Century": The Rhetoric of Propaganda, vol. I, no. I (April 1976):19. Sugden, Lawson G. The Waterfowl Resource of the Canadian Plains, vol. 9, no. 2 (Fall 1984):299. - Sundstrom, Marvin J. Geographical Aspects of Dominion Government Creameries in the North West Territories, 1897-1905, vol. 10, no. I (Spring 1985):129. Sundstrom, Marvin J., J. Anthony Long and Peter J. McCormick. Harvest of Neglect: The Canadian Agricultural Movement, 1978-79, vol. 5, no. I (Spring 1980):67. Thomas, Greg. The Smithsonian and the Hudson's Bay Company, vol. 10, no. 2 (Fall 1985):283. Thomas, Greg and Ian Clarke. The Garrison Mentality and the Canadian West, vol. 4, no. I (Spring 1979):83. Thomas, Lewis H. A History of Agriculture on the Prairies to 1914, vol. I, no. I (April 1976):31. Titley, E. Brian. W.M. Graham: Indian Agent Extraordinaire, vol. 8,00. 1 (Spring 1983):25. Voisey, Paul. Rural Local History and the Prairie West, vol. 10, no. 2 (Fall 1985):327. Waiser, W.A. A Willi-ng Scapegoat: John Macoun and the Route of the -CPR, vol. 10, no. 1 (Spring 1985):65. Wiesinger, Judith P. Modelling the Agricultural Settlement Process of Southern Manitoba, 1872 to 1891: Some Implications for Settlement Theory, vol. 10, no. I (Spring 1985):83. Wiseman, Nelson. The Character and Strategy of the Manitoba CCF, 1943 to 1959, vol. 4, no. I (Spring 1979):27. Wonders, William and Mark Rasmussen. Log Buildings of West Central Alberta, vol. 5, no. 2 (Fall 1980):197. INDEX 151

BOOK REVIEWS - BY REVIEWER Adam, Ian. The Land They Gave A way: New and Selected Poems, Andrew Suknaski, edited by Stephen Scobie. Vol. 9, no. I (Spring 1984):147. Anderson, A.B. All ofBaba's Children, Myrna Kostash. Vol. 3, no. 2 (Fall 1978):201. Anderson, Barrie. BacchanaliaRevisited: Western Canada's Boozy Skid to Social Disaster, James H. Gray. Vol. 8" no. I (Spring 1983):124. Anderson, Fred. A Century ofCanadian Grain: Government Policy to 1951, C.F. Wilson. Vol. 3, no. 2 (Fall 1978):194. Anthony, Geraldine. Fallen Empires: The Lost Theatres ofEdmonton: 1881-1914, John Orrell. Vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):277. Archer, John H. Calgary: An Illustrated History, Max Foran. Vol. 3, no. 2 (Fall 1978):190. ---. Regina Before Yesterday: A Visual History 1882 to 1945, edited by J. William Brennan. Vol. 3, no. 2 (Fall 1978):189. Artibise, Alan F.J. Regina: Regional Isolation and Innovative Development (Western Geo­ graphical Series, Volume 18), edited by Edmund H. Dale. Vol. 5, no. I (Spring 1980):114.' Barclay, Byrna. Medicine Boy and Other Cree Tales, Eleanor Brass. Vol. 4, no. 2 (Fall 1979):284. Betke, Carl. Civilizing the West: The Gaits and the Development of Western Canada, A.A. den Otter. Vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):252. Blight, Elizabeth. Pages from the Past. Essays on Saskatchewan History, edited by D.H. Bocking. Vol. 6, no. I (Spring 1981):107. Brass, Oliver. Urban Indians: The Strangers in Canada's Cities, Larry Krotz. Vol. 6, no. I (Spring 1981):102. Brennan, J. William. The Canadian West: Social Change and Economic Development, edited by Henry C. Klassen. Vol. 2, no. 2 (November 1977):179. ---. Mr. Davin, M.P.: A Biography ofNicholas Flood Davin, C.B. Koester. Vol. 6, no. I (Spring 1981):113. .. ---. The Settlement of the West, edited by Howard Palmer. Vol. 2, no. 2 (November 1977):179. Burley, David G. The Making ofthe Modern West: Western Canada Since 1945, edited by A. W. Rasporich. Vol. 10, no. 2 (Fall 1985):466. ---. Plains Families: Exploring Sociology Through Social History, Scott G. McNall and Sally Allen McNall. Vol. 10, no. 2 (Fall 1985):466. Buyniak, Victor O. Plakun Trava: The Doukhobors, Koozma J. Tarasoff. Vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):286. ---. Recollections About the Life of the First Ukrainian Settlers in Canada, William A. Czumer, translated by Louis T. Laychuk. Vol. 6, no. 2 (Fall 1981):237. Carley, Michael J. Civilizing the West: The Gaits andthe Development ofWestern Canada, A.A. den Otter. Vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):251. ---. The West: The History ofa Region in Confederation, J.F. Conway. Vol. 10, no. 2 (Fall 1985):464. Carpenter, David. Manitoba Stories, edited by Joan Parr. Vol. 6, no. 2 (Fall 1981):218. Charrett, Doug. Saskatoon: The First Half-Century, Don Kerr and Stan Hanson. Vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):279. Conway, J.F. Merchants ofGrain, Dan Morgan. Vol. 4, no. 2 (Fall 1979):300. Coulter, Rebecca. Letters from a Lady Rancher, Monica Hopkins. Vol. 8, no. I (Spring 1983):122. Cushon, Hal. Beyondthe Harvest: Canadian Grain at the Crossroads, Barry Wilson. Vol. 7, no. I (Spring 1982):119. Davidson, Arnold E. Crossing Frontiers: Papers in American and Canadian Literature, edited by Dick Harrison. Vol. 5, no. I (Spring 1980):109. ---. Robert Kroetsch, Peter Thomas. Vol. 6, no. 2 (Fall 1981):234. den Otter, A.A. Essays on Western History: In Honour of Lewis Gwynne Thomas, edited by Lewis H. Thomas. Vol. 2, no. 2 (November 1977):183. Denham, Paul. A Sleep Full of Dreams, Edna Alford. Vol. 8, no. I (Spring 1983):133. Dunae, Patrick A. Letters From a Young Emigrant in Manitoba, edited by Ronald A. Wells. Vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):273. Dunn, C. L. The Manitoba Commercial Freshwater Fishery: An Economic Analysis, Gordon S. Gislason, James A. MacMillan and Jack W. Craven. Vol. 10, no. I (Spring 1985):247. Eagle, John A. Dictionary of Canadian Biography. Vol. XI: 1881-1890, edited by Francess G. Halpenny and Jean Hamelin. Vol. 8, no. I (Spring 1983):113. Evans, Brian M. Stephan G. Stephansson: The Poet of the Rocky Mountains, Jane W. McCracken. Vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):264. ---. Visible Symbols: Cultural Expression Among Canada's Ukrainians, edited by Manoly R. Lupul. Vol. 10, no. 2 (Fall 1985):488. Evans, Simon. The Rainbow Chasers, Ervin Austin MacDonald. Vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):258. 152 INDEX

Finkel, Alvin. No Fault of Their Own: Unemployment and the Canadian Welfare State 1914-1941, James Struthers. Vol. 10, no. I (Spring 1985):240. Fisher, Robin. One Century Later: Western Canadian Reserve Indians Since Treaty 7, edited by Ian A.L. Getty and Donald B. Smith. Vol. 5, no. I (Spring 1980):107. Foster, John E. The Rundle Journals. 1840-1848, edited by Hugh A. Dempsey. Vol. 3, no. I (Spring 1978):95. ' Francis, R. Douglas. The Best ofGrant MacEwan, edited by R. H. Macdonald. Vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):281. . Friesen, John W. Hold High Your Heads: History ofthe Metis Nation in Western Canada, A.H. de Trernaudan, translated by Elizabeth Maguet. Vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):283. Gill, Lakshmi. Twelve Prairie Poets, edited by Laurence Ricou. Vol. 2, no. I (May 1977):99. Goldring, Philip. Bringing Home Animals: Religious Ideology and Mode ofProduction ofthe Mistassini Cree Hunters, edited by Adrian Tanner. Vol. 10, no. 1p. 234 (Spring 1985):234. ---. "Many Tender Ties':' Women in Fur-Trade Society in Western Canada, 1670-1870, Sylvia Van Kirk. Vol. 6, no. 2 (Fall 1981):223. ---. Partners in Furs: A History ofthe Fur Trade in Eastern James Bay 1600-1870, Daniel Francis and Toby Morantz. Vol. 10, no. I (Spring 1985):234. Govier, Doris E. Seas ofEarth: An Annotated Bibliography ofSaskatchewan Literature as It Relates to the Environment, compiled and annotated by Jill Robinson. Vol. 3, no. I (Spring 1978):108. Grace, Sherrill E. The Crow Journals, Robert Kroetsch. Vol. 5, no. I (Spring 1980): III. ---. Saskatchewan Gold: 25 Stories ofthe New West, edited by Geoffrey Ursell. Vol. 9, no. 1 (Spring 1984): 155. ---. Sinclair Ross: A Reader's Guide, Ken Mitchell. Vol. 7, no. I (Spring 1982): 122. Griffiths, Curt Taylor, Explorations in Prairie Justice Research, edited by Dorothy Hepworth. Vol. 4, no. 2 (Fall 1979):289. Gunners, Kristjana. Red Dust, W.O. Valgardson. Vol. 3, no. I (Spring 1978):102. Hall, D.J. Brandon's Politics and Politicians, W. Leland Clark. Vol. 9, no. I (Spring 1984): 135. Hiller, Harry H.. Alberta, Aberhart and Social Credit, Joseph A. Boudreau. Vol. I, no. 2 (November 1976): 194. Hoffman, George. Eastern and Western Perspectives, edited by David Jay. Vol. 8, no. I (Spring 1983):137. Howard, William. The Meeting ofTime and Space: Regionalism.in Canadian Literature, George Woodcock. Vol. 6" no. 2 (Fall 1981):216. Jaenen, Cornelius J. Patterns ofPrejudice. A History ofNativism in Alberta, Howard Palmer. Vol. 9, no. I (Spring 1984):142. Jones, David C. Charles Noble: Guardian ofthe Soil, Grant MacEwan. Vol. 10, no. 1 (Spring 1985):232. Kazymyra, Nadia. Ukrainian Canadians: A Survey of Their Portrayal in English Language Works, Frances Swyripa. Vol. 3, no. I (Spring 1978):97. Kerr, Donald C. Sundogs: Storiesfrom Saskatchewan, edited by Robert Kroetsch. Vol. 6, no. I (Spring 1981): 104. ---. Winnipeg, An Illustrated History, Alan Artibise. Vol. 3, no. 1 (Spring 1978):99. Klippenstein, Lawrence. Western Canada 1909. Travel Letters by Wilhelm Cohnstaedt, edited by Klaus H. Burmeister, translated by Herta Holle-Scherer. Vol. 2, no. 2 (November 1977):186. Kreisel, Henry. A Voice in the Land: Essays By and About Rudy Wiebe, edited by W.J. Keith. Vol. 7, no. I (Spring 1982): 131. Lalonde, Andre. Battle for the West; Fur Traders and the Birth of Western Canada, Daniel Francis. Vol. 9, no. I (Spring 1984): 136. ---. Louis "David"Riel: Prophet ofthe New World, Thomas Flanagan. Vol. 4, no. I (Spring 1979):149. ---.-Ordinary Heroes: The Journai ofa French Pioneerin Alberta, edited by Robert Motut and Maurice Legris, translated by Marcel Durieux. Vol. 6, no. I (Spring 1981): 106. Latta, William. Horizon: Writings ofthe Canadian Prairie, edited by Ken Mitchell. Vol. 2, no. 2 (November 1977): 187. ---. A New Improved Sky, Don Kerr. Vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):260. ---. Wild Rose Country: Stories From Alberta, edited by David Carpenter. Vol. 2, no. 7 (November' 1977): 187. Ledingham, G.F. Parkland Portraits: Some Natural History of the Prairie ParkIands, Doug Gilroy. Vol. 5, no. I (Spring 1980): 121. Lehr, John C. A Heritage in Transition, edited by Manoly R. Lupul. Vol. 9, no. I (Spring 1984):152. Lodge, Robert W. Prairie Wildflowers: An Illustrated Manual of Species Suitable for Cultivation and Grassland Restoration, R. Currah, A. Smreciu and M. Van Dyk. Vol. 10, no. 2 (Fall 1985):495. INDEX 153

Lussier, Antoine S. The Metis ofManitoba: Reformulation ofan Ethnic Identity, Joe Sawchuk. Vol. 3, no. 2 (Fall 1978):192. ---. The One-and-A-Half Men, Murray Dobbin. Vol. 7, no. 1 (Spring 1982):146. Mackie, Marlene. Indian and White: Self-Image and Interaction in a Canadian Plains Community, Niels Winther Braroe. Vol. 4, no. 2 (Fall 1979):281. MacKinnon, Frank. Radical Regionalism, George Melnyk. Vol. 7, no. 1 (Spring 1982):141. Macleod, R.C. Charcoals World, Hugh A. Dempsey. Vol. 3, no. 2 (Fall 1978):204. MacPherson, Ian. Laird ofthe West, John W. Chalmers. Vol. 9, no. 1 (Spring 1984):151. ---. Society and Politicsin Alberta, edited by Carlo Caldarola. Vol. 5, no. 1 (Spring 1980):100. Marchak, Patricia. Saskatchewan Government, Politics and Pragmatism, Evelyn Eager. Vol. 7, no. 1 (Spring 1982):149. Martin, Joe. Helgi Einarsson: A Manitoba Fisherman, translated by George Howser. Vol. 8. no. 2 (Fall 1983):285. McCormack, A. Ross. Town and City: Aspects of Western Canadian Urban Development, edited by Alan F.J. Artibise. Vol. 6, no. 2 (Fall 1981):232. McCrorie, James N. Prairie Capitalism: Power and Influence in the New West, John Richards and Larry Pratt. Vol. 4, no. 2 (Fall 1979):292. McKague, Ormond. Woodrow: A Biography ofW.S. Lloyd, Dianne Lloyd. Vol. 5, no. 1(Spring 1980):102. Mckay, Alec. Regionalism: Territorial Politics in Canada andthe United States, Roger Gibbins. Vol. 8, no. 1 (Spring 1983):145. McLay, Catherine. How I Spent My Summer Holidays, W.O. Mitchell. Vol. 7, no. 1 (Spring 1982):127. Melnyk, George. Western Separatism: The Myths, Realities & Dangers, edited by Larry Pratt and Garth Stevenson. Vol. 7, no. 1 (Spring 1982):137. Miller, Elbert E. "Saskatchewan Rural Themes," Regina Geographical Studies, No.1, 1977, Department of Geography, University of Regina, Saskatchewan. Vol. 3, no. 1 (Spring 1978):106. Mills, Allen. "Building the Co-operative Commonwealth": Essays on the Democratic Socialist Tradition in Canada, edited by J. William Brennan. Vol. 10, no. 2 (Fall 1985):481. ---. The Government of Edward Schreyer: Democratic Socialism in Manitoba, James A. McAllister. Vol. 10, no. 2 (Fall 1985):481. ---. Social Democracy in Manitoba: A History ofthe CCF-NDP, Nelson Wiseman. Vol. 10, no. 2 (Fall 1985):481. Morton, Desmond. The Battle of Batoche: British Small Warfare and the Entrenched Metis, Walter Hildebrandt. Vol. 10, no. 2 (Fall 1985):461. Mott, Morris. Long Lance: The True Story ofan Imposter, Donald B. Smith. Vol. 8, no. I (Spring 1983):143. Munro, Kenneth. Peter Lougheed, Allan Hustak. Vol. 4, no. 2 (Fall 1979):295. Murray, Don. Epic Fiction: The Art ofRudy Wiebe, W.J. Keith. Vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):270. ---. The Moccasin Telegraph and Other Stories, W.P. Kinsella. Vol. 10, no. 2 (Fall 1985):490. Neufeld, David. Custom Combining on the Great Plains: A History, T. Isern. Vol. 8, no. 1 (Spring 1983):116. Oster, John E. The River Horsemen, David Williams. Vol. 7. no. 1 (Spring 1982):150. Owram, Doug. Studies in Childhood History. A Canadian Perspective, Patricia Rookeand R.L. Schnell. Vol. 10, no. 1 (Spring 1985):244. Pannekoek, Frits. Alberta, 1954-1979, A Provincial Bibliography. Gloria M. Strathern. Vol. 8. no. 1 (Spring 1983):126. ---. Exile in the Wilderness, Jean Murray Cole. Vol. 5, no. 1 (Spring 1980):99. Paul, Alec H. A Geography ofCanada: Heartland and Hinterland, edited by L.D. McCann. Vol. 10, no. 1 (Spring 1985):245. ---. Hear That Lonesome Whistle Blow: Railroads in the West, Dee Brown. Vol. 4. no. 1 (Spring 1979):143. ---. The Prairiesand Plains: Prospectsfor the 80s. edited by John Rogge. Vol. 6. no. 2 (Fall 1981):231. ---. The Tar Sands: Syncrude and The Politics of Oil. Larry Pratt. Vol. 3, no. 1 (Spring 1978):115. Pitsula, James M. Gentlemen Emigrants: From the British Public Schools to the Canadian Frontier, Patrick A. Dunae. Vol. 7, no. 1 (Spring 1982):144. ---. Pioneer ofVision: The ReminiscencesofT.A. Patrick, M.D .. compiled byC.J. Houston and C. Stuart Houston. Vol. 5, no. 1 (Spring 1980):105. .Rasporich. A. W. The Canadian Prairie West and the Ranching Frontier, 1874-1924. David H. . - Breen. Vol. 9, no. 1 (Spring 1984):145. 154 INDEX

Rawlyk, G.A. So Much To Do, So Little Time: The Writings ofHilda Neatby, edited by Michael Hayden. Vol. 10, no. I (Spring 1985):231. ---. Western "Canadian Politics: The Radical Tradition, edited by Donald C. Kerr. Vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):263. Rea, J.E. The Last Great Frontiersman: The Remarkable Adventures of Tom Lamb, Leland Stowe. Vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):272. Regehr, T.D. The Harvests ofWar. The Prairie West, 1914-1918, John Herd Thompson. Vol. 4, no. I (Spring 1979):145. Rich, Harvey. Jewish Life and Times: A Collection ofEssays, The Jewish Historical Society of Western Canada. Vol. 9, no. I (Spring 1984):133. Ricou, Laurie. Earth Dreams, Jerry Rush. Vol. 9, no. I (Spring 1984):139. ---. The Secret Life ofRailroaders, Jim McLean. Vol. 9 no. I (Spring" 1984):139. " Ridge, A.D. Blacks in Deep Snow: Black Pioneers in Canada, Colin A. Thomson. Vol. 4, no. I (Spring 1979):153. Robertson, R.T. Calling Home. Merna Summers. Vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):266. Sahir, A.H. My People the Bloods, Mike Mountain Horse. Vol. 4, no. I (Spring 1979):151. ---. My Tribe the Crees, Joseph H. Dion. Vol. 4, no. I (Spring 1979):151. Sealey, D. Bruce. Out of Irrelevance, J.R. Ponting and R. Gibbins. Vol. 6, no. I (Spring 1981):lOt. Secoy, D.M. Rain ofDeath: Acid Rain in Western Canada, C. Brown, B. Jones, G.B. Sperling and T. White. Vol. 6, no. 2 (Fall 1981):225. Sheehan, Nancy M. A Flannel Shirt and Liberty: British Emigrant Gentlewomen in the Canadian West, 1880-1914, edited by Susan Jackel. Vol. 8, no. I (Spring 1983):135. Simpson-Housley, Paul. The Great Plains: Perspectives and Prospects, edited by M.P. Lawson and M.E. Baker. Vol. 8, no. I (Spring 1983):118. Smith, David E. The Making ofa Socialist: The Recollections ofT.C. Douglas, edited by Lewis H. Thomas. Vol. 8, no. I (Spring 1983):130. ---. Wednesdays are Cabinet Days: A Personal Account ofthe Schreyer Administration, Russell Doern. Vol. 7, no. I (Spring 1982):120. Smith, Donald B. The Plains Cree:An Ethnographic, Historical, and Comparative Study, David G. Mandelbaum. Vol. 4, no. I (Spring 1979):146. Smith, Nelson C. Confessions ofan Immigrant s Daughter, Laura Goodman Salverson. Vol. 7, no. I (Spring 1982):124. Smith, Shirlee Anne. John Rowand: Czar ofthe Prairies, J.G. MacGregor. Vol. 3, no. 2 (Fall 1978):196. Spence, Ahab. Summer ofthe Hungry Pup, Byrna Barclay. Vol. 7, no. I (Spring 1982):'147. Stephens, Donald. Unnamed Country: The Struggle for a Canadian Prairie Fiction, Dick Harrision. Vol. 3, no. I (Spring 1978):III. Stirling, Bob: Agentsfor Change: Credit Unions in Saskatchewan, Christine Purden. Vol. 5, no. I (Spring 1980):117. Stortz, Gerald J. Clifford Sifton: Volume I, The Young Napoleon 1861-1900, D.J. Hall. Vol. 6, no. 2 (Fall 1981):227. . ---. Dangerous Patriots: Canada's Unknown Prisoners of War, William Repka and Kathleen Repka. Vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):276. Swainson, Donald. Promise ofEden: The Canadian Expansionist Movement andthe Idea ofthe West, 1856-1900, Doug Owram. Vol. 6, no. I (Spring 1981):110. ---. Stanley Knowles: The Manfrom Winnipeg Centre, Susan Mann Trofimenkoff. Vol. 9, no. I (Spring 1984):137. Tarasoff, Koozma J. To America With the Doukhobors, L.A. Sulerzhitsky, translated by Michael Kalmakoff. Vol. 8, no. I (Spring 1983):140. Teevan, James J. Reintegrating the Offender, John Hylton. Vol. 6, no. 2 (Fall 1981):229. Thomas, L.G. The Aberhart Summer, Bruce Allen Powe. Vol. 10, no. I (Spring 1985):242. ---. Saskatchewan, A History, John H. Archer. Vol. 6, no. 2 (Fall 1981):211. Thomas, Lewis H. The Regional Decline ofa National Party: Liberals on the Prairies, David E. Smith. Vol. 7, no. I (Spring 1982):129. Thompson, John Herd. The New Provinces: Alberta and Saskatchewan 1905-1980, edited by Howard Palmer and Donald Smith. Vol. 6, no. 2 (Fall 1981):213. Thompson, Ken W. Trees, Prairies and People, Wilmon H. Droze. Vol. 4, no. I (Spring 1979):152. Thompson, M.A. Paper Wheat: The Book, created by 25th Street Theatre. Vol. 8, no. 1 (Spring 1983):128. Thorner, Thomas. Murder in the Yukon: The Case against George O'Brien, M.J. Malcolm. Vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):268. Vadney, T.E. Winnipeg: A Social History ofUrban Growth, 1874-1914, Alan F.J. Artibise. Vol. I, no. 2 (November 1976):192. INDEX 155

Voisey, Paul. Alberta's County ofMountain View . .. A History, Bodil J. Jensen. Vol. 10, no. 2 (Fall 1985):480. West, Heather. Overlandfrom Canada to British Columbia, Thomas McMicking. Vol. 8, no. I (Spring 1983): 121. Wetherell, Donald G. The Developing West: Essays on Canadian History in Honour of L.B. Thomas, edited by John Foster. Vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):254. White, Clinton O. Conviction - Dedication - Effort, edited by Bohdan Z. Kazymyra, Fred Nakonechnyand Eugene Shtendera. Vol. 2, no. 2 (November 1977):191. ---. A Mother Braving a Wilderness, Otto Lutz, edited by Thomas Gerwing O.S.B. Vol. 3, no. 1 (Spring 1978): 101. ---. Tommy Douglas, Doris French Shackleton. Vol. 2, no. 1 (May 1977):97. Wilson, J. Donald. Shaping the Schools ofthe Canadian West, edited by David C. Jones, Nancy M. Sheehan and RobertM. Stamp. Vol. 4, no. 1 (Spring 1979):155. Wood, Ted. Western Canada Since 1870: A Select Bibliography and Guide, Alan F.J. Artibise. Vol. 3, no. 2 (Fall 1978): 198. REVIEW ARTICLES - BY AUTHOR Kovacs, Martin L. The "Ethnic Studies and Research" Conference, vol. I, no. 2 (November 1976):189. - McCormick, Peter. Report on the "Alternatives" Conference, vol. 3, no. 1 (Spring 1978):91. Schlichtmann, H. The "Ethnic Architecture in the Prairies" Conference: A Report and a Geographer's Reflections, vol. I, no. 1 (April 1976):69. RESEARCH NOTES - BY AUTHOR Boldt, Edward D. The Recent Development of a Unique Population: The Hutterites of North America, vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):235. Burmeister, Klaus H. Frontier Missionary in the North-West: Heinrich Schmieder, 1889-1893, vol. 10, no. 2 (Fall 1985):455. de Vries, B. Abandoned Railroads as Potential Habitat Refuges, vol. 7, no. 1 (Spring 1982):87. Dick, Lyle. A Reply to Professor Spry's Critique "The Cost of Making a Farm on the Prairies," vol. 7, no. 1 (Spring 1982):101. Dreisziger, N.F. Hungarians in the Canadian West, vol. 10, no. 2 (Fall 1985):435. Lehr, John C. Colour Preferences and Building Decoration among Ukrainians in Western Canada, vol. 6, no. 2 (Fall 1981):203. Liu, Leo and Meir Serfaty. Regional Perception in a Small Prairie City: The Case of Brandon, Manitoba, vol. 9, no. 1 (Spring 1984): 119.. Loken, G. Major Trends in the Financing of Education in Alberta, vol. 10, no. 1 {Spring 1985):215. Nelson, Richard Lloyd and Steve E. Hrudey. Fishladders in Alberta, vol. 10, no. 1 (Spring 1985):205. Sahir, A. H. and A.A. Seaborne. Economic Diversification in the Canadian Prairies, vol. 7, no. 1 (Spring 1982):91. Simpson-Housley, Paul and Robert J. Moore. An Initial Investigation of the Value of Work and Beliefs in Internal-External Reinforcement Responsibility in Hutterite Children, vol. 7, no. 2 (Fall 1982):279. Spry, Irene M. The Cost of Making a Farm on the Prairies, vol. 7, no. 1 (Spring 1982):95. Strum, Harvey. William Jennings Bryan and Western Canada, vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):225. Wetherell, Don and Irene Kmet. Research Sources for the Study of Material History of Mixed Farm Farmyards in Alberta, vol. 10, no. 1 (Spring 1985):225. PRAIRIE THESES - BY AUTHOR CAN PLAINS Data Base. Prairie Theses, 1977-78: An Initial Listing, vol. 4. no. 1 (Spring 1979): 137. CANPLAINS Data Base. Prairie Theses, 1977-78: A Further Listing. vol. 5. no. 1 (Spring 1980):83. CAN PLAINS Data Base. Prairie Theses, 1978-79, vol. 6. no. 1 (Spring 1981):87. CANPLAINS Data Base. Prairie Theses, 1979-80, vol. 7, no. 1 (Spring 1982): 103. CANPLAINS Research Inventory. Prairie Theses, 1980-81. vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):241. 156 INDEX

ARTICLES - BY TITLE Aberhart and the Calgary Prophetic Bible Institute, vol. 9, no. I (Spring 1984):61. David R. Elliott and Iris Miller. Advances in Water Reuse: Issues for Water Management in Alberta, vol. 7, no. I (Spring 1982): I. Steve E. Hrudey. Agriculture and River Lot Settlement in Western Canada: The Case of Pakan (Victoria), Alberta, vol. I, no. I (April 1976):3. R.G. Ironside and E. Tomasky. The Alberta Corporation Income Tax Incentives: A Critical View, vol. 10, no. 2 (Fall 1985):399. Sohrab Abizadeh and Mahmood Yousefi. American Cattlemen on the Canadian Range, 1874 to 1914, vol. 4, no. I (Spring 1979): 121. Simon M. Evans. American Neutrality and the Red River Resistance, 1869-1870, vol. 4, no. 2 (Fall 1979): 183. James G. Snell. Attitudes of Saskatchewan Businessmen Toward Government Export Assistance, vol. 3, no. I (Spring 1978):45. Richard Burke and Robin Karpan. Attitudes of Winnipeg University Students Toward Immigrants of European and Non-European Origin, vol. 7, no. 2 (Fall 1982):213. Leo Driedger. Autonomy and Alienation in Alberta: Premier A.C. Rutherford, vol. 6, no. 2 (Fall 1981): 117. D. R. Babcock. The Battle of Batoche, vol. 10, no. I (Spring 1985):17. Walter Hildebrandt. The Bible Christian Church in the West, vol. I, no. 1 (April 1976):59. W.H. Brooks. The Birth of Agrarianism in the Prairie West, vol. 1. no. 2 (November 1976):79. Brian R. McCutcheon. Building the University of Saskatchewan, 1907-1930, vol. 5, no. 2 (Fall 1980): 157. Don Kerr. "Canada's Century": The Rhetoric of Propaganda, vol. 1, no. I (April 1976): 19. Klaus Peter Stich. Canadian Conservation and the Cypress Hills, vol. 1. no. 1 (April 1976):47. Carl Norbeck and J. Gordon Nelson. A Century of Locusts and Mortgages, vol. 2, no. 2 (November 1977): 121. P. W. Riegert. The Changing Family Farm on the Prairies, vol. 8, no. 1 (Spring 1983): 1. William J. Carlyle. The Changing Roles of Hutterite Women, vol. 7, no. 2 (Fall 1982):267. Karl Peter and Ian Whitaker. The Character and Strategy of the Manitoba CCF, 1943 to 1959, vol 4, no. 1 (Spring 1979):27. Nelson Wiseman. The Charismatic Pattern: Canada's Riel Rebellion of 1885 as a Millenarian Protest Movement, vol. 10, no. 2 (Fall 1985):307. Manfred Mossmann. Charlotte Whitton Meets "The Last Best West": The Politics of Child Welfare in Alberta, 1929-49, vol. 6, no. 2 (Fall 1981): 143. Patricia T. Rooke and R.L. Schnell. Clifford Sifton and Canadian Indian Administration, 1896-1905, vol. 2, no. 2 (November 1977):127. D.J. Hall. The Colonial Office and the Prairies in the Mid-Nineteenth Century, vol. 3, no. 1 (Spring 1978):21. David McNab. Community Leaders in South Western Manitoba. vol. 7. no. 1 (Spring 1982):39. Erasmus D. Monu. The Conservative Party of Alberta under Lougheed, 1965-71: Building an Image and an Organization. vol. 6. no. I (Spring 1981):57. Meir Serfaty. "Conspiracy and Treason ~': The Red River Resistance from an Expansionist Perspective, vol. 3, no. 2 (Fall 1978): 157. Doug Owram. Contemporary Prairie Perceptions of Canada's Native Peoples, vol. 2, no. I (May 1977):57. Roger Gibbins and J. Rick Ponting. The Decline of the Family Farm in Saskatchewan, vol. 9, no. I (Spring 1984): 10l. J.F. Conway. Dissolved Oxygen Depletion Problems in Ice-Covered Alberta Rivers, vol. 4, no. 2 (Fall 1979):221. P.H. Bouthillier and S.E. Hrudey. The Early Efforts ofthe Oblate Missionairies in Western Canada, vol. 4 no. I (5 pring 1979): I. Father Gaston Carriere. ______Edward McCourt, One Man's View of Alberta and Saskatchewan, vol. 5, no. I (Spring 1980):39. Winnifred M. Bogaards. The 1884 Financial Scandals and the Establishment of Business Government in Winnipeg, vol. 2, no. 2 (November 1977): 167. David Spector. The 1891 Election in Western Canada, vol. 10, no. I (Spring 1985): 147. J.R. Miller. The End of the Open Range Era in Western Canada, vol. 8, no. I (Spring 1983):71. Simon M. Evans. Entrepreneurial Assessment of Government Programmes to Encourage Alberta's Foreign Trade, vol. 2, no. 2 (November 1977): 153. Adenihun O. Ajao and Brenton M. Barr. INDEX 157

Estimates of Farm Making Costs in Saskatchewan, 1882-1914, vol. 6, no. 2(FaII1981): 183. Lyle Dick. Ethnic Language and Cultural Maintenance in Canadian Education: The Trend Towards "Public Bilingual'" Schooling, vol. 7, no. 2 (Fall 1982):197. Don Dawson. F. W.G. Haultain, Territorial Politics and the Quasi-party System, vol. 6, no. I (Spring 1981):I. Stanley Gordon. Fictions of the American and Canadian Wests, vol. 8, no. I (Spring 1983):89. Dick Harrison. Fish Resources and Fisheries Industry of the Canadian Plains, vol. 9, no. 2 (Fall 1984):315. F. Mervyn Atton. Flawed Games, Splendid Ceremonies: The Hockey Games of the Winnipeg Vies, 1890-1903, vol. 10, no. I (Spring 1985):169. Morris Mott. The Flood Hazard at Lumsden;Saskatchewan: Residents'Cognitive Awareness and Personality, vol. 3, no. 2, (Fall 1978):175. Paul Simpson-Housley, Gordon Lipinski and Elroy Trithardt. Franco-Manitobans and Cultural Loss: A Fourth Generation, vol. 2, no. I (May 1977):I. Lucille Backeland and J.S. Frideres. French-Language Instruction: A Closer Look at Schools in Southwestern Manitoba, vol. I, no. 2 (November 1976):151. A.A. Ariano and Vee-Lay Jack Lam. The Garrison Mentality and the Canadian West, vol. 4, no. I (Spring 1979):83.Greg Thomas and Ian Clarke. Generation Differences in Ethnic Identity Retention in Rural Saskatchewan, vol. 7, no. 2 (Fall 1982):171. Alan B. Anderson. Geographical Aspects of Dominion Government Creameries in the North West Territories, 1897-1905. vol. 10. ~o. I (Spring 1985):129. Marvin Sundstrom. Geological History of the Interior Plains, vol. 9, no. 2 (Fall 1984):159. Samuel J. Nelson. Government Acquisition ofLand in Manitoba, 1966 to 1976, vol. 4, no. 1(Spring 1979):55. W.J. Carlyle. Governmental Coercion in the Settlement of Ukrainian Immigrants in Western Canada, vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):179. John C. Lehr. Governor Simpson's Officers: Elite Recruitment in a British Overseas Enterprise, 1834-1870, vol. 10, no. 2 (Fall 1985):251. Philip Goldring. Growth and Change in Prairie Metropolitan Centres After 1951, vol. 7, no. I (Spring 1982):49. N. R. Seifried. Harvest of Neglect: The Canadian Agricultural Movement, 1978-79, vol. 5, no. I (Spring 1980):67. Marvin T. Sundstrom. J. Anthony Long and Peter J. McCormick. The Historic Winnipeg Restoration Area: A Brief History, vol. 5, no. 2 (Fall 1980):219. Steve Barber and Charles Brook. Historical Reconstruction for the Northwestern Plains. vol. 5, no. I (Spring 1980):19. Olive P. Dickason. The Historiography of the Red River Settlement, 1830-1868, vol. 6, no. I (Spring 1981):75. Frits Pannekoek. A History of Agriculture on the Prairies to 1914, vol. I, no. 1(April 1976):31. Lewis H. Thomas. Human Aspects of the Canadian Plains Climate. vol. 9, no. 2 (Fall 1984):203. Alec H. Paul. The Importance, Utilization, Management, and Future of Wild Game Animals on the Canadian Plains, vol. 9. no. 2 (Fall 1984):249. George J. Mitchell. Insects on the Canadian Plains, vol. 9. no. 2 (Fall 1984):327. Paul W. Riegert. Instilling British Values in the Prairie Provinces, vol. 6. no. 2 (Fall 1981):129. David Smith. Institutional Origins in the Chilean Refugee Community in Winnipeg. vol. 7, no. 2 (Fall 1982):227. Stuart D. Johnson and Cornelia B. Johnson. Introduction: Notes for a History of Prairie Architecture. vol. 5. no. 2 (Fall 1980):123. Trevor Boddy. Land Agent, Promoter, Politician and Farmer: Thomas Greenway in Manitoba, 1878-1908, vol. I. no. 2 (November 1976):Ill. Joseph A. Hilts. Land Policies of the Hudson's Bay Company at Upper Fort Garry: 1869-1879, vol. 2, no. 2 (November 1977):101. John Selwood and Evelyn Baril. Letter from Bishop Alexandre Tache to his Mother, Concerning his Life with the Chipewyan Nation, vol. 3, no. 2 (Fall 1978):131. Father Gaston Carriere (translator). The Log Buildings of Ukrainian Settlers in Western Canada, vol. 5, no. 2 (Fall 1980):183. John Lehr. Log Buildings of West Central Alberta. vol. 5, no. 2 (Fall 1980):197. William Wonders and Mark Rasmussen. Longitudinal Research in Cultural Ecology: A History of the Saskatchewan Research Program, 1960-77, vol. 4. no. 2 (Fall 1979):197. John W. Bennett and Seena B. Kohl. "Making Good": The Canadian West in British Boys' Literature 1890-1914, vol. 4, no. 2 (Fall 1979):165. Patrick A. Dunae. 158 INDEX

Man and Resources of the Canadian Plains, vol. 9, no. 2 (Fall 1984):181. Walter O. Kupsch. The Manitoba Grain Act: An "Agrarian Magna Charta''?~ vol. 4, no. I (Spring 1979):105. D.J. Hall. Material Culture and the W.R. Motherwell Home, vol. 8~ no. I (Spring 1983):99. Sarah Carter. The Metis: The People and the Term, vol. 3, no. I (Spring 1978):79. J.E. Foster. The Missionaries' Indian: The Publications of John McDougall, John Maclean and Egerton Ryerson Young, vol. 9~ no. I (Spring 1984):27. Sarah Carter. Modelling the Agricultural Settlement Process of Southern Manitoba, 1872 to 1891: Some Implications for Settlement Theory, vol. 10~ no. I (Spring 1985):83. Judith P. Wiesinger. Msgr. Provencher and the Native People of the Red River, 1818-1853~ vol. 10, no. I (Spring 1985):I. A.S. Lussier. National Identification in Winnipeg: An Analysis of School-Naming Events from 1881 to 1976~ vol. 3, no. 2 (Fall 1978):117. Jay Goldstein. The 1971 Election and the Fall of Social Credit in Alberta, vol. I, no. 2 (November 1976):123. Howard Palmer and Tamara Palmer. The Nitty-Gritty of Winnipeg Air, vol. I, no. 2 (November 1976)~135. Steve LaDochy, Tim Ball and Barry Woronchak. The North American Plains Bison: A BriefHistory, vol. 9, no. 2 (Fall 1984):281. George Arthur. The Northern Great Plains: Pantry of the Northwestern Fur Trade, 1774-1885, vol. 9~ no. 2 (Fall 1984):263. Arthur J. Ray. P.G. Laurie of Battleford: The Aspirations ofa Western Enthusiast, vol. 8~ no. 2 (Fall 1983):157. Walter Hildebrandt. Painters, Decorators and Paperhangers: A Case Study in Saskatchewan Labourism, 1906-1919, vol. 10~ no. I (Spring 1985):189. Glen Makahonuk. Plain Racism: The Reaction Against Oklahoma Black Immigration to the Canadian Plains, vol. 10, no. 2 (Fall 1985):365. R. Bruce Shepard. A Prairie Distribution System in Transition: The Case of Farm Machinery Parts in Manitoba, vol. 2~ no. I (May 1977):43. W.S. Good and M.D. Beckman. Prairie Ethnic Studies and Research: Review and Assessment, vol. 7~ no. 2 (Fall 1982):155. Alan B. Anderson. Precipitation Deficiency Patternsin the Canadian Prairies, 1921 to 1970, vol. I, no. 2 (November 1976):95. A.K. Chakravarti. Protecting the Built Environment of Saskatchewan, vol. 7, no. I (Spring 1982):13. Marc Denhez. Putting Renewable Energy on an Equal Footing, vol. 10, no. 2 (Fall 1985):415. P.S. Elder. The Recognition of Leaders of the Opposition in Alberta, 1905-1983, vol. 9, no. I (Spring 1984):45. David Byron. The Reflective Value of Movies and Censorship on Interwar Prairie Society, vol. 10, no. 2 (Fall 1985):383. David C. Jones. Regional Development and Social Strife: Early Coal Mining in Alberta, vol. 4, no. 2 (Fall 1979):263. Kirk Lambrecht. The Religious Ethic and the Spirit of Immigration: The Dutch in Alberta, vol. 7~ no. 2 (Fall 1982):237. Howard Palmer and Tamara Palmer. A Research Strategy for the Canada West Region, vol. 3, no. I (Spring 1978):39. J.W.T. Spinks. Residential Buildings in Calgary: 1905-1914, vol. 8~ no. I (Spring 1983):43. Bryan Melnyk. The (Royal) North-West Mounted Police and Prostitution on the Canadian Prairies, vol. 10, no. I (Spring 1985):105. S.W. Horrall. Rural Local History and the Prairie West~ vol. 10, no. 2 (Fall 1985):327. Paul Voisey. The Rural Prairie Novel and the Great Depression, vol. 2, no. I (May 1977):83. Victor Carl Friesen. The Saskatchewan Coal Strikes of 1932: A Study in Class Relations, vol. 9, no. I (Spring 1984):79. Glen Makahonuk. The Saskatchewan Conservatives, Separate Schools and the 1929 Election, vol. 8~ no. 2 (Fall 1983):211. Peter A. Russell. Schools and Social Disintegration in the Alberta Dry Belt of the Twenties, vol. 3, no. I (Spring 1978):I. David C. Jones. "The Settlers'Grand Difficulty": Haying in the Economy of the Red River Settlement, vol. 9, no. I (Spring 1984):I. Barry Kaye. Short-Run Effects of an Inland Terminal on the Grain Handling System and Rural Communities: A Case Study of Weyburn~ vol. 7, no. I (Spring 1982):69. Surendra N. Kulshreshtha. A Simulated Consolidation of the Grain Handling and Transportation System in West-Central Saskatchewan, vol. 2, no. 1 (May 1977):19. Clare L. Kirkland. The Smithsonian and the Hudson's Bay Company, vol. 10, no. 2 (Fall 1985):283. Greg Thomas. The Soils of the Interior Plains of Western Canada, vol. 9, no. 2 (Fall 1984):217. James A. Robertson. Soldier Settlement and Depression Settlement in the Forest Fringe of Saskatchewan, vol. 6, no. I (Spring 1981):35. John McDonald. INDEX 159

Some Logistics of Portage La Loche (Methy), vol. 5, no. 1 (Spring 1980):51. C.S. Mackinnon. Status of Wolves in the Canadian Plains Region. vol. 9, no. 2 (Fall 1984):291. Ludwig Carbyn. Stephan G. Stephansson: A "West Icelander," vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983): 195. Jane McCracken. The Three Prairie Legislative Buildings, vol. 5, no. 2 (Fall 1980): 143. Diana Bodnar. Towards a Prairie Architecture, vol. 5, no. 2 (Fall 1980):237. Etienne Gaboury. The Trade in Livestock between the Red River Settlement and the American Frontier, 1812-1870, vol. 6, no. 2 (Fall 1981):163. Barry Kaye. Transportation and Settlement: Problemsin the Expansion of the Frontier of Saskatchewan and Assiniboia in 1904, vol. 5, no. I (Spring 1980): I. P.L. McCormick. An Urban Economy: Patterns of Economic Change in Winnipeg, 1878-1971, vol. L no. 2 (November 1976): 163. Alan F.J. Artibise. . The Urban West: The Evolution of Prairie Towns and Cities to 1930, vol. 4, no. 2 (Fall 1979):237. Alan F.J. Artibise. Vegetation of the Canadian Plains, vol. 9. no. 2 (Fall 1984):231. J. Stan Rowe and Robert J. Coupland. The WCTU on the Prairies, 1886-1930: An Alberta-Saskatchewan Comparison. vol. 6. no. I (Spring 1981): 17. Nancy M. Sheehan. W.M. Graham: Indian Agent Extraordinaire, vol. 8, no. I (Spring 1983):25. E. Brian Titley. The Waterfowl Resource of the Canadian Plains. vol. 9, no. 2 (Fan 1984):299. Lawson G. Sugden. . The Western James Bay Cree: Aboriginal and Early Historic Adaptations. vol. 8. no. 2 (Fall 1983): 147. Charles A. Bishop. William Todd: Doctor and Trader for the Hudson's Bay Company, 1816-1851. vol. 9. no. I (Spring 1984): 13. Arthur J. Ray. A Willing Scapegoat: John Macoun and the Route of the CPR. vol. 10, no. I (Spring 1985):65. W.A. Waiser. The Winnipeg Grain Exchange on Trial: The Case of the Grain Growers' Grain Company Reconsidered, vol. 10. no. 2 (Fall 1985):339. Allan G. Levine. Wooing the 'Foreign Vote': Saskatchewan Politics and the Immigrant, 1905-1919, vol. 3. no. I (Spring 1978):61. J. William Brennan. BOOK REVIEWS - BY TITLE The Aberhart Summer. Bruce Allen Powe. Vol. 10. no. I (Spring 1985):242. Reviewed by L.G. Thomas. Alberta, Aberhart and Social Credit. Joseph A. Boudreau. Vol. L no. 2 (November 1976): 194. Reviewed by Henry H. Hiller. Alberta, 1954-1979, A Provincial Bibliography. Gloria M. Strathern. Vol. 8, no. 1 (Spring 1983): 126. Reviewed by Frits Pannekoek. Alberta sCounty ojMountain View . .. A History. Bodil J; Jensen. Vol. 10. no. 2 (Fall 1985):480. Reviewed by Paul Voisey. All of Baba's Children. Myrna Kostash. Vol. 3. no. 2 (Fall 1978):201. Reviewed by A.B. Anderson. Agents for Change: Credit Unions in Saskatchewan. Christine Purden. Vol. 5. no. I (Spring 1980): 117. Reviewed by Bob Stirling. Bacchanalia Revisited: Western Canada s Boozy Skidto Social Disaster. James H. Gray. Vol. 8. no. I (Spring 1983): 124. Reviewed by Barrie Anderson. Battle for the West; Fur Traders and the Birth of Western Canada. Daniel Francis. Vol. 9. no. I (Spring 1984): 136. Reviewed by Andre Lalonde. The Battle of Batoche: British Small Warfare and the Entrenched Metis. Walter Hildebrandt. Vol. 10. no. 2 (Fall 1985):461. Reviewed by Desmond Morton. ' The Best ofGrant Mac Ewan. edited by R.H. Macdonald. Vol. 8. no. 2 (Fall 1983):281. Reviewed by R. Douglas Francis. Beyond the Harvest: Canadian Grain at the Crossroads. Barry Wilson. Vol. 7. no. I (Spring 1982): 119. Reviewed by Hal Cushon. Blacks in Deep Snow: Black Pioneers in Canada. Colin A. Thomson. Vol. 4. no. I (Spring 1979): 153. Reviewed by A.D. Ridge. Brandon's Politics and Politicians. W. Leland Clark. Vol. 9. no. I (Spring 1984): 135. Reviewed by D.J. Hall. Bringing Home Animals: Religious Ideology and Mode of Production ojthe Mistassini Cree Hunters. Adrian Tanner. Vol. 10. no. I (Spring 1985):234. Reviewed by Philip Goldring. "Building the Co-operative Commonwealth": Essays on the Democratic Socialist Tradition in Canada. edited by J. William Brennan. Vol. 10. no. 2 (Fall 1985):481. Reviewed by Allen Mills. Calgary: An Illustrated History. Max Foran. Vol. 3. no. 2 (Fall 1978): 190. Reviewed by John H. Archer. 160 INDEX

Calling Home, Merna Summers. Vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):266. Reviewed by R.T. Robertson. The Canadian Prairie West andthe Ranching Frontier, 1874-1924, David H. Breen. Vol. 9, no. I (Spring 1984):145. Reviewed by A.W. Rasporich. The Canadian West: Social Change and Economic Development, edited by Henry C. Klassen. Vol. 2, no. 2 (November 1977):179. Reviewed by J. William Brennan. A Century of Canadian Grain: Government Policy to 1951. C.F. Wilson. Vol. 3. no. 2 (Fall 1978): 194. Reviewed by Fred Anderson. Charcoal's World, Hugh A. Dempsey. Vol. 3. no. 2 (Fall 1978):204. Reviewed by R.C. Macleod. Charles Noble: Guardian of the Soil. Grant MacEwan. Vol. 10. no. I (Spring 1985):232. Reviewed by David C. Jones. Civilizing the West: The Gaits andthe Development ofWestern Canada. A.A. den Otter. Vol. 8. no. 2 (Fall 1983):252. Reviewed by Carl Betke. Civilizing the West: The Gaits andthe Development ofWestern Canada, A.A. den Otter. Vol. 8. no. 2 (Fall 1983):251. Reviewed by Michael J. Carley. Clifford Sifton: Volume I, The Young Napoleon 1861-1900. D.J. Hall. Vol. 6. no. 2 (Fall 1981):227. Reviewed by Gerald J. Stortz. Confessions of an Immigrant's Daughter. Laura Goodman Salverson. Vol. 7. no. I (Spring 1982): 124. Reviewed by Nelson C. Smith. Conviction - Dedication - Effort, edited by Bohdan Z. Kazymyra, Fred Nakonechny and Eugene Shtendera. Vol. 2, no. 2 (November 1977): 191. Reviewed by Clinton O. White. Crossing Frontiers: Papers in American and Canadian Literature. edited by Dick Harrison. Vol. 5, no. 1 (Spring 1980): 109. Reviewed by Arnold E. Davidson. The Crow Journals, Robert Kroetsch. Vol. 5. no. I (Spring 1980): III. Reviewed by Sherrill E. Grace. Custom Combining on the Great Plains: A History. T. Isern. Vol. 8. no. I (Spring 1983): 116. Reviewed by David Neufeld. Dangerous Patriots: Canada's Unknown Prisoners ofWar, William Repka and Kathleen Repka. Vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):276. Reviewed by Gerald Stortz. The Developing West: Essays on Canadian History in Honour ofL. H. Thomas, edited by John Foster. Vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):254. Reviewed by Donald G. Wetherell. Dictionary ofCanadian Biography. Vol. XI: 1881 to 1890, edited by Francess G. Halpenny and Jean Hamelin. Vol. 8, no. I (Spring 1983): 113. Reviewed by John A. Eagle. Earth Dreams, Jerry Rush. Vol. 9, no. I (Spring 1984): 139. Reviewed by Laurie Ricou. Eastern and Western Perspectives, edited by David Jay Bercuson. Vol. 8, no. I (Spring 1983): 137. Reviewed by George Hoffman. Epic Fiction: The Art ofRudy Wiebe, W.J. Keith. Vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):270. Reviewed by Don Murray. Essays on Western History: In Honour ofLewis Gwynne Thomas, edited by Lewis H. Thomas. Vol. 2, no. 2 (November 1977): 183. Reviewed by A.A. den Otter. Exile in the Wilderness, Jean Murray Cole. Vol. 5, no. I (Spring 1980):99. Reviewed by Frits Pannekoek. Explorations in Prairie Justice Research, edited by Dorothy Hepworth. Vol. 4, no. 2 (Fall 1979):289. Reviewed by Curt Taylor Griffiths. Fallen Empires: The Lost Theatres of Edmonton: 1881-1914, John Orrell. Vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):277. Reviewed by Geraldine Anthony. A Flannel Shirt and Liberty: British Emigrant Gentlewomen in the Canadian West, 1880-1914, edited by Susan Jackel. Vol. 8, no. 1 (Spring 1983): 135. Reviewed by Nancy M. Sheehan. Gentlemen Emigrants: From the British Public Schools to the Canadian Frontier, Patrick A. Dunae. Vol. 7, no. 1 (Spring 1982):144. Reviewed by James M. Pitsula. A Geography of Canada: Heartland and Hinterland, edited by L.D. McCanh. Vol. 10, no. I (Spring 1985):245. Reviewed by Alec H. Paul. The Government ofEdward Schreyer: Democratic Socialism in Manitoba, James A. McAllister. Vol. 10, no. 2 (Fall 1985):481. Reviewed by Allen Mills. The Great Plains: Perspectives and Prospects, edited by M.P. Lawson and M.E. Baker. Vol. 8, no. I (Spring 1983): 118. Reviewed by Paul Simpson-Housley. The Harvests of War. The Prairie West, 1914-1918, John Herd Thompson. Vol. 4, no. 1(Spring 1979): 145. Reviewed by T.D. Regehr. Hear That Lonesome Whistle Blow: Railroads in the West, Dee Brown. Vol. 4, no. I (Spring 1979): 143. Reviewed by Alec H. Paul. Helgi Einarsson: A Manitoba Fisherman, translated by George Howser. Vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):285. Reviewed by Joe Martin. A Heritage in Transition, edited by Manoly R. Lupul. Vol. 9, no. 1(Spring 1984): 152. Reviewed by John C. Lehr. Hold High Your Heads: History of the Metis Nation in Western Canada, A.H. Trernaudan, translated by Elizabeth Maguet. Vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):283. Reviewed by John W. Friesen. INDEX 161

Horizon: Writings ofthe Canadian Prairie, edited by Ken Mitchell. Vol. 2, no. 2 (November 1977):187. Reviewed by William Latta. How I Spent My Summer Holidays, W.O. Mitchell. Vol. 7, no. I (Spring 1982):127. Reviewed by Catherine McLay. Indian and White: Self-Image and Interaction in a Canadian Plains Community, Niels Winther Braroe. Vol. 4, no. 2 (Fall 1979):281. Reviewed by Marlene Mackie. Jewish Life and Times: A Collection of Essays, The Jewish Historical Society of Western Canada. Vol. 9, no. I (Spring 1984):133. Reviewed by' Harvey Rich. John Rowand: Czar ofthe Prairies, J.G. MacGregor. Vol. 3, no. 2 (Fall 1978):196. Reviewed by Shirlee Anne Smith. Laird of the West, John W.Chalmers. Vol. 9, no. I (Spring 1984):151. Reviewed by Ian MacPherson. The Land They Gave A way: New and Selected Poems, Andred Suknaski, edited by Stephen Scobie. Vol. 9, no. I (Spring 1984):147. Reviewed by Ian Adam. The Last Great Frontiersman: The Remarkable AdventuresofTom Lamb, Leland Stowe. Vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):272. Reviewed by J .E. Rea. Lettersfrom a Lady Rancher, Monica Hopkins. Vol. 8, no. I (Spring 1983):122. Reviewed by Rebecca Coulter. Letters From a Young Emigrant in Manitoba, edited by Ronald A. Wells. Vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):273. Reviewed by Patrick A. Dunae. Long Lance: The True Story ofan Imposter, Donald B. Smith. Vol. 8, no. I (Spring 1983):143. Reviewed by Morris Mott. Louis "David" Riel: Prophet ofthe New Wor/d~ Thomas Flanagan. VOl.-4, no. -C(Spnng--­ 1979):149. Reviewed by Andre Lalonde. The Making of a Socialist: The Recollections of-To C. Douglas, edited by Lewis H. Thomas. Vol. 8, no. I (Spring 1983):130. Reviewed by David E. Smith. The Making of the Modern West: Western Canada Since 1945, edited by A.W. Rasporich. Vol. 10, no. 2 (Fall 1985):466. Reviewed by David G. Burley. The Manitoba Commercial Freshwater Fishery: An Economic Analysis, Gordon S. Gislason, James A. MacMillan and Jack W. Craven. Vol. 10, no. I (Spring 1985):247. Reviewed by C.L. Dunn. Manitoba Stories, edited by Joan Parr. Vol. 6, no. 2 (Fall 1981):218. Reviewed by David Carpenter. "Many Tender Ties": Women in Fur-Trade Society in Western Canada, 1670-1870, Sylvia Van Kirk. Vol. 6, no. 2 (Fall 1981):223. Reviewed by Philip Goldring. Medicine Boy and Other Cree Tales, Eleanor Brass. Vol. 4, no. 2 (Fall 1979):284. Reviewed by Byrna Barclay. The Meeting of Time and Space: Regionalism in Canadian Literature, George Woodcock. Vol. 6, no. 2 (Fall 1981):216. Reviewed by William Howard. Merchants of Grain, Dan Morgan. Vol. 4, no. 2 (Fall 1979):300. Reviewed by J.F. Conway. The Metis ofManitoba: Reformulation ofan Ethnic Identity, Joe Sawchuk. Vol. 3, no. 2 (Fall 1978):192. Reviewed by Antoine S. Lussier. The Moccasin Telegraph and Other Stories, W.P. Kinsella. Vol. 10, no. 2 (Fall 1985):490. Reviewed by Don Murray. A Mother Braving a Wilderness, Otto Lutz, edited by Thomas Gerwing, O.S.B. Vol. 3, no. I (Spring 1978):101. Reviewed by Clinton O. White. Mr. Davin, M.P.: A Biography of Nicholas Flood Davin, C.B. Koester. Vol. 6, no. I (Spring 1981):113. Reviewed by J. William Brennan. Murder in the Yukon: The Case against George O'Brien, M.J. Malcolm. Vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):268. Reviewed by Thomas Thorner. My People the Bloods, Mike Mountain Horse. Vol. 4, no. 1(Spring 1979):151. Reviewed by A.H. Sahir. My Tribe the Crees, Joseph F. Dion. Vol. 4, no. 1 (Spring 1979):151. Reviewed by A. H. Sahir. A New Improved Sky, Don Kerr. Vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):260. Reviewed by William Latta. The New Provinces: Alberta and Saskatchewan 1905-/980, edited by Howard Palmer and Donald Smith. Vol. 6, no. 2 (Fall 1981):213. Reviewed by John Herd Thompson. No Fault of Their Own: Unemployment and the Canadian Welfare State 1914-1941, James Struthers. Vol. 10, no. 1 (Spring 1985):240. Reviewed by Alvin Finkel. The One-and-A-HalfMen, Murray Dobbin. Vol. 7, no. I (Spring 1982):146. Reviewed by A.S. Lussier. One Century Later: Western Canadian Reserve Indians Since Treat},' 7, edited by Ian A.L. Getty and Donald B. Smith. Vol. 5, no. 1 (Spring 1980):107. Reviewed by Robin Fisher. Ordinary Heroes: The Journal of a French Pioneer in Alberta. edited by Robert Motut and Maurice Legris. translated by Marcel Durieux. Vol. 6. no. 1 (Spring 1981):106. Reviewed by Andre Lalonde. 162 INDEX

Out ofIrrelevance, J.R. Pontingand R. Gibbins. Vol. 6, no. 1(Spring 1981):101. Reviewed by D. Bruce Sealey. Overland from Canada to British Columbia, Thomas McMicking. Vol. 8, no. 1 (Spring 1983):121. Reviewed by Heather West. Pagesfrom the Past. Essays on Saskatchewan History, edited by D.H. Bocking. Vol. 6, no. I (Spring 1981):107. Reviewed by Elizabeth Blight. Paper Wheat: The Book, created by 25th Street Theatre. Vol. 8, no. 1 (Spring 1983):128. Reviewed by M.A. Thompson. Parkland Portraits: Some Natural History ofthe Prairie Parklands, Doug Gilroy. Vol. 5, no. 1 (Spring 1980):121. Reviewed by G.F. Ledingham. Partners in Furs: A History ofthe Fur Trade in Eastern James Bay 1600-1870, Daniel Francis and Toby Morantz. Vol. 10, no. 1 (Spring 1985):234. Reviewed by Philip Goldring. Patterns ofPrejudice. A History ofNativism in Alberta, Howard Palmer. Vol. 9, no. 1 (Spring 1984):142. Reviewed by Cornelius J. Jaenen. Peter Lougheed, Allan Hustak. Vol. 4, no. 2 (Fall 1979):295. Reviewed by Kenneth Munro. Pioneer of Vision: The Reminiscences of T.A. Patrick, M.D., compiled by C.J. Houston and C. Stuart Houston. Vol. 5, no. 1 (Spring 1980):105. Reviewed by J.M. Pitsula. The Plains Cree: An Ethnographic, Historical, and Comparative Study, David G. Mandelbaum. Vol. 4, no. 1 (Spring 1979):146. Reviewed by Donald B. Smith. Plains Families: Exploring Sociology Through Social History, Scott G. McNall and Sally Allen McNall. Vol. 10, no. 2 (Fall 1985):466. Reviewed by David G. Burley. Plakun Trava: The Doukhobors, Koozma J. Tarasoff. Vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):286. Reviewed by Victor O. Buyniak. Prairie Capitalism: Power and Influence in the New West, John Richards and Larry Pratt. Vol. 4, no. 2 (Fall 1979):292. Reviewed by James N. McCrorie. Prairie Wildflowers: An Illustrated Manual ofSpecies Suitable for Cultivation and Grassland Restoration, R. Currah, A. Smreciu and M. Van Dyk. Vol. 10, no. 2 (Fall 1985):495. Reviewed by Robert W. Lodge. The Prairies and Plains: Prospects for the 80s, edited by John Rogge. Vol. 6, no. 2 (Fall 1981):231. Reviewed by Alec H. Paul. Promise ofEden: The Canadian Expansionist Movement and the Idea ofthe West, 1856-1900, Doug Owram. Vol. 6, no. 1 (Spring 1981):110. Reviewed by Donald Swainson. Radical Regionalism, George Melnyk. Vol. 7, no. 1 (Spring 1982):141. Reviewed by Frank MacKinnon. Rain ofDeath: Acid Rain in Western Canada, C. Brown, B. Jones, G.B. Sperling and T. White. Vol. 6, no. 2 (Fall 1981):225. Reviewed by D.M. Secoy. The Rainbow Chasers, Ervin Austin MacDonald. Vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):258. Reviewed by Simon Evans. Recollections About the Life of the First Ukrainian Settlers in Canada, William A. Czumer, translated by Louis T. Laychuk. Vol. 6, no. 2 (Fall 1981):237. Reviewed by Victor O. Buyniak. Red Dust, W.D. Valgardson. Vol. 3, no. 1 (Spring 1978): 102. Reviewed by Kristjana Gunners. Regina Before Yesterday: A Visual History 1882 to 1945, edited by J. William Brennan. Vol. 3, no. 2 (Fall 1978):189. Reviewed by John H. Archer. Regina: Regional Isolation and Innovative Development (Western Geographical Series, Volume 18), edited by Edmund H. Dale. Vol. 5, no. 1 (Spring 1980): 114. Reviewed by Alan F.J. Artibise. The Regional Decline ofa National Party: Liberals on the Prairies, David E. Smith. Vol. 7, no. 1 (Spring 1982):129. Reviewed by Lewis H. Thomas. Regionalism: Territorial Politics in Canada and the United States, Roger Gibbins. Vol. 8, no. 1 (Spring 1983):145. Reviewed by Alec Mckay. Reintegrating the Offender, John Hylton. Vol. 6, no. 2 (Fall 1981):229. Reviewed by James J. Teevan. . The River Horsemen, David Williams. Vol. 7, no. 1 (Spring 1982):150. Reviewed by John E. Oster. Robert Kroetsch, Peter Thomas. Vol. 6, no. 2 (Fall 1981):234. Reviewed by Arnold E. Davidson. The Rundle Journals, 1840-1848, edited by Hugh A. Dempsey. Vol. 3, no. 1 (Spring 1978):95. Reviewed by John E. Foster. Saskatchewan, A History, John H. Archer. Vol. 6, no. 2 (Fall 1981):211. Reviewed by L.G. Thomas. Saskatchewan Gold: 25 Stories ofthe New West, edited by Geoffrey Ursell. Vol. 9, no. 1(Spring 1984):155. Reviewed by Sherrill E. Grace. Saskatchewan Government, Politics and Pragmatism, Evelyn Eager. Vol. 7, no. 1 (Spring 1982):149. Reviewed by Patricia Marchak. INDEX 163

"Saskatchewan Rural Themes," Regina Geographical Studies, No. I, 1977, Department of Geography, University of Regina, Saskatchewan. Vol. 3, no. 1(Spring 1978):106. Reviewed by Elbert E. Miller. Saskatoon: The First Half-Century, Don Kerr and Stan Hanson. Vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):279. Reviewed by Doug Charrett. Seas of Earth: An Annotated Bibliography of Saskatchewan Literature as It Relates to the Environment, compiled and annotated by Jill Robinson. Vol. 3, no. 1 (Spring 1978):108. Reviewed by Doris E. Govier. The Secret Life ofRailroaders, Jim McLean. Vol. 9, no. 1(Spring 1984):139. Reviewed by Laurie Ricou. The Settlement of the West, edited by Howard Palmer. Vol. 2, no. 2 (November 1977):179. Reviewed by J. William Brennan. Shaping the Schools ofthe Canadian West, edited by David C. Jones, Nancy M. Sheehan and Robert M. Stamp. Vol. 4, no. 1 (Spring 1979):155. Reviewed by J.Donald Wilson. Sinclair Ross: A Readers Guide, Ken Mitchell. Vol. 7, no. 1 (Spring 1982):122. Reviewed by Sherrill Grace. A Sleep Full of Dreams, Edna Alford. Vol. 8, no. 1 (Spring 1983):133. Reviewed by Paul Denham. So Much To Do, So Little Time: The Writings of Hilda Neatby, edited by Michael Hayden. Vol. 10, no. 1 (Spring 1985):231. Reviewed by G.A. Rawlyk. Social Democracy in Manitoba: A History ofthe CCF-NDP, Nelson Wiseman. Vol. 10, no. 2 (Fall 1985):481. Reviewed by Allen Mills. Society and Politics in Alberta, edited by Carlo Caldarola. Vol. 5, no. 1 (Spring 1980):100. Reviewed by Ian MacPherson. . Stanley Knowles: The Man from Winnipeg North Centre, Susan Mann Trofimenkoff. Vol. 9, no. 1 (Spring 1984):137. Reviewed by Donald Swainson. Stephan G. Stephansson: the Poet ofthe Rocky Mountains, Jane W. McCracken. Vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):264. Reviewed by Brian M. Evans. Studies in Childhood History. A Canadian Perspective, Patricia Rooke and R.L. Schnell. Vol. 10, no. 1 (Spring 1985):244. Reviewed by Doug Owram. Summer ofthe Hungry Pup, Byrna Barclay. Vol. 7, no. 1 (Spring 1982):147. Reviewed by Ahab Spence. Sundogs: Stories from Saskatchewan, edited by Robert Kroetsch. Vol. 6, no. 1 (Spring 1981):104. Reviewed by Donald C. Kerr. The Tar Sands: Syncrude and the Politics ofOil, Larry Pratt. Vol. 3, no. 1 (Spring 1978):115. Reviewed by A.H. Paul. To America With the Doukhobors, L.A. Sulerzhitsky.translated by Michael Kalmakoff. Vol. 8, no. 1 (Spring 1983):140. Reviewed by Koozma J. Tarasoff. Tommy Douglas, Doris French Shackleton. Vol. 2, no. 1(May 1977):97. Reviewed by Clinton O. White. Town and City: Aspects ofWestern Canadian Urban Development, edited by Alan F.J. Artibise. Vol. 6, no. 2 (Fall 1981):232. Reviewed by A. Ross McCormack. Trees, Prairiesand People, Wilmon H. Droze.Vol. 4, no. 1(Spring 1979):152. Reviewed by Ken W. Thompson. Twelve Prairie Poets, edited by Laurence Ricou. Vol. 2, no. 1 (May 1977):99. Reviewed by Lakshmi Gill. Ukrainian Canadians: A Survey of their Portrayal in English Language Works, Frances Swyripa. Vol. 3, no. 1 (Spring 1978):97. Reviewed by Nadia Kazymyra. Unnamed Country: The Struggle for a Canadian Prairie Fiction, Dick Harrison. Vol. 3, no. 1 (Spring 1978):Ill. Reviewed by Donald Stephens. Urban Indians: The Strangers in Canada s Cities, Larry Krotz. Vol. 6, no. 1(Spring 1981):102. Reviewed by Oliver Brass. Visible Symbols: Cultural Expression Among Canada s Ukrainians, edited by Manoly R. Lupul. Vol. 10, no. 2 (Fall 1985):488. Reviewed by Brian Evans. . A Voice in the Land: Essays By and About Rudy Wiebe, edited by W.J. Keith. Vol. 7, no. I (Spring 1982):131. Reviewed by Henry Kreisel. Wednesdays are Cabinet Days: A Personal Account of the Schreyer Administration, Russell Doern. Vol. 7, no. 1 (Spring 1982):120. Reviewed by David E. Smith. The West: The Historyofa Region in Confederation, J.F. Conway. Vol. 10,no. 2 (Fall 1985):464. Reviewed by Michael J. Carley. Western Canada 1909. Travel Letters by Wilhelm Cohnstaedt, edited by Klaus H. Burmeister, translated by Herta Holle-Scherer. Vol. 2, no. 2 (November 1977):186. Reviewed by Lawrence Klippenstein. Western Canada Since 1870:A Select Bibliography and Guide, Alan F.J. Artibise. Vol. 3, no. 2 (Fall 1978):198. Reviewed by Ted Wood. 164 INDEX

Western Canadian Politics: The Radical Tradition, edited by Donald C. Kerr. Vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):263. Reviewed by G.A. Rawlyk. Western Separatism: The Myths, Realities & Dangers, edited by Larry Pratt and Garth Stevenson. Vol. 7, no. 1 (Spring 1982): 137. Reviewed by George Melnyk. Wild Rose Country: Storiesfrom Alberta, edited by David Carpenter. Vol. 2, no. 2 (November 1977):187. Reviewed by William Latta. Winnipeg: A Social History of Urban Growth, 1874-'/914, Alan F.J. Artibise. Vol. I, no. 2 (November 1976)~192. Reviewed by T.E. Vadney. Winnipeg, An Illustrated History, Alan F.J. Artibise. Vol. 3, no. 1(Spring 1978):99. Reviewed by Donald Kerr. Woodrow: A BiographyofW.S. Lloyd, Dianne Lloyd. Vol. 5, no. 1(Spring 1980):102. Reviewed by Ormond McKague. REVIEW ARTICLES - BY TITLE The "Ethnic Architecture in the Prairies" Conference: A Report and a Geographer's Reflections, vol. I, no. 1 (April 1976):69. H. Schlichtmann. The "Ethnic Studies and Research" Conference, vol. 1, no. 2 (November 1976):189. Martin L. Kovacs. . , Report on the "Alternatives" Conference, vol. 3, no. I (Spring 1978):91. Peter McCormick. RESEARCH NOTES - BY AUTHOR Abandoned Railroads as Potential Habitat Refuges, vol. 7, no. 1 (Spring 1982):87. B. de Vries. Colour Preferences and Building Decoration among Ukrainians in Western Canada, vol. 6, no. 2 (Fall 1981):203. John C. Lehr. . The Cost of Making a Farm on the Prairies, vol. 7, no. I (Spring 1982):95. Irene M. Spry. Economic Diversification in the Canadian Prairies, vol. 7, no. 1(Spring 1982):91. A.H. Sahir and A.A. Seaborne. Fishladders in Alberta, vol. 10, no. 1 (Spring 1985):205. Lloyd Richard Nelson and Steve E. Hrudey. Frontier Missionary in the North-West: Heinrich Schmieder, 1889-1893, vol. 10, no. 2 (Fall 1985):455. Klaus H. Burmeister. Hungarians in the Canadian West, vol. 10, no. 2 (Fall 1985):435. N.F. Dreisziger. An Initial Investigation of the Value of Work and Beliefs in Internal-External Reinforcement Responsibility in Hutterite Children, vol. 7, no. 2 (Fall 1982):279. Paul Simpson-Housley and Robert J. Moore. Major Trends in the Financing of Education in Alberta, vol. 10, no. 1 (Spring 1985):215. G. Lohen. The Recent Development ofa Unique Population: The Hutterites of North America, vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):235. Edward D. Boldt. Regional Perception in a Small Prairie City: The Case of Brandon, Manitoba, vol. 9, no. I (Spring 1984):119. Leo Liu and Meir Serfaty. A Reply to Professor Spry's Critique "The Cost of Making a Farm on the Prairies", vol. 7, no. 1 (Spring 1982):101. Lyle Dick. Research Sources for the Study of Material History of Mixed Farm Farmyards in Alberta, vol. 10, no. 1 (Spring 1985):225. Don Wetherell and Irene Kmet. William Jennings Bryan and Western Canada, vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):225. Harvey Strum. PRAIRIE THESES - BY TITLE Prairie Theses, 1977-78: An Initial Listing, vol. 4, no. 1 (Spring 1979): 137. CANPLAINS Data Base. Prairie Theses, 1977-78: A Further Listing, vol. 5, no. 1 (Spring 1980):83. CANPLAINS Data Base. Prairie Theses, 1978-79, vol. 6, no. 1 (Spring 1981):87. CAN PLAINS Data Base. Prairie Theses, 1979-80, vol. 7, no. 1 (Spring 1982): 103. CANPLAIN..S Data Base. Prairie Theses, 1980-81, vol. 8, no. 2 (Fall 1983):241. CANPLAINS Research Inventory. PRAIRIE FORUM The Journal of the Canadian Plains Research Center

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