Extremists' View of States Allied with Qatar Artical Subject

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Extremists' View of States Allied with Qatar Artical Subject Artical Name : Extremists¶View of States Allied with Qatar Artical Subject : Extremists¶View of States Allied with Qatar Publish Date: 25/07/2017 Auther Name: Future for Advanced Research and Studies Subject : The recent crisis between Qatar and the four other Arab countries Saudi Arabia, UAE, Bahrain and Egypt, has seen a flurry of significant developments soon after Turkey and Iran intervened declaring their solidarity with Doha. The Turkish parliament was quick to approve legislation allowing Turkish troops to be deployed in Qatar and open a Turkish military base there. Before that, Iran announced that it was providing Qatar with enough food supplies starting with five plane loads.Supportive Fatwas The two states were keen on showing that one aspect of their support for Qatar was, from an Islamic perspective, based on a number of fatwas (religious edicts), issued by scholars backing Qatar, to ban the blockade on Qatar and declare that supporting it and standing in solidarity with it is a religious duty. This poses an important question about how effective this alliance can be on the way extremist currents or movements view Turkey and Iran, given, in particular, that several such movements are backing Qatar during the current crisis.Within this context, it should be noted that it would not be possible, for now, to determine exactly the position of major religious movements towards the two states before their recent alliance without first shedding light on their previous views. The following positions can be presented as a general outline: 1- The Muslim Brotherhood is the only organization that maintains strong ties with both Iran and Turkey, despite its religious and sectarian disagreements with Iran and ideological differences with Turkey. This can be attributed to the group¶s ideology that upholds utilitarianism, a doctrine that allows giving up of firm principles as long as such action serves interests. The Brotherhood has been maintaining a strong relationship with Iran since the reign of Ayatollah Khomeini. The Muslim Brotherhood described khomeini, upon his death, as the leader who launched the Islamic revolution against the tyrants. However the mother organization¶s position on Iran was also embraced by its branches. Fathi Yakan, a Brotherhood leader in Lebanon, stated, in 2009, that the schools of the Islamic renaissance are only three: the school of Hassan al-Banna (the group¶s founder), the school of Sayyid Qutb (the group¶s main theorist), and the school of Khomeini. The fact that to date this relationship continues to be strong can explain why the Brotherhood kept silent about Iran¶s terrorist and subversive actions, including attacking the Saudi Embassy in Tehran in January 2016 and offensives in Iraq, Syria and Yemen. Trojan HorseThe Brotherhood¶s relationship with Turkey has been getting stronger day after day, since President Recep Tayyip Erdogan came to power in 2002. It went through significant developments after revolutions broke out in several Arab countries, where Turkey backed the Brotherhood's branches in these countries based on its belief that they can be a ³trojan horse´through which the glory of the Ottoman Empire can be revived. For its part, the Brotherhood¶s leaders back Turkey¶s positions and give them religious legitimacy. Most recently, leader of the Tunisian Ennahda Party Rached Ghannouchi gave a statement backing Turkey¶s support for Qatar during the current crisis. Based on that, this relationship can be described as being more like a strategic alliance. 2- Al-Qaida. Although all jihadist organizations are enemies of Iran, due to religious/sectarian disagreement, al-Qaida violated this approach and established strong relations with Iran which has become one of the favorite countries for the organization¶s leaders, such as Saif al-Adel, Yasin al-Suri and Abu Mohammad al-Masri, who took refuge in Iran in late 2001 after the Taliban regime collapsed in Afghanistan. Iran has always been keenly interested in maintaining this relationship and using it as a leverage to put pressure on some states in the region. This made al-Qaida abstain from targeting Iran and its interests. This was evidenced in documents found in the last hideout of the terror group¶s chief Osama bin Laden in Abbottabad, Pakistan. The documents released by the United States after it killed bin Laden revealed that bin Laden asked al-Qaida commanders, in a series of letters, not to target Iran. SuspiciousJust like all other jihadist groups, al-Qaida has always viewed Turkey as a secular state describing all Erdogan¶s claims that Turkey is defending Islam as baseless. That is why the organization did not seek to establish relations with Turkey as it did with Iran.Although there were open contacts with its branch in Syria, the organization has always been suspicious and concerns over such relationship because it does not trust the Turkish government. This, perhaps, is what prompted the Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham (formerly Jabhat al- Nusra) to announce, on June 26, 2017, that it rejects Turkey¶s deployment of troops in Idlib province, northern Syria, although such deployment was decided during peace talks held in Astana and Geneva.3- Hardline salafist currents. The ideology of salafis drives and perpetuates their enmity to Iran along religious/sectarian lines. That is why they abstain from seeking rapprochement with Iran and even continue to launch ideological and media attacks. Iran recognizes this fact and continues to launch counter attacks. Mutual HatredThe salafi movement¶s relationship with Turkey is largely "bad", because salafis consider Turkey as a secular state despite its current leaders¶claims that they advocate Al-Quds (Jerusalem) and other Islamic causes. That is why the movement does not maintain a relationship with Turkey. On the other hand, Turkey views the salafi movement as a danger to the Turkish model of Islam and rejects to have any relations with it. The situation can best be described as mutual hatred. 4- ISIS. Iran represents a high-profile enemy for ISIS due to their religious/sectarian disagreement. While al-Qaida ideology is based on enmity to the United States, ISIS¶idelogy is based on enmity to Iran and a need for targeting Shiites and Iranian interests. This is what drove ISIS¶spiritual founder Abu Musab al-Zarqawi to break off all ties with al-Qaida because al-Qaida leaders rejected such a position.This was disclosed by ISIS¶former spokesman before he was killed in August 2016. He noted that, before the declaration of ISIS as an Islamic caliphate, the militants completely avoided targeting Iran in response to orders from al-Qaida which wanted to 10/10/2021 5:24:17 AM 1 / 2 preserve its own interests and supply line within Iran. Moreover, despite this bitter enmity, the group did not carry out any terrorist attacks against Iran until June 2017, when it targeted the Iranian Parliament and the mausoleum of Khomeini. Therefore, the relationship between Iran and the group appears to be driven by this bitter enmity.ISIS¶relationship with Turkey, was excellent at the beginning because the country represented the group¶s lifeblood facilitating the passage of foreign fighters, arms supplies, medical services on the border as well as oil purchases. When this relationship surfaced, and international pressure mounted on Turkey to severe this relationship in late 2014, their ties transformed into intense hostility, in late June 2015 in particular, when military confrontations between the two sides broke out for the first time. This prompted ISIS to carry out terrorist attacks within Turkey. A deadly high profile attack was carried out on January 1, 2017 at a nightclub in Istanbul. Hostility between ISIS and Turkey has been escalating since then. ISIS¶statements keep describing Turkish soldiers as apostates. Spreading ImpactsQatar¶s alliance with Turkey and Iran will reflect on extremist organization¶s view of the two countries, due in particular to the support Qatar receives from a number of extremist movements. Hence, the key features of the shifts of these movements¶views can be specified as follows: 1- The Muslim Brotherhood¶s Growing Relations with Ankara. It can be argued that the alliance is likely to strengthen the Brotherhood¶s relations with both Iran and Turkey, especially because of the organization¶s support for Qatar and its efforts to depict it an an alliance of the right against the wrong. The efforts are based on fatwas issued by individuals and organizations backing the Brotherhood such as the International Union of Muslim Scholars (IUMS). Head of the IUMS cleric Sheikh Yusuf al-Qaradawi, on June 8, 2017, issued a fatwa prohibiting the boycott of Qatar saying it is against Islamic sharia and that it is a religious duty to support Qatar and work to end the blockade imposed on it.Hence, the Brotherhood will work on promoting its relations with both Turkey and Iran as it seeks to receive more support after it was designated as a terrorist organization.2- Developments of al-Qaida¶s operations in Yemen. Al-Qaida¶s support for Qatar during the current crisis was voiced by some of its figures including Abdullah al- Muhaysini, Abu Hafs al-Mauritani and Abdul Hakim Belhaj. Moreover, Al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula, as the Yemen affiliate is known, expressed its support for Qatar in the June 6, 2017 issue of its Al-Masra digital weekly magazine. It can be said that this support can possibly impact al-Qaida¶s positions on the two states, where it is likely to help promote its relationship with Iran and revive and expand their longstanding cooperation, given, in particular, the fact that this cooperation is long-standing and deep- rooted. On the other hand, this alliance can contribute towards easing off al-Qaida¶s hardline position on Turkey.3- Salafists¶position unchanging.
Recommended publications
  • A Strategy for Success in Libya
    A Strategy for Success in Libya Emily Estelle NOVEMBER 2017 A Strategy for Success in Libya Emily Estelle NOVEMBER 2017 AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE © 2017 by the American Enterprise Institute. All rights reserved. The American Enterprise Institute (AEI) is a nonpartisan, nonprofit, 501(c)(3) educational organization and does not take institutional positions on any issues. The views expressed here are those of the author(s). Contents Executive Summary ......................................................................................................................1 Why the US Must Act in Libya Now ............................................................................................................................1 Wrong Problem, Wrong Strategy ............................................................................................................................... 2 What to Do ........................................................................................................................................................................ 2 Reframing US Policy in Libya .................................................................................................. 5 America’s Opportunity in Libya ................................................................................................................................. 6 The US Approach in Libya ............................................................................................................................................ 6 The Current Situation
    [Show full text]
  • Terrorism Monitor
    THE JAMESTOWN FOUNDATION APRIL 6, 2018 VOLUME XVI, ISSUE 7 p.1 p.3 p.6 p.8 Alexander Sehmer James Brandon Mukhtar A Khan Andrew McGregor BRIEFS The Threat From Islamic State a Deadly Salafists, Mercenaries British Jihadists After Force in Kabul and Body Snatchers: the Caliphate’s Fall The War for Libya’s South NIGERIA: TALKING TO BOKO HARAM Although there was speculation about a similar move under the administration of former President Goodluck Alexander Sehmer Jonathan in 2012, the ceasefire talks are a new devel- opment. It came at a time when the government was A presidential offer of amnesty for Boko Haram fighters riding high on the release of the Dapchi schoolgirls, who who lay down their weapons has had little apparent ef- were abducted by Boko Haram in February (Daily Trust, fect on militant activity in northeastern Nigeria, with March 25). more than a dozen people killed in a recent clash be- tween Islamist fighters and the country’s security forces. President Muhammadu Buhari used a meeting with the newly freed girls to announce his administration would Boko Haram fighters using suicide bombers and mortars respond favorably to “repentant” Boko Haram fighters attacked two villages and a military base near Maid- (Premium Times, March 23). That offer has not, howev- uguri, in Borno State, on April 2, killing at least 15 peo- er, received universal acclaim. Groups such as the Christ- ple (Sahara Reporters, April 2). Though the attack was ian Association of Nigeria have criticized the move as an the largest since the government made the surprise an- admission of weakness on the part of the government nouncement that it had been holding ceasefire talks (Punch, March 24; Twitter, March 23).
    [Show full text]
  • Gilbert Ramsay Phd Thesis
    CONSUMING THE JIHAD: AN ENQUIRY INTO THE SUBCULTURE OF INTERNET JIHADISM Gilbert Ramsay A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of St Andrews 2011 Full metadata for this item is available in Research@StAndrews:FullText at: http://research-repository.st-andrews.ac.uk/ Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3607 This item is protected by original copyright Consuming the Jihad An Enquiry into the Subculture of Internet Jihadism Gilbert Ramsay A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. October, 2011 I, Gilbert Ramsay, hereby certify that this thesis, which is approximately 80,000 words in length, has been written by me, and that it is the record of work carried out by me, and that it has not been submitted in any previous application for a higher degree. Date………………………….. Signature of candidate……………………………... I hereby certify that the candidate has fulfilled the conditions of the Resolution and Regulations appropriate for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the University of St Andrews and that the candidate is qualified to submit this thesis in application for that degree. Date…………………………… Signature of supervisor……………………………. In submitting this thesis to the University of St Andrews I understand that I am giving permission for it to be made available for use in accordance with the regulations of the University Library for the time being in force, subject to any copyright vested in the work not being affected thereby. I also understand that the title and the abstract will be published, and that a copy of the work may be made and supplied to any bona fide library or research worker, that my thesis will be electronically accessible for personal or research use unless exempt by award of an embargo as requested below, and that the library has the right to migrate my thesis into new electronic forms as required to ensure continued access to the thesis.
    [Show full text]
  • Addressing the Rise of Libya's Madkhali-Salafis
    Addressing the Rise of Libya’s Madkhali-Salafis Middle East and North Africa Report N°200 | 25 April 2019 Headquarters International Crisis Group Avenue Louise 149 • 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 • Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Preventing War. Shaping Peace. Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. The Madkhali-Salafi trend in Libya ................................................................................. 3 A. Wahhabi Origins ........................................................................................................ 3 B. Emergence in Libya ................................................................................................... 5 C. After Qadhafi .............................................................................................................. 6 III. The Madkhalis’ Role in Armed Groups ............................................................................ 10 A. In the East .................................................................................................................. 10 B. In the West ................................................................................................................. 15 C. A National Network? ................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • SALAFISM in AMERICA History, Evolution, Radicalization
    SALAFISM in AMERICA History, Evolution, Radicalization ALEXANDER MELEAGROU-HITCHENS October 2018 Table of Contents Acknowledgements .................................................................................................................... ii Glossary of Terms ..................................................................................................................... iii Executive Summary .................................................................................................................... 1 Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 4 I. Understanding Salafism ....................................................................................................... 6 I.I What is Salafism? .............................................................................................................. 6 I.II Categorizing Salafism ..................................................................................................... 9 Quietists ................................................................................................................................... 9 Activists .................................................................................................................................. 11 Jihadis .................................................................................................................................... 14 I.III Salafism and Extremism ............................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Libya and Tunisia
    CSS STUDY Islamist Actors: Libya and Tunisia Zurich, June 2018 Lisa Watanabe, Center for Security Studies (CSS), ETH Zurich © 2018 Center for Security Studies (CSS), ETH Zurich Contact: Center for Security Studies (CSS) ETH Zurich Haldeneggsteig 4, IFW CH - 8092 Zurich Switzerland Tel.: +41-44-632 40 25 [email protected] www.css.ethz.ch Author: Lisa Watanabe Supervision: Oliver Thränert, Head of Think Tank Research assistant: Anja Bodenmann Layout: Miriam Dahinden-Ganzoni Availability: This study can be accessed online at www.css.ethz.ch. Please cite as: Lisa Watanabe, Islamist Actors: Libya and Tunisia (Zurich: Center for Security Studies, 2018). Table of Contents Executive Summary 4 Introduction 5 1 Islamism in Libya 7 1.1 Mainstream Islamists (The Muslim Brotherhood) 7 1.2 Post-jihadis (LIFG/LIMC Veterans) 11 1.3 Salafi Parties (Al-Watan and Al-Umma Al-Wasat) 14 1.4 ‘Quiestist’ Salafis (Madkhalis) 16 1.5 The Importance of Libya’s Islamists 18 2 Islamism in Tunisia 19 2.1 Mainstream Islamists (Ennahda) 19 2.2 Salafi Parties (Hisb Ut-tahrir and Jabhat Al-Islah) 22 2.3 Quietist Salafis (Salafi Ilmiyya) 23 2.4 The Importance of Tunisia’s Islamists 25 Concluding Remarks 26 CSS STUDY Islamist Actors Executive Summary pears largely due to a failure to appeal either a more mod- erate Islamist audience or a large enough ultra-conserva- While much attention has thus far understandably been tive constituency. In particular, their message has been focused on jihadi actors in Libya and Tunisia, other Is- lost on ultra-conservative youth. lamist actors, who are not focused on armed jihad, de- Quietist Salafi actors, who usually shun political serve greater scrutiny.
    [Show full text]
  • Ortadoğu Ve Kuzey Afrika Ülkelerinde Din Ve Devlet Ilişkileri Ve Bunun Yarattiği Milli Ve Milletlerarasi Sorunlar, Libya Ve Medhalilik Örneği
    ORTADOĞU VE KUZEY AFRİKA ÜLKELERİNDE DİN VE DEVLET İLİŞKİLERİ VE BUNUN YARATTIĞI MİLLİ VE MİLLETLERARASI SORUNLAR, LİBYA VE MEDHALİLİK ÖRNEĞİ RELIGION AND STATE RELATIONS IN THE MIDDLE EASTERN AND NORTH AFRICAN COUNTRIES, NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL ISSUES IT CAUSED, LIBYA AND MADKHALISM MOVEMENT CASE Halil Atilla SİVRİKAYA Başkent Üniversitesi Stratejik Araştırmalar Uygulama ve Araştırma Merkezi Stajyeri 2018 STRATEJİK ARAŞTIRMALAR UYGULAMA VE ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZİ ORTADOĞU VE KUZEY AFRİKA ÜLKELERİNDE DİN VE DEVLET İLİŞKİLERİ VE BUNUN YARATTIĞI MİLLİ VE MİLLETLERARASI SORUNLAR, LİBYA VE MEDHALİLİK ÖRNEĞİ RELIGION AND STATE RELATIONS IN THE MIDDLE EASTERN AND NORTH AFRICAN COUNTRIES, NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL ISSUES IT CAUSED, LIBYA AND MADKHALISM MOVEMENT CASE Halil Atilla SİVRİKAYA 2018 1 / 35 ORTADOĞU VE KUZEY AFRİKA ÜLKELERİNDE DİN VE DEVLET İLİŞKİLERİ VE BUNUN YARATTIĞI MİLLİ VE MİLLETLERARASI SORUNLAR, LİBYA VE MEDHALİLİK ÖRNEĞİ Halil Atilla SİVRİKAYA1 1. GİRİŞ Arap Baharı ile eş zamanlı olarak, Ortadoğu ve Kuzey Afrika’daki terör ve ayaklanma faaliyetlerinde ciddi artış yaşanmış, bölge ülkelerince mezkûr sahada lider olma bağlamında dini mezhepçilik temelinde yaşanan siyasi ve askeri rekabet artmıştır. Bölgedeki iç savaşlar ve artan jeopolitik rekabet bağlamında Suudi Arabistan (SA) ve İran arasındaki mezhep mücadelesinin yanı sıra; Katar ve Türkiye ile SA, Birleşik Arap Emirlikleri (BAE) ve Mısır arasında da ayrı bir kutuplaşma kendini göstermiştir. Mısır’da yaşanan darbe sonrası Müslüman Kardeşler’ce (MK) temsil edilen Siyasal İslam’ın baskı altına alınmasının politik alanda yarattığı ideolojik boşluk, Selefi uzantılı siyasi oluşumlar için büyük bir fırsat yaratmıştır. Benzer durum Libya, Tunus, Fas gibi ülkelerde de hissedilir düzeyde yaşanmıştır. MK’ya yönelik siyasi kısıtlama, Selefi grupların yönettiği siyasi oluşumların önünü açarak, mezkûr ülkelerde rejim ile iyi ilişkiler geliştiren radikal görüşlü politik gruplara hareket alanı açmıştır.
    [Show full text]
  • Parallels Between the Rhetoric of Joseph De Maistre and Contemporary Islamic Fundamentalist Movements
    Marmara Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilimler Dergisi • Marmara University Journal of Political Science • Cilt 4, Sayı 1, Mart 2016, ISSN 2147-6934, ss. 195-216 • DOI: 10.14782/sbd.2016117953 The Islamic Fundamentalist that Could Have Been? Parallels between the Rhetoric of Joseph de Maistre and Contemporary Islamic Fundamentalist Movements Joseph J. KAMINSKI* Abstract This article is a work of comparative political theory and looks at how much of Joseph de Maistre’s writings parallel the worldview held by ISIS and Al Qaeda, specifically in regard to the central role of absolute authority, the general rejection of modern rationalism, and the openly accepted use of violence in order to attain their desired ends. The last section of this paper will look at similarities between the general tone and style of rhetoric utilized by Maistre and ISIS/al Qaeda. This paper shows that the Schmittian language used by Maistre and the aforementioned groups is similar despite their outward doctrinal differences. This paper is an original comparative case study that fits within the emerging body of literature that shows that there is a common underlying language that can be ascribed to all religious extremist movements, regardless of their actual ideological orientation. Keywords: Joseph de Maistre, Religious Extremism, ISIS, Al Qaeda, Terrorism, Comparative Political Theory De Maistre İslami Köktenci Olabilir miydi? Joseph de Maistre ve Günümüz İslami Köktenci Hareketlerin Söylemleri Arasındaki Paralellikler Öz Bu makale, Joseph de Maistre’nin yazıları ile IŞİD ve El-Kaide tarafından savunulan dünya görüşü arasındaki, özellikle mutlak otoritenin başlıca rolü, modern rasyonalitenin genel olarak reddedilmesi ve arzu edilen amaçlara ulaşmada şiddet kullanımının açıkça kabul edilmesi konularında ne kadar paralellik bulunduğunu inceleyen bir karşılaştırmalı siyasi kuram çalışmasıdır.
    [Show full text]
  • On Salafī Islam by Dr. Yasir Qadhi
    On Salafī Islam By Dr. Yasir Qadhi 1. Definitions 2. Positive contributions of the Salafī trend 3. Criticisms of Salafism 4. Concluding remarks 1. Definitions: What is Salafī Islam? What exactly is ‘Salafism’? In the absence of a unanimously agreed upon definition, I propose to elucidate the modern Salafī phenomena via an outline of its beginnings, an assessment of its particular characteristics, manifestations of it in various contemporary groups, and a discussion of its positive and not so positive contributions to Islam and our global society. Within the context of our modern World, or to be more precise over the last half a century, the term ‘Salafī’ has come to designate an Islamic methodology, the aspirational objective of which is the emulation of the Prophetic example via the practices and beliefs of the earliest generations of Islam. This is because the first three Islamic generations, in being closest to the era of Muḥammad (ṣallallāhu ‘alayhi wa sallam) and the period of revelation, are understood to best embody the Prophetic Sunnah, and thus a pristine Islam. Inasmuch as the term refers to a methodology, it would be fair to say that it does not specify any one particular or distinct community or group of believers. The generic nature of this term is further illustrated by the fact that more than a dozen distinct groups either identify themselves as Salafī, in that they believe themselves to be on the Salafī manhaj (methodology), or they do not object to the term being ascribed to them even if they themselves do not use it.
    [Show full text]
  • Exploring Armed Groups in Libya
    Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance 20TH ANNIVERSARY Exploring Armed Groups in Libya: Perspectives on Security Sector Reform in a Hybrid Environment DCAF – Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance The Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance - DCAF is an international foundation whose mission is to assist the international community in pursuing good governance and reform of the security sector. DCAF develops and promotes norms and standards, conducts tailored policy research, identifies good practices and recommendations to promote democratic security sector governance, and provides in-country advisory support and practical assistance programmes. Published in Switzerland in 2020 by DCAF – Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance DCAF Geneva P.O. Box 1360 CH-1211 Geneva 1 Switzerland DCAF encourages the use, translation, and dissemination of this publication. We do, however, ask that you acknowledge and cite materials and do not alter the content. Cite as: Badi, Emadeddin, Exploring Armed Groups in Libya: Perspectives on Security Sector Reform in a Hybrid Environment (Geneva: DCAF, 2020). ISBN: 92-9222-546-4 Disclaimer The opinions expressed in this publication are those of the author alone and do not necessarily reflect the position of the institutions referred to or represented within this publication. Author: Emadeddin Badi Internal peer review: Andrea Cellino, Archibald Gallet, and Roberta Maggi External peer review: Frederic Wehrey Layout: Pitch Black Graphic Design Copy-editing: Alessandra Allen Cover photo: Al-Ramla frontline, Tripoli, Libya, 2020. © Amru Salahuddien Exploring Armed Groups in Libya: Perspectives on Security Sector Reform in a Hybrid Environment Emadeddin Badi Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance 20TH ANNIVERSARY 2 Exploring Armed Groups in Libya: Perspectives on Security Sector Reform in a Hybrid Environment Acknowledgements The author wishes to thank the numerous Libyan officials, development practitioners, and journalists who supported his research endeavour with their generous insights.
    [Show full text]
  • European Union Terrorism Situation and Trend Report 2021 EUROPEAN UNION TERRORISM SITUATION and TREND REPORT 2021
    European Union Terrorism Situation and Trend report 2021 EUROPEAN UNION TERRORISM SITUATION AND TREND REPORT 2021 PDF | ISBN 978-92-95220-26-3 | ISSN 2363-0876 | DOI: 10.2813/677724 | QL-AJ-21-001-EN-N © European Union Agency for Law Enforcement Cooperation, 2021 Reproduction is authorised provided the source is acknowledged. For any use or reproduction of photos or other material that is not under the copyright of the European Union Agency for Law Enforcement Cooperation, permission must be sought directly from the copyright holders. Cite this publication: Europol (2021), European Union Terrorism Situation and Trend Report, Publications Office of the European Union, Luxembourg. This publication and more information on Europol are available on the Internet. www.europol.europa.eu Contents 4 Foreword 6 Trends and Executive Summary 10 Introduction 12 Terrorism in Europe in 2020: an overview 42 Jihadist terrorism 78 Right-wing terrorism 92 Left-wing and anarchist terrorism 98 Annexes Foreword TERRORISM Law enforcement authorities in the AND VIOLENT Member States and, together with them, EXTREMISM IN Europol undertakes ardent efforts to ALL FORMS ARE mitigate these threats. SIGNIFICANT I am pleased to present this comprehensive situation report, which details SECURITY the terrorism situation including figures regarding terrorist attacks and arrests in the EU in 2020. The European Union (EU) Terrorism Situation CHALLENGES TO and Trend Report (TE-SAT) 2021 is one of Europol’s key reports and highlights the Agency’s role as a crucial information broker and key THE EU. component of the EU’s internal security framework. During 2020, much of the attention of the public, policy-makers and law enforcement has been captivated by the COVID-19 pandemic and our response to this unprecedented crisis.
    [Show full text]
  • The Contribution of Positive Youth Development In
    THE CONTRIBUTION OF POSITIVE YOUTH DEVELOPMENT IN TAJIKISTAN TO EFFECTIVE PEACEBUILDING AND TO COUNTERING OR PREVENTING VIOLENT EXTREMISM: SUCCESSES, LIMITATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS RESEARCH REPORT This report is made possible by the support of the American People through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), with support from the U.S. President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), under the terms of YouthPower Learning, Contract No. AID-OAA-I-15-00034/AID-OAA-TO-00011. The author’s views expressed in this report do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID or the United States Government. Table of Contents Introduction………………………………………………………………….………4 Research Task and Goals Methodology and Research Approaches Background Information and Youth Statistics Chapter I. Mapping Youth and PVE Initiatives in Tajikistan…………………..16 1.0 Conceptual Framework 1.1 Government PVE and Youth Policy 1.2 International Organizations’ Programs 1.3 Tajik NGOs Chapter II. Analyzing Impact: Challenges, Successes and Obstacles………….49 2.0 Challenges and Successes 2.1 Limitations and Obstacles Conclusions and Recommendations………………………………………………55 3.0 Summarizing Remarks 3.1 Recommendations ANNEXES….………………………………………………………………….……59 Annex I. Dialogue and Confidence Building projects Annex II. Youth Empowering Projects and Initiatives Annex III Youth Education, Civic Education Initiatives Annex IV. Tajik NGOs’ Initiatives 1) Dushanbe NGOs’ Initiatives/ Summary of Interviews 2) Regional NGOs’ Initiatives/Summaries of Interviews 1 Abbreviations
    [Show full text]