Hezbollah: Ideology, Practice, and the Arab Revolts
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Anti-Semitism and Anti-Zionism in Iran: the Role of Identity Processes
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Nottingham Trent Institutional Repository (IRep) 1 Anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism in Iran: the role of identity processes Rusi Jaspal De Montfort University, Leicester, UK Anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism constitute two important ideological building blocks of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Yet, there is no existing research into the psychosocial motives underlying the manifestation of anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism at the institutional level in Iran. Here it is argued that there is much heuristic and predictive value in applying tenets of identity process theory (IPT), a socio-psychological model of identity threat and action, to the primarily socio-historical literature on anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism in Iran. The paper provides a summary of anti-Semitism, anti-Zionism and ‘new anti-Semitism’ and IPT. The substantive section of the paper explores (i) how anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism may restore feelings of belonging in the Muslim world and beyond; (ii) the inter-relations between ingroup and outgroup self-efficacy; (iii) the psychosocial motivation to maintain Shiite ideology and Khomeini’s legacy; and (iv) the construction of Jews and Israel in terms of a threat to group continuity. It is suggested that insights into the motivational principles underlying anti-Semitism and anti- Zionism at the institutional level may inform empirical research into social representations of Jews and Israel in Iran. More broadly, this paper highlights the potential contribution of social psychology to existing work on anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism in the humanities. -
Party Formation and Political Legitimacy
THE EVOLUTION OF HEZBOLLAH: PARTY FORMATION AND POLITICAL LEGITIMACY A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science at George Mason University, and the degree of Master of Arts at the University of Malta By Anastasia Franjie Bachelor of Arts George Mason University, 2011 Director: Lourdes Pullicino, Lecturer Mediterranean Academy of Diplomatic Studies Fall Semester 2013 George Mason University Fairfax, VA This work is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noderivs 3.0 unported license. ii DEDICATION This thesis is dedicated to several individuals whom were of great help and positive influence in my life. To my parents, Serge and Anna Maria whom were advocates of my pursuing higher education, and gave me the ability to experience and be part of a unique cultural upbringing, To my siblings Alexander, Grace, Olivia, Kristel, and our princess Mia, showing them that continuous success requires hard work, To my Maltese family whom stood by me through this process and pushed me to be over the average, Finally and most importantly to my Lebanon and every oppressed around the world with hopes of achieving peace, security and justice. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS During the course of pursuing my dual master degree from the University of Malta and George Mason University in Valletta, Malta, I had the strongest support from my family whom were overseas. This experience not only taught me about conflict analysis and resolution and Mediterranean security but it also taught me about responsibility, and life. Therefore, I would like to thank the many friends, relatives, and supporters who have made this happen. -
General Assembly Security Gouncil Distr
UNITED AS NATIONS General Assembly Security Gouncil Distr. GENERAL A/43/LLA s/L9464 29 January 1988 ENGLISH ORIGINAL: ARABIC,/FRENCH GENERAL ASSEI4BLY SECURITY COUNCIL Forty-third session Forty-third year CO-OPERATION BETTiEEN THE UNITED NATIONS AND THE ORGANIZATION OF THE ISLAMIC CONFERENCE QUESTION OF PATESTINE THE SITUATION IN THE MIDDLE EAST REPORT OF THE SPECIAL @MMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE ISRAELI PRACTICES AFFECTING THE HUI.{AIiI RIGHTS OF THE POPUI"ATION OF THE OCCUPIED TERRITORIES Letter dated 29 January 1988 from the Permanent Representative of Morocco to the United Nations addressed to the Secretarv-General On instructions from my Governnent, I have the honour to forward herewith the official final cornrnuniqu6 and resolution adopted at the emergency meeting of the Al-Quds conrmittee held in rfrane, Morocco, on 15 Jumada r A.H. 1408 (5 January 1988). I should be grateful if you would arrange for the text of this Letter and the annex thereto to be distributed as a docunent of the General Assembly, under the items entitled trCo-operation between the United Nations and the Organization of the Islamic Conference", "Question of Palestine", trThe situation in the !4iddle East", and "Report of the Speciat Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices affecting the Human Rights of the Population of the Occupied Territories', and of the Security Council. (siqned) Driss STAOUI Ambassador Permanent Representative 88-02109 3s84R (E) Digitized by Dag Hammarskjöld Library A/43/LLA s/L9464 English Page 2 Al,INEX Final, communiq\r6 and reconmendations adopted at the enerqencv meetinq of the al-euds Comnittae on 15 .rumada I a.g. -
Defeating Terror Promoting Peace ISRAEL MINISTRY of FOREIGN AFFAIRS
ISRAEL MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS Israel’s Operation against Hamas Defeating Terror Promoting Peace ISRAEL MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS 1 Moderates vs. Extremists The Struggle for Regional Peace Israel desires peace with those who seek peace, but must deter those who seek its destruction ISRAEL MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS Israel's greatest hope Signing the Israel-Jordan is to live in peace and security with all its neighbors Peace Treaty ISRAEL MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS Prime Minister Begin, President Sadat and Israel Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and Foreign Minister Livni meets with Qatar President Carter signing the Israel-Egypt Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas Prime Minister Hamad bin Jassem bin Jabr Al- Peace Treaty, Washington, 26 March 1979 with US President Bush at the Annapolis Thani at the 8th Doha Forum on Democracy, Conference, November 2007 Development, and Free Trade (April 2008) More info Foreign Minister Livni meets with Former Israel Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, MASHAV Course for Palestinian Farmers on Foreign Minister of Oman Yousef Bin Alawi US President George Bush and Palestinian Cooperative Development in Rural Areas Prime Minister Mahmoud Abbas Middle East summit in Aqaba (June 2003) Israel has proven its ability to make peace with those who desire peace. The moderates in the region agree on the need for a “two-state solution” to the Palestinian issue ISRAEL MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS Assad and Ahmadinejad Hamas in Gaza - September 2007 Ahmadinejad and Nasrallah While Israel desires peace with those who seek peace, -
Saudi Arabia, Iran and De-Escalation in the Persian Gulf
Saudi Arabia, Iran and De-Escalation in the Persian Gulf Contents Acknowledgements About the authors Introduction 1. Simon Mabon and Edward Wastnidge, Saudi Arabia and Iran: Resilient Rivalries and Pragmatic Possibilities 2. Cinzia Bianco, KSA-Iran rivalry: an analysis of Saudi strategic calculus 3. Shahram Akbarzadeh, Iran-Hizbullah ‘Proxy’ Relations 4. Lawrence Rubin, Saudi Arabia, Iran and the United States 5. Clive Jones, A Chimera of Rapprochement: Iran and the Gulf Monarchies: The View from Israel 6. Banafsheh Keynoush, Prospects for Talks between Iran and Saudi Arabia 7. Robert Mason, Towards Peace Building in Saudi-Iranian Relations 8. Sukru Cildir, OPEC as a Site of De-Escalation? 9. Ibrahim Fraihat, Reconciliation: Saudi Arabia and Iran 10. Kristian Coates Ulrichsen, Diplomacy and de-escalation in the Persian Gulf 11. Eyad Al Refai and Samira Nasirzadeh, Saudi Arabia and Iran: How our two countries could make peace and bring stability to the Middle East. Concluding Remarks Acknowledgements SEPAD has been generously funded by Carnegie Corporation of New York. We would like to extend thanks to Hillary Weisner and Nehal Amer for their continuous support in all ways imaginable. We would also like to thank all those who contributed pieces to this report. This was undertaken during the formative stages of the COVID19 pandemic and we are grateful that authors were able to offer contributions on this important topic at a time when they were facing myriad other pressures and demands on their time; thank you. We would also like to thank Elias Ghazal for his editorial and technological support. About the Authors Shahram Akbarzadeh is Research Professor of Middle East and Central Asian Politics at Deakin University. -
The Goals and Significance of Hamas's New Political Document
May 8, 2017 The goals and significance of Hamas’s new political document The front page of Hamas’s new political document, or, to use its full name: “A Document of General Principles and Policies” The goals of the political document and the background of its publication 1. On May 1, 2017, Hamas published a political document entitled “A Document of General Principles and Policies” (hereinafter: the “Political Document”). This document, which includes 42 sections, was published on the Hamas website in two versions: an Arabic version and a version translated into English (see appendices). An examination of the two versions reveals that there are slight differences in the translation into English compared with the Arabic source, but no significant differences were found between them. The document was published at the end of Khaled Mash’al’s term as chairman of the movement’s political bureau and was presented by him at a press conference in Qatar (May 1, 2017). 2. The Political Document is intended to update the ideology and basic concepts that appeared in the 1988 Hamas Charter.1 The document was aimed to adapt them 1The text of the Charter and an analysis of its sections appear in the ITIC’s bulletin from May 5, 2006 (http://www.terrorism-info.org.il/en/article/18894). 093-17 2 to the current strategic reality, which has changed unrecognizably since the charter was written. The differences in the (Arabic) names of these documents - charter (mithaq) versus document (wathiqa) - are not semantic, since the term “charter” is more binding than “document”. -
Darwich2015.Pdf
This thesis has been submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for a postgraduate degree (e.g. PhD, MPhil, DClinPsychol) at the University of Edinburgh. Please note the following terms and conditions of use: This work is protected by copyright and other intellectual property rights, which are retained by the thesis author, unless otherwise stated. A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the author. The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the author. When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given. Ideational and Material Forces in Threat Perception Saudi and Syrian Choices in Middle East Wars May Darwich PhD The University of Edinburgh 2015 1 2 Declaration I declare that this thesis is of my own composition with acknowledgement of other sources, and that it has not been submitted for any other degree or professional qualification. May Darwich 3 4 Abstract How do states perceive threats? Why are material forces sometimes more prominent in shaping threat perception, whereas ideational ones are key in other instances? This study aims to move beyond the task of determining whether material or ideational factors offer a more plausible explanation by arguing that threat perception is a function of the interplay between material factors and state identity, the influence of which can run both ways. -
B R I E F I R
IRMO Institut za razvoj i međunarodne odnose Institute for Development and International Relations I R M O Ured u Zagrebu B R E F 12 2020 I From Pariah to Partner: A View from Israel on a Realigned Middle East By Or Yissachar Introduction Flight number LY971 on Monday 31 August Tel Aviv from using their airspace, much less land 2020, was in many respects anything but in their airports, even referring to it merely as “the Zionist entity”. Much more fundamentally another Middle East destination. Traditionally, than technical disagreement over policy items a mundane commercial flight traveling to the Arab world’s maximum pressure campaign or territorial arrangements, the Arab world against Israel was designed not only to call into has made clear what was best enunciated in question its existence militarily, but crumble its the infamous 1967 Khartoum “Three No’s”: legitimacy diplomatically – prohibiting Israeli “No peace with Israel, no recognition of Israel, citizens from entering their territories, banning no negotiations with Israel.” Despite episodic Israeli and other airlines traveling to and from under-the-radar contacts, the Arab world had IRMO BRIEF 12/2020 1 operated under the assumption that any cracks relationship with Israel is but one component. construed as de facto recognition of a country mirrors the formation of the three new regional in this well-fortified wall could have been Challenging the status quo, this reconfiguration considered a red rag. axes: Iran and its proxies, Turkey and the Muslim Brotherhood and other radical Islamist Yet recently, this red rag has paled considerably. movements, and unprecedently, the Israeli- moderate Sunni-American axis. -
From War to Deterrence? Israel-Hezbollah Conflict Since 2006
FOR THIS AND OTHER PUBLICATIONS, VISIT US AT UNITED STATES http://www.carlisle.army.mil/ ARMY WAR COLLEGE PRESS Carlisle Barracks, PA and FROM WAR TO DETERRENCE? ISRAEL-HEZBOLLAH CONFLICT SINCE 2006 U.S. ARMY WAR COLLEGE Jean-Loup Samaan This Publication SSI Website USAWC Website The United States Army War College The United States Army War College educates and develops leaders for service at the strategic level while advancing knowledge in the global application of Landpower. The purpose of the United States Army War College is to produce graduates who are skilled critical thinkers and complex problem solvers. Concurrently, it is our duty to the U.S. Army to also act as a “think factory” for commanders and civilian leaders at the strategic level worldwide and routinely engage in discourse and debate concerning the role of ground forces in achieving national security objectives. The Strategic Studies Institute publishes national security and strategic research and analysis to influence policy debate and bridge the gap between military and academia. The Center for Strategic Leadership and Development CENTER for contributes to the education of world class senior STRATEGIC LEADERSHIP and DEVELOPMENT leaders, develops expert knowledge, and provides U.S. ARMY WAR COLLEGE solutions to strategic Army issues affecting the national security community. The Peacekeeping and Stability Operations Institute provides subject matter expertise, technical review, and writing expertise to agencies that develop stability operations concepts and doctrines. U.S. Army War College The Senior Leader Development and Resiliency program supports the United States Army War College’s lines of SLDR effort to educate strategic leaders and provide well-being Senior Leader Development and Resiliency education and support by developing self-awareness through leader feedback and leader resiliency. -
The Ideological Transformation of Hezbollah Since Its Involvement in the Syrian Civil War : Local Perspectives and Foreign Observations
The Ideological Transformation of Hezbollah Since its Involvement in the Syrian Civil War : Local Perspectives and Foreign Observations Mémoire Ian Mac Donald Maîtrise en science politique - avec mémoire Maître ès arts (M.A.) Québec, Canada © Ian Mac Donald, 2020 Introduction Political and social movements use ideology as a method of justifying, interpreting, and challenging the surrounding social-political order (McAdam, Doug, et al., 1996). The success with which a social or political movement constructs and expresses the set of explanatory and normative beliefs and assumptions that make up its ideology can often translate into its competitive advantage over contending movements. In the modern nation-state, nationalist ideology, where nations are “imagined communities,” according to Benedict Anderson, is the most common form of political ideology that fabricates a collective intersubjective identity for a population and legitimates groups’ power. However, in Lebanon, sectarianism, where political ideology is tied to a specific religious community, is also a compelling narrative that has so often characterized the ideology of the myriad actors in Lebanese state and society. In the Lebanese political realm, sectarian and nationalist ideologies of organizations and movements both blend and compete with each other as elites vie for political power over populations. Authors of sectarianism often take a constructivist and instrumentalist approach in explaining the ideological power of sectarianism in Lebanon: Just as history demonstrates state leaders’ use of nationalist fervour in the pursuit of political power, sectarianism is also an ideology in which elites can play a manipulative role and exploit the religious identity of populations in order to further their own political goals (Cammett, 2014; Haddad, 2011; Salloukh, Barakat, Al-Habbal, Khattab, & Mikaelian, 2015; Wehrey, 2018). -
The Creation of a Regional Coalition Against Israel: Obstacles and Warning Signs
The Creation of a Regional Coalition Against Israel: Obstacles and Warning Signs Shlomo Brom and Ofir Winter In April 2018, the IDF Strategy document was published, which assessed that “in recent years and in looking to the coming years, Israel’s strategic standing is solid and has a ‘positive balance sheet’ that is better than all of its enemies in the region.” According to the document, the implication of such a balance sheet “diminishes the potential for war against a military- political coalition.”1 Indeed, an analysis of the overall regional situation, which includes Israel, and individual analyses of the states that could be a central threat reference show that Israel is unlikely to face a broad regional Arab-Islamic coalition in the foreseeable future that would pose an existential—not even serious— threat to its security. The reasons for this are varied, including the absence of a hegemonic, conventional ideology that champions this objective; Israel’s military advantage and the lack of sufficient military power and resources among its potential enemies; inherent and unbridgeable internal divisions and rifts within the Arab and Islamic camps; great support for Israel by the United States; the weakness of the Arab state framework and the inward focus of the states in the region; the view among some of the Arab states that Israel is an ally—albeit covertly—in addressing shared strategic threats, which they see as more important than the conflict with Israel; and the The authors are grateful to the members of the research team: Dr. Yoel Guzansky, Dr. Mark Heller, Dr. -
Israel and Hamas: Conflict in Gaza (2008-2009)
= 87&*1=&3)= &2&8a=43+1.(9=.3=&?&=,**28,**3== .2=&3499.`= 447).3&947= 3&1>89=.3= .))1*=&89*73=++&.78= &741=.,)&14;.9?= 5*(.&1.89=.3= .))1*=&89*73=++&.78= *7*2>=_=-&75= 5*(.&1.89=.3= .))1*=&89*73=++&.78= &8*>=_=)).8= 3&1>89=.3= .))1*=&89*73=++&.78= -7.8945-*7=_=1&3(-&7)= 3&1>89=.3= .))1*=&89*73=++&.78= -4)&=&7,*8843= 5*(.&1.89=.3=39*73&9.43&1=:2&3.9&7.&3=41.(>= *'7:&7>=+3`=,**3= 43,7*88.43&1= *8*&7(-=*7;.(*= 18/1**= <<<_(78_,4;= .*+*+= =*5479=+47=43,7*88 Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress 87&*1=&3)= &2&8a= 43+1.(9=.3=&?&=,**28,**3== = :22&7>= On December 27, 2008, Israel launched a major military campaign dubbed “Operation Cast Lead” against Hamas in the Gaza Strip. The Israeli offensive came in response to markedly increased Palestinian rocket fire following the expiration of a six-month cease-fire on December 19. On January 3, 2009, Israel began a ground offensive into Gaza. Despite international pressure to halt the fighting (including the passage of U.N. Security Council Resolution 1860 on January 8), the conflict continued until January 18, when Israel unilaterally ceased fire and Hamas followed suit shortly thereafter. Israel’s technological superiority and reliance on heavy armor and firepower contributed to a wide disparity in casualties—approximately 1,440 Palestinians have died (with some organizations estimating that at least half of the dead are civilians), compared with 13 dead (including four civilians) on the Israeli side.