Anti-Semitism and Anti-Zionism in Iran: the Role of Identity Processes
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Iran 2019 International Religious Freedom Report
IRAN 2019 INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM REPORT Executive Summary The constitution defines the country as an Islamic republic and specifies Twelver Ja’afari Shia Islam as the official state religion. It states all laws and regulations must be based on “Islamic criteria” and an official interpretation of sharia. The constitution states citizens shall enjoy human, political, economic, and other rights, “in conformity with Islamic criteria.” The penal code specifies the death sentence for proselytizing and attempts by non-Muslims to convert Muslims, as well as for moharebeh (“enmity against God”) and sabb al-nabi (“insulting the Prophet”). According to the penal code, the application of the death penalty varies depending on the religion of both the perpetrator and the victim. The law prohibits Muslim citizens from changing or renouncing their religious beliefs. The constitution also stipulates five non-Ja’afari Islamic schools shall be “accorded full respect” and official status in matters of religious education and certain personal affairs. The constitution states Zoroastrians, Jews, and Christians, excluding converts from Islam, are the only recognized religious minorities permitted to worship and form religious societies “within the limits of the law.” The government continued to execute individuals on charges of “enmity against God,” including two Sunni Ahwazi Arab minority prisoners at Fajr Prison on August 4. Human rights nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) continued to report the disproportionately large number of executions of Sunni prisoners, particularly Kurds, Baluchis, and Arabs. Human rights groups raised concerns regarding the use of torture, beatings in custody, forced confessions, poor prison conditions, and denials of access to legal counsel. -
HOLOCAUST DENIAL IS a FORM of HATE SPEECH Raphael Cohen
HOLOCAUST DENIAL IS A FORM OF HATE SPEECH ∗∗∗ Raphael Cohen-Almagor Introduction Recently Facebook confirmed that it has disabled a group called ‘I Hate Muslims in Oz.’ Barry Schnitt explained: “We disabled the ‘I Hate Muslims in Oz’ group… because it contained an explicit statement of hate. Where Holocaust-denial groups have done this and been reported, we’ve taken the same action”.1 Facebook distinguishes between ‘explicit statement of hate’ and Holocaust denial. Its directors believe that Holocaust denial is not hateful per se and does not therefore contravene the company’s terms of service. The terms of service say: “You will not post content that is hateful, threatening, pornographic, or that contains nudity or graphic or gratuitous violence”. 2 Schnitt said: “We’re always discussing and evaluating our policies on reported content, but have no plans to change this policy at this time. In addition to discussing it internally, we continue to engage with third-party experts on the issue”.3 In this short piece I wish to take issue with the assertion that Holocaust denial is not hateful per se . My aim is to show that it is, and therefore that Facebook should reconsider its position. All Internet providers and web- hosting companies whose terms of service disallow hateful messages on their servers should not host or provide forums for such hate-mongering. This is of urgent need as Holocaust denial is prevalent in Europe, the United States (USA) and across the Arab and Muslim parts of the world. Iran’s regime, under the disputed leadership of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, has made questioning the Holocaust one of the centerpieces of its radical ∗ Educator, researcher and human rights activist. -
Brigitte Bailer-Galanda “Revisionism”1 in Germany and Austria: the Evolution of a Doctrine
www.doew.at Brigitte Bailer-Galanda “Revisionism”1 in Germany and Austria: The Evolution of a Doctrine Published in: Hermann Kurthen/Rainer Erb/Werner Bergmann (ed.), Anti-Sem- itism and Xenophobia in Germany after Unification, New York–Oxford 1997 Development of “revisionism” since 1945 Most people understand so called „revisionism“ as just another word for the movement of holocaust denial (Benz 1994; Lipstadt 1993; Shapiro 1990). Therefore it was suggested lately to use the word „negationism“ instead. How- ever in the author‘s point of view „revisionism“ covers some more topics than just the denying of the National Socialist mass murders. Especially in Germany and Austria there are some more points of National Socialist politics some people have tried to minimize or apologize since 1945, e. g. the responsibility for World War II, the attack on the Soviet Union in 1941 (quite a modern topic), (the discussion) about the number of the victims of the holocaust a. s. o.. In the seventies the late historian Martin Broszat already called that movement „run- ning amok against reality“ (Broszat 1976). These pseudo-historical writers, many of them just right wing extremist publishers or people who quite rapidly turned to right wing extremists, really try to prove that history has not taken place, just as if they were able to make events undone by denying them. A conception of “negationism” (Auerbach 1993a; Fromm and Kernbach 1994, p. 9; Landesamt für Verfassungsschutz 1994) or “holocaust denial” (Lipstadt 1993, p. 20) would neglect the additional components of “revision- ism”, which are logically connected with the denying of the holocaust, this being the extreme variant. -
Between Denial and "Comparative Trivialization": Holocaust Negationism in Post-Communist East Central Europe
Between Denial and "Comparative Trivialization": Holocaust Negationism in Post-Communist East Central Europe Michael Shafir Motto: They used to pour millet on graves or poppy seeds To feed the dead who would come disguised as birds. I put this book here for you, who once lived So that you should visit us no more Czeslaw Milosz Introduction* Holocaust denial in post-Communist East Central Europe is a fact. And, like most facts, its shades are many. Sometimes, denial comes in explicit forms – visible and universally-aggressive. At other times, however, it is implicit rather than explicit, particularistic rather than universal, defensive rather than aggressive. And between these two poles, the spectrum is large enough to allow for a large variety of forms, some of which may escape the eye of all but the most versatile connoisseurs of country-specific history, culture, or immediate political environment. In other words, Holocaust denial in the region ranges from sheer emulation of negationism elsewhere in the world to regional-specific forms of collective defense of national "historic memory" and to merely banal, indeed sometime cynical, attempts at the utilitarian exploitation of an immediate political context.1 The paradox of Holocaust negation in East Central Europe is that, alas, this is neither "good" nor "bad" for the Jews.2 But it is an important part of the * I would like to acknowledge the support of the J. and O. Winter Fund of the Graduate Center of the City University of New York for research conducted in connection with this project. I am indebted to friends and colleagues who read manuscripts of earlier versions and provided comments and corrections. -
General Assembly Security Gouncil Distr
UNITED AS NATIONS General Assembly Security Gouncil Distr. GENERAL A/43/LLA s/L9464 29 January 1988 ENGLISH ORIGINAL: ARABIC,/FRENCH GENERAL ASSEI4BLY SECURITY COUNCIL Forty-third session Forty-third year CO-OPERATION BETTiEEN THE UNITED NATIONS AND THE ORGANIZATION OF THE ISLAMIC CONFERENCE QUESTION OF PATESTINE THE SITUATION IN THE MIDDLE EAST REPORT OF THE SPECIAL @MMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE ISRAELI PRACTICES AFFECTING THE HUI.{AIiI RIGHTS OF THE POPUI"ATION OF THE OCCUPIED TERRITORIES Letter dated 29 January 1988 from the Permanent Representative of Morocco to the United Nations addressed to the Secretarv-General On instructions from my Governnent, I have the honour to forward herewith the official final cornrnuniqu6 and resolution adopted at the emergency meeting of the Al-Quds conrmittee held in rfrane, Morocco, on 15 Jumada r A.H. 1408 (5 January 1988). I should be grateful if you would arrange for the text of this Letter and the annex thereto to be distributed as a docunent of the General Assembly, under the items entitled trCo-operation between the United Nations and the Organization of the Islamic Conference", "Question of Palestine", trThe situation in the !4iddle East", and "Report of the Speciat Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices affecting the Human Rights of the Population of the Occupied Territories', and of the Security Council. (siqned) Driss STAOUI Ambassador Permanent Representative 88-02109 3s84R (E) Digitized by Dag Hammarskjöld Library A/43/LLA s/L9464 English Page 2 Al,INEX Final, communiq\r6 and reconmendations adopted at the enerqencv meetinq of the al-euds Comnittae on 15 .rumada I a.g. -
Social Transformation of Pakistan Under Urdu Language
Social Transformations in Contemporary Society, 2021 (9) ISSN 2345-0126 (online) SOCIAL TRANSFORMATION OF PAKISTAN UNDER URDU LANGUAGE Dr. Sohaib Mukhtar Bahria University, Pakistan [email protected] Abstract Urdu is the national language of Pakistan under article 251 of the Constitution of Pakistan 1973. Urdu language is the first brick upon which whole building of Pakistan is built. In pronunciation both Hindi in India and Urdu in Pakistan are same but in script Indian choose their religious writing style Sanskrit also called Devanagari as Muslims of Pakistan choose Arabic script for writing Urdu language. Urdu language is based on two nation theory which is the basis of the creation of Pakistan. There are two nations in Indian Sub-continent (i) Hindu, and (ii) Muslims therefore Muslims of Indian sub- continent chanted for separate Muslim Land Pakistan in Indian sub-continent thus struggled for achieving separate homeland Pakistan where Muslims can freely practice their religious duties which is not possible in a country where non-Muslims are in majority thus Urdu which is derived from Arabic, Persian, and Turkish declared the national language of Pakistan as official language is still English thus steps are required to be taken at Government level to make Urdu as official language of Pakistan. There are various local languages of Pakistan mainly: Punjabi, Sindhi, Pashto, Balochi, Kashmiri, Balti and it is fundamental right of all citizens of Pakistan under article 28 of the Constitution of Pakistan 1973 to protect, preserve, and promote their local languages and local culture but the national language of Pakistan is Urdu according to article 251 of the Constitution of Pakistan 1973. -
Jews, Radical Catholic Traditionalists, and the Extreme Right
“Artisans … for Antichrist”: Jews, Radical Catholic Traditionalists, and the Extreme Right Mark Weitzman* The Israeli historian, Israel J. Yuval, recently wrote: The Christian-Jewish debate that started nineteen hundred years ago, in our day came to a conciliatory close. … In one fell swoop, the anti-Jewish position of Christianity became reprehensible and illegitimate. … Ours is thus the first generation of scholars that can and may discuss the Christian-Jewish debate from a certain remove … a post- polemical age.1 This appraisal helped spur Yuval to write his recent controversial book Two Nations in Your Womb: Perceptions of Jews and Christians in late Antiquity and the Middle Ages. Yuval based his optimistic assessment on the strength of the reforms in Catholicism that stemmed from the adoption by the Second Vatican Council in 1965 of the document known as Nostra Aetate. Nostra Aetate in Michael Phayer’s words, was the “revolution- ary” document that signified “the Catholic church’s reversal of its 2,000 year tradition of antisemitism.”2 Yet recent events in the relationship between Catholics and Jews could well cause one to wonder about the optimism inherent in Yuval’s pronouncement. For, while the established Catholic Church is still officially committed to the teachings of Nostra Aetate, the opponents of that document and of “modernity” in general have continued their fight and appear to have gained, if not a foothold, at least a hearing in the Vatican today. And, since in the view of these radical Catholic traditionalists “[i]nternational Judaism wants to radically defeat Christianity and to be its substitute” using tools like the Free- * Director of Government Affairs, Simon Wiesenthal Center. -
Defeating Terror Promoting Peace ISRAEL MINISTRY of FOREIGN AFFAIRS
ISRAEL MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS Israel’s Operation against Hamas Defeating Terror Promoting Peace ISRAEL MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS 1 Moderates vs. Extremists The Struggle for Regional Peace Israel desires peace with those who seek peace, but must deter those who seek its destruction ISRAEL MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS Israel's greatest hope Signing the Israel-Jordan is to live in peace and security with all its neighbors Peace Treaty ISRAEL MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS Prime Minister Begin, President Sadat and Israel Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and Foreign Minister Livni meets with Qatar President Carter signing the Israel-Egypt Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas Prime Minister Hamad bin Jassem bin Jabr Al- Peace Treaty, Washington, 26 March 1979 with US President Bush at the Annapolis Thani at the 8th Doha Forum on Democracy, Conference, November 2007 Development, and Free Trade (April 2008) More info Foreign Minister Livni meets with Former Israel Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, MASHAV Course for Palestinian Farmers on Foreign Minister of Oman Yousef Bin Alawi US President George Bush and Palestinian Cooperative Development in Rural Areas Prime Minister Mahmoud Abbas Middle East summit in Aqaba (June 2003) Israel has proven its ability to make peace with those who desire peace. The moderates in the region agree on the need for a “two-state solution” to the Palestinian issue ISRAEL MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS Assad and Ahmadinejad Hamas in Gaza - September 2007 Ahmadinejad and Nasrallah While Israel desires peace with those who seek peace, -
The Goals and Significance of Hamas's New Political Document
May 8, 2017 The goals and significance of Hamas’s new political document The front page of Hamas’s new political document, or, to use its full name: “A Document of General Principles and Policies” The goals of the political document and the background of its publication 1. On May 1, 2017, Hamas published a political document entitled “A Document of General Principles and Policies” (hereinafter: the “Political Document”). This document, which includes 42 sections, was published on the Hamas website in two versions: an Arabic version and a version translated into English (see appendices). An examination of the two versions reveals that there are slight differences in the translation into English compared with the Arabic source, but no significant differences were found between them. The document was published at the end of Khaled Mash’al’s term as chairman of the movement’s political bureau and was presented by him at a press conference in Qatar (May 1, 2017). 2. The Political Document is intended to update the ideology and basic concepts that appeared in the 1988 Hamas Charter.1 The document was aimed to adapt them 1The text of the Charter and an analysis of its sections appear in the ITIC’s bulletin from May 5, 2006 (http://www.terrorism-info.org.il/en/article/18894). 093-17 2 to the current strategic reality, which has changed unrecognizably since the charter was written. The differences in the (Arabic) names of these documents - charter (mithaq) versus document (wathiqa) - are not semantic, since the term “charter” is more binding than “document”. -
THE FALL and RISE of the ISLAMIC STATE a Project on U.S
THE FALL AND RISE OF THE ISLAMIC STATE A Project on U.S. Relations with the Islamic World Policy Luncheon with Noah Feldman Professor of Law Harvard University Lama Abu-Odeh Professor of Law Georgetown University Moderated by: Stephen R. Grand Fellow and Director Project on U.S. Relations with the Islamic World Saban Center at Brookings Thursday, May 29th, 2008 12:30-2:00 p.m., Stein Room The Brookings Institution 1775 Massachusetts Ave. NW Washington, D.C. 20036 * * * * * 2 PROCEEDINGS MR. GRAND: Let me welcome everyone here today. My name is Steve Grand. I am Director of the Project on U.S. Relations with the Islamic World housed within the Saban Center for Middle East Policy at Brookings. We are extremely pleased today to have with us Professor Noah Feldman for discussion of his new book "The Fall and Rise of the Islamic State." We are also pleased to have with him as a commentator today Professor Lama Abu-Odeh. I believe you have in your materials bios on both of the speakers, so I will just briefly introduce them and turn to Noah to speak briefly about the book and then Professor Abu-Odeh to offer some comments on the book. Then we will open it to a more general discussion. For those who do not know Professor Noah Feldman, he is a professor of law just recently moved to Boston where he is at Harvard Law School, previously at Yale University. He's also an Adjunct Senior Fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations. In addition to being a former Rhodes Scholar and Carnegie Scholar, in 2003 he served as Senior Constitutional Adviser to the Coalition Provisional Authority in Iraq and played an important role in advising the Iraq Governing Council on the drafting of the Interim Constitution. -
B R I E F I R
IRMO Institut za razvoj i međunarodne odnose Institute for Development and International Relations I R M O Ured u Zagrebu B R E F 12 2020 I From Pariah to Partner: A View from Israel on a Realigned Middle East By Or Yissachar Introduction Flight number LY971 on Monday 31 August Tel Aviv from using their airspace, much less land 2020, was in many respects anything but in their airports, even referring to it merely as “the Zionist entity”. Much more fundamentally another Middle East destination. Traditionally, than technical disagreement over policy items a mundane commercial flight traveling to the Arab world’s maximum pressure campaign or territorial arrangements, the Arab world against Israel was designed not only to call into has made clear what was best enunciated in question its existence militarily, but crumble its the infamous 1967 Khartoum “Three No’s”: legitimacy diplomatically – prohibiting Israeli “No peace with Israel, no recognition of Israel, citizens from entering their territories, banning no negotiations with Israel.” Despite episodic Israeli and other airlines traveling to and from under-the-radar contacts, the Arab world had IRMO BRIEF 12/2020 1 operated under the assumption that any cracks relationship with Israel is but one component. construed as de facto recognition of a country mirrors the formation of the three new regional in this well-fortified wall could have been Challenging the status quo, this reconfiguration considered a red rag. axes: Iran and its proxies, Turkey and the Muslim Brotherhood and other radical Islamist Yet recently, this red rag has paled considerably. movements, and unprecedently, the Israeli- moderate Sunni-American axis. -
Penalizing Holocaust Denial: a View from Europe
Penalizing Holocaust Denial: A View from Europe Aleksandra Gliszczyńska-Grabias* The visual evidence and the verbal testimony of starvation, cruelty and bestiality were so overpowering as to leave me a bit sick. In one room, where [there] were piled up twenty or thirty naked men, killed by starvation, George Patton would not even enter. He said that he would get sick if he did so. I made the visit deliberately, in or- der to be in a position to give first-hand evidence of these things if ever, in the future, there develops a tendency to charge these allegations merely to “propaganda.” 1 General Dwight D. Eisenhower. The alleged Hitlerian gas chambers and the alleged genocide of the Jews form one and the same historical lie, which permitted a gigantic financial swindle whose chief beneficiaries have been the State of Israel and international Zionism, and whose main victims have been the German people and the Palestinian people as a whole. 2 Robert Faurisson. I. INTRODUCTION Incorporating Holocaust denial into the catalogue of issues governed by legal provi- sions, and in particular by the provisions of criminal law, raises a number of under- standable doubts. Aside from the controversies related to the indisputable interference with freedom of speech, there are problems concerning the form of legal provisions that would ban the dissemination of the negationists’ theories, as well as difficulties in guaranteeing the effectiveness and consistency of their proper enforcement.3 * Research Assistant, Poznań Human Rights Centre, Institute of Legal Studies of the Polish Academy of Sciences; Graduate Fellow, Yale Initiative for the Interdisciplinary Study of Anti- semitism (YIISA), Yale University.