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Anti-Semitism and Anti-Zionism in Iran: the Role of Identity Processes
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Nottingham Trent Institutional Repository (IRep) 1 Anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism in Iran: the role of identity processes Rusi Jaspal De Montfort University, Leicester, UK Anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism constitute two important ideological building blocks of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Yet, there is no existing research into the psychosocial motives underlying the manifestation of anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism at the institutional level in Iran. Here it is argued that there is much heuristic and predictive value in applying tenets of identity process theory (IPT), a socio-psychological model of identity threat and action, to the primarily socio-historical literature on anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism in Iran. The paper provides a summary of anti-Semitism, anti-Zionism and ‘new anti-Semitism’ and IPT. The substantive section of the paper explores (i) how anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism may restore feelings of belonging in the Muslim world and beyond; (ii) the inter-relations between ingroup and outgroup self-efficacy; (iii) the psychosocial motivation to maintain Shiite ideology and Khomeini’s legacy; and (iv) the construction of Jews and Israel in terms of a threat to group continuity. It is suggested that insights into the motivational principles underlying anti-Semitism and anti- Zionism at the institutional level may inform empirical research into social representations of Jews and Israel in Iran. More broadly, this paper highlights the potential contribution of social psychology to existing work on anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism in the humanities. -
Defeating Terror Promoting Peace ISRAEL MINISTRY of FOREIGN AFFAIRS
ISRAEL MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS Israel’s Operation against Hamas Defeating Terror Promoting Peace ISRAEL MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS 1 Moderates vs. Extremists The Struggle for Regional Peace Israel desires peace with those who seek peace, but must deter those who seek its destruction ISRAEL MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS Israel's greatest hope Signing the Israel-Jordan is to live in peace and security with all its neighbors Peace Treaty ISRAEL MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS Prime Minister Begin, President Sadat and Israel Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and Foreign Minister Livni meets with Qatar President Carter signing the Israel-Egypt Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas Prime Minister Hamad bin Jassem bin Jabr Al- Peace Treaty, Washington, 26 March 1979 with US President Bush at the Annapolis Thani at the 8th Doha Forum on Democracy, Conference, November 2007 Development, and Free Trade (April 2008) More info Foreign Minister Livni meets with Former Israel Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, MASHAV Course for Palestinian Farmers on Foreign Minister of Oman Yousef Bin Alawi US President George Bush and Palestinian Cooperative Development in Rural Areas Prime Minister Mahmoud Abbas Middle East summit in Aqaba (June 2003) Israel has proven its ability to make peace with those who desire peace. The moderates in the region agree on the need for a “two-state solution” to the Palestinian issue ISRAEL MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS Assad and Ahmadinejad Hamas in Gaza - September 2007 Ahmadinejad and Nasrallah While Israel desires peace with those who seek peace, -
The Goals and Significance of Hamas's New Political Document
May 8, 2017 The goals and significance of Hamas’s new political document The front page of Hamas’s new political document, or, to use its full name: “A Document of General Principles and Policies” The goals of the political document and the background of its publication 1. On May 1, 2017, Hamas published a political document entitled “A Document of General Principles and Policies” (hereinafter: the “Political Document”). This document, which includes 42 sections, was published on the Hamas website in two versions: an Arabic version and a version translated into English (see appendices). An examination of the two versions reveals that there are slight differences in the translation into English compared with the Arabic source, but no significant differences were found between them. The document was published at the end of Khaled Mash’al’s term as chairman of the movement’s political bureau and was presented by him at a press conference in Qatar (May 1, 2017). 2. The Political Document is intended to update the ideology and basic concepts that appeared in the 1988 Hamas Charter.1 The document was aimed to adapt them 1The text of the Charter and an analysis of its sections appear in the ITIC’s bulletin from May 5, 2006 (http://www.terrorism-info.org.il/en/article/18894). 093-17 2 to the current strategic reality, which has changed unrecognizably since the charter was written. The differences in the (Arabic) names of these documents - charter (mithaq) versus document (wathiqa) - are not semantic, since the term “charter” is more binding than “document”. -
B R I E F I R
IRMO Institut za razvoj i međunarodne odnose Institute for Development and International Relations I R M O Ured u Zagrebu B R E F 12 2020 I From Pariah to Partner: A View from Israel on a Realigned Middle East By Or Yissachar Introduction Flight number LY971 on Monday 31 August Tel Aviv from using their airspace, much less land 2020, was in many respects anything but in their airports, even referring to it merely as “the Zionist entity”. Much more fundamentally another Middle East destination. Traditionally, than technical disagreement over policy items a mundane commercial flight traveling to the Arab world’s maximum pressure campaign or territorial arrangements, the Arab world against Israel was designed not only to call into has made clear what was best enunciated in question its existence militarily, but crumble its the infamous 1967 Khartoum “Three No’s”: legitimacy diplomatically – prohibiting Israeli “No peace with Israel, no recognition of Israel, citizens from entering their territories, banning no negotiations with Israel.” Despite episodic Israeli and other airlines traveling to and from under-the-radar contacts, the Arab world had IRMO BRIEF 12/2020 1 operated under the assumption that any cracks relationship with Israel is but one component. construed as de facto recognition of a country mirrors the formation of the three new regional in this well-fortified wall could have been Challenging the status quo, this reconfiguration considered a red rag. axes: Iran and its proxies, Turkey and the Muslim Brotherhood and other radical Islamist Yet recently, this red rag has paled considerably. movements, and unprecedently, the Israeli- moderate Sunni-American axis. -
From War to Deterrence? Israel-Hezbollah Conflict Since 2006
FOR THIS AND OTHER PUBLICATIONS, VISIT US AT UNITED STATES http://www.carlisle.army.mil/ ARMY WAR COLLEGE PRESS Carlisle Barracks, PA and FROM WAR TO DETERRENCE? ISRAEL-HEZBOLLAH CONFLICT SINCE 2006 U.S. ARMY WAR COLLEGE Jean-Loup Samaan This Publication SSI Website USAWC Website The United States Army War College The United States Army War College educates and develops leaders for service at the strategic level while advancing knowledge in the global application of Landpower. The purpose of the United States Army War College is to produce graduates who are skilled critical thinkers and complex problem solvers. Concurrently, it is our duty to the U.S. Army to also act as a “think factory” for commanders and civilian leaders at the strategic level worldwide and routinely engage in discourse and debate concerning the role of ground forces in achieving national security objectives. The Strategic Studies Institute publishes national security and strategic research and analysis to influence policy debate and bridge the gap between military and academia. The Center for Strategic Leadership and Development CENTER for contributes to the education of world class senior STRATEGIC LEADERSHIP and DEVELOPMENT leaders, develops expert knowledge, and provides U.S. ARMY WAR COLLEGE solutions to strategic Army issues affecting the national security community. The Peacekeeping and Stability Operations Institute provides subject matter expertise, technical review, and writing expertise to agencies that develop stability operations concepts and doctrines. U.S. Army War College The Senior Leader Development and Resiliency program supports the United States Army War College’s lines of SLDR effort to educate strategic leaders and provide well-being Senior Leader Development and Resiliency education and support by developing self-awareness through leader feedback and leader resiliency. -
The Creation of a Regional Coalition Against Israel: Obstacles and Warning Signs
The Creation of a Regional Coalition Against Israel: Obstacles and Warning Signs Shlomo Brom and Ofir Winter In April 2018, the IDF Strategy document was published, which assessed that “in recent years and in looking to the coming years, Israel’s strategic standing is solid and has a ‘positive balance sheet’ that is better than all of its enemies in the region.” According to the document, the implication of such a balance sheet “diminishes the potential for war against a military- political coalition.”1 Indeed, an analysis of the overall regional situation, which includes Israel, and individual analyses of the states that could be a central threat reference show that Israel is unlikely to face a broad regional Arab-Islamic coalition in the foreseeable future that would pose an existential—not even serious— threat to its security. The reasons for this are varied, including the absence of a hegemonic, conventional ideology that champions this objective; Israel’s military advantage and the lack of sufficient military power and resources among its potential enemies; inherent and unbridgeable internal divisions and rifts within the Arab and Islamic camps; great support for Israel by the United States; the weakness of the Arab state framework and the inward focus of the states in the region; the view among some of the Arab states that Israel is an ally—albeit covertly—in addressing shared strategic threats, which they see as more important than the conflict with Israel; and the The authors are grateful to the members of the research team: Dr. Yoel Guzansky, Dr. Mark Heller, Dr. -
Israel and Hamas: Conflict in Gaza (2008-2009)
= 87&*1=&3)= &2&8a=43+1.(9=.3=&?&=,**28,**3== .2=&3499.`= 447).3&947= 3&1>89=.3= .))1*=&89*73=++&.78= &741=.,)&14;.9?= 5*(.&1.89=.3= .))1*=&89*73=++&.78= *7*2>=_=-&75= 5*(.&1.89=.3= .))1*=&89*73=++&.78= &8*>=_=)).8= 3&1>89=.3= .))1*=&89*73=++&.78= -7.8945-*7=_=1&3(-&7)= 3&1>89=.3= .))1*=&89*73=++&.78= -4)&=&7,*8843= 5*(.&1.89=.3=39*73&9.43&1=:2&3.9&7.&3=41.(>= *'7:&7>=+3`=,**3= 43,7*88.43&1= *8*&7(-=*7;.(*= 18/1**= <<<_(78_,4;= .*+*+= =*5479=+47=43,7*88 Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress 87&*1=&3)= &2&8a= 43+1.(9=.3=&?&=,**28,**3== = :22&7>= On December 27, 2008, Israel launched a major military campaign dubbed “Operation Cast Lead” against Hamas in the Gaza Strip. The Israeli offensive came in response to markedly increased Palestinian rocket fire following the expiration of a six-month cease-fire on December 19. On January 3, 2009, Israel began a ground offensive into Gaza. Despite international pressure to halt the fighting (including the passage of U.N. Security Council Resolution 1860 on January 8), the conflict continued until January 18, when Israel unilaterally ceased fire and Hamas followed suit shortly thereafter. Israel’s technological superiority and reliance on heavy armor and firepower contributed to a wide disparity in casualties—approximately 1,440 Palestinians have died (with some organizations estimating that at least half of the dead are civilians), compared with 13 dead (including four civilians) on the Israeli side. -
The “Gaza War”
THE “GAZA WAR”: A Strategic Analysis Anthony H. Cordesman Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy [email protected] Final Review Draft: Circulated for Comment and Updating February 2, 2009 Cordesman: The ―Gaza War‖ A Strategic Analysis 3/3/09 Page ii Executive Summary One can argue whether the fighting between Israel and Hamas in Gaza is a ―war,‖ or should be seen as just one more tragic surge in violence in the decades-long struggle between Israel and the Palestinians. It is, however, the first major armed struggle between Israel and Hamas, as distinguished between Israel and the PLO and Fatah. It also is a case study in how Israeli capabilities have changed since the fighting with Hezbollah in 2006, and in the nature of asymmetric war between states and non-state actors. This report examines the war in terms of the lessons of the fighting, what it says about the changes in Israeli tactics and capabilities and the broader lessons it may provide for asymmetric warfare. It analyzes the fighting on the basis of briefings in Israel during and immediately after the fighting made possible by a visit sponsored by Project Interchange, and using day-to-day reporting issued by the Israeli Defense Spokesman. The analysis reveals impressive improvements in the readiness and capability of the Israeli Defense Forces since the fighting against the Hezbollah in 2006. It also indicates that Israel did not violate the laws of war. It did deliberately use decisive force to enhance regional deterrence and demonstrate that it had restored its military edge. These, however, are legitimate military objectives in spite of their very real humanitarian costs. -
Translation of Interview with Qassem
Translation of interview with Qassem Soleimani, the commander of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) Quds Force, on his perspectives and participation in the 2006 war between Israel and Hezbollah Al-Alam – Exclusive During this interview, General Soleimani discussed the hidden and visible goals of the 33-Day War [i.e. Second Lebanon War], and how Hezbollah’s leadership managed [both] the military and psychological [aspects of the] war, which [i.e. Hezbollah] alone was and remains the only hope to defend Lebanon. The following is the full text of the interview. The interviewer questions are in blue. Interviewer Introduction In the Name of God the Most Merciful From the heart of the fire The first media interview with General Qassem Soleimani, the commander of the Quds Force of the Guard of the Islamic Revolution In the Name of God the Most Merciful, from Whom we Seek Help. We welcome you and offer you our most hearty gratitude. We also offer you our condolences on the occasion of the days of the martyrdom of the Lord of Martyrs [i.e. Imam Hussein] (peace be upon him). The Office of Preservation and Dissemination of the Remnants of the Leader of the Islamic Revolution acts to explain the opinions of Imam Khamenei on various subjects. In order to accomplish this goal, it conducts discussions with various officials and thought leaders in all fields. One of the important issues that was discussed in our interview with the Secretary General of Hezbollah [i.e. Hassan Nasrallah] in Lebanon is the matter of the 33-Day War; This war became the starting point of changes in the region and the Resistance front. -
U.S. Insists on Defending an Apartheid Regime by Yuram Abdullah Weiler 2014-05-08
Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 11 /16/2020 6:29:11 PM U.S. insists on defending an apartheid regime By Yuram Abdullah Weiler 2014-05-08 “I am deeply disappointed and disturbed by the Senate's inability to stand with me in defense of Israel today. My support will not waiver and I hope the United States Senate will prevail in cutting off American aid to those that refuse to recognize Israel as a Jewish state.” —Senator Rand Paul (R-KY)1 Once again, a U.S. push for a diplomatic solution to the chronic “Palestinian problem” has failed, largely due to Zionist settlement expansion, which took place at a rate of some 1,000 units a month during the nine-month-long negotiations. Nevertheless, two hopeful signs emerged: Fatah and Hamas have once again declared their intention to form a unity government, and U.S. Secretary of State has suggested that the Israeli entity may become “an apartheid state.” In remarks made on April 25, 2014 before the influential Trilateral Commission, U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry warned that if the Israeli entity does not make peace with the Palestinians soon, it risks becoming “an apartheid state,” according to a recording obtained by the Daily Beast. Blaming both the Zionist and Palestinian leaders for the deadlock, Kerry predicted that if a two-state solution is not implemented soon, Palestinian frustration could lead to further violence directed against their Israeli oppressors. “A two-state solution will be clearly underscored as the only real alternative. Because a unitary state winds up either being an apartheid state with second-class citizens—or it ends up being a state that destroys the capacity of Israel to be a Jewish state,” Kerry explained.3 Kerry is not the first U.S. -
The Israeli—Arab Conflict: Towards a Socialist Solution1
THE ISRAELI—ARAB CONFLICT: TOWARDS A SOCIALIST SOLUTION1 ADEL SAMARA MASAD ARBID INDEX I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................................ 2 II. THE ENEMY WE CONFRONT: DEFINING THE 'OTHER' ........................................................................... 2 III. SOME DISTINCTIVE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE ‘OTHER’ ................................................................... 3 IV. LOCAL ALLIES AND IMPOSED NORMALIZATION WITH ISRAEL............................................................ 4 V. THE ZIONIST—ISRAELI ENTITY: MORE THAN A SETTLER COLONIAL PROJECT................................ 5 1. THE LEFT IN ISRAEL .............................................................................................................................. 5 2. ISRAEL: THE FIRST THEOLOGICAL STATE ......................................................................................... 7 3. THE EASTERN JEWS.............................................................................................................................. 7 VI. THE SOLUTION FOR THE CONFLICT: THE DEBATE............................................................................... 8 VII. THE SOCIALIST PROJECT NECESSITATES THE DISINTEGRATION OF THE ZIONIST ENTITY ...... 16 VIII. THE COMPONENTS OF THE SOCIALIST PROJECT AS COMPARED TO THE ZIONIST PROJECT. 17 IX. THE VEHICLE OF THE STRUGGLE IS NATIONALISM OF THE POPULAR CLASSES ......................... 19 1 Parts of this -
Iranian-Israeli Relations in Light of the Iranian Revolution
The Thesis committee for Behrang Vameghi Vessali Certifies that this is the approved version of the following thesis: Iranian-Israeli Relations In Light of the Iranian Revolution APPROVED BY SUPERVISING COMMITTEE: Supervisor: ________________________________________ Kamran Aghaie __________________________________________ Ami Pedahzur Iranian-Israeli Relations In Light of the Iranian Revolution by Behrang Vameghi Vessali, B.A. Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts The University of Texas at Austin December 2010 Iranian-Israeli Relations In Light of the Iranian Revolution By Behrang Vameghi Vessali, M.A. The University of Texas at Austin, 2010 Supervisor: Kamran Aghaie Prior to the Iranian Revolution of 1979, Iran and Israel were allies who cooperated extensively with one another to promote Western secular Capitalist values in the Middle East while countering Soviet influence and the proliferation of Communism in the greater Middle East. The connection between Israel and Iran ran deeper than geopolitics; it reached back into the depths of Jewish and Persian history. But the overthrow of the pro-Western Iranian king, Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, and Ayatollah Khomeini‟s rise to power led to a sudden, dramatic reversal of the Iran‟s decades-long policy of full cooperation and accommodation of Western interests. Subsequently, Israeli ties were officially severed and the Islamic Republic designated Israel and Zionism as the greatest threat to Iran and the whole of the Islamic world. After the hostage crisis and the ensuing severance of relations with the United States, a politically unstable Iran was invaded by Iraq.