Hezbollah: Armed Resistance to Political Participation
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The Palestinian Refugee Issue
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 238 Israeli-Lebanese Negotiations: The Palestinian Refugee Issue Dec 28, 1999 Brief Analysis yrian foreign minister Faruq al-Shara's recent announcement that Damascus and Beirut will sign peace S treaties with Israel together is not surprising, considering Syria's hegemony in Lebanon. But while Israel, Syria, and the United States have expressed guarded optimism about the latest resumption of peace talks, Lebanon has been more reserved in its enthusiasm. This is mainly due to its concern over the final disposition of the Palestinian refugees living in Lebanon. Hostile Minority Under Siege According to United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) figures, there are approximately 350,000 Palestinian refugees in Lebanon (about 9 percent of the country's total resident population). The refugees have long been viewed with suspicion by their Lebanese hosts, who cite the delicate sectarian balance in the country, heavy Palestinian involvement in the Lebanese civil war, and the military attacks that provoked the Israeli invasions of 1978 and 1982, as justification for their spurning of the refugees. Although no national census has been held in decades, available evidence indicates that the country is 70 percent Muslim and 30 percent Christian. The longstanding conflict between and among the various Muslim and Christian sects led to the explosion of the Lebanese civil war of 1975-89. Their differences--papered over in the 1989 Ta'if agreement which is designed to guarantee representation of each group and subgroup in specific positions in the government–remain pronounced. The Lebanese government rejects the integration of the refugees into the country, largely because it would upset whatever balance exists between religious and ethnic communities. -
Party Formation and Political Legitimacy
THE EVOLUTION OF HEZBOLLAH: PARTY FORMATION AND POLITICAL LEGITIMACY A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science at George Mason University, and the degree of Master of Arts at the University of Malta By Anastasia Franjie Bachelor of Arts George Mason University, 2011 Director: Lourdes Pullicino, Lecturer Mediterranean Academy of Diplomatic Studies Fall Semester 2013 George Mason University Fairfax, VA This work is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noderivs 3.0 unported license. ii DEDICATION This thesis is dedicated to several individuals whom were of great help and positive influence in my life. To my parents, Serge and Anna Maria whom were advocates of my pursuing higher education, and gave me the ability to experience and be part of a unique cultural upbringing, To my siblings Alexander, Grace, Olivia, Kristel, and our princess Mia, showing them that continuous success requires hard work, To my Maltese family whom stood by me through this process and pushed me to be over the average, Finally and most importantly to my Lebanon and every oppressed around the world with hopes of achieving peace, security and justice. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS During the course of pursuing my dual master degree from the University of Malta and George Mason University in Valletta, Malta, I had the strongest support from my family whom were overseas. This experience not only taught me about conflict analysis and resolution and Mediterranean security but it also taught me about responsibility, and life. Therefore, I would like to thank the many friends, relatives, and supporters who have made this happen. -
Women in Palestinian Refugee Camps: Case Studies from Lebanon, Jordan and Palestine
The Atkin Paper Series Women in Palestinian Refugee Camps: Case Studies from Lebanon, Jordan and Palestine Manar Faraj ICSR Atkin Fellow June 2015 About the Atkin Paper Series To be a refugee is hard, but to be a woman and a refugee is the hardest Thanks to the generosity of the Atkin Foundation, the International Centre for the Study of Radicalisation and Political Violence (ICSR) offers young leaders from Israel of all and the Arab world the opportunity to come to London for a period of four months. The purpose of the fellowship is to provide young leaders from Israel and the Arab he aim of this paper is to take the reader on a journey into the lived world with an opportunity to develop their ideas on how to further peace and experiences of Palestinian refugee women, in several stages. First, I offer understanding in the Middle East through research, debate and constructive dialogue Tan introduction to the historical roots and struggles of Palestinian refugee in a neutral political environment. The end result is a policy paper that will provide a women. This is followed by case studies drawn from my field research in refugee deeper understanding and a new perspective on a specific topic or event. camps in Palestine, Lebanon and Jordan. The third part of the paper includes recommendations for improving the participation of refugee women in the social Author and political arenas of these refugee camps. Three main questions have driven the Manar Faraj is from the Dhiesheh Refugee Camp, Bethlehem, Palestine. She is research for this paper: What is the role of women in the refugee camps? What currently a PhD candidate at Jena Univserity. -
Saudi Arabia, Iran and De-Escalation in the Persian Gulf
Saudi Arabia, Iran and De-Escalation in the Persian Gulf Contents Acknowledgements About the authors Introduction 1. Simon Mabon and Edward Wastnidge, Saudi Arabia and Iran: Resilient Rivalries and Pragmatic Possibilities 2. Cinzia Bianco, KSA-Iran rivalry: an analysis of Saudi strategic calculus 3. Shahram Akbarzadeh, Iran-Hizbullah ‘Proxy’ Relations 4. Lawrence Rubin, Saudi Arabia, Iran and the United States 5. Clive Jones, A Chimera of Rapprochement: Iran and the Gulf Monarchies: The View from Israel 6. Banafsheh Keynoush, Prospects for Talks between Iran and Saudi Arabia 7. Robert Mason, Towards Peace Building in Saudi-Iranian Relations 8. Sukru Cildir, OPEC as a Site of De-Escalation? 9. Ibrahim Fraihat, Reconciliation: Saudi Arabia and Iran 10. Kristian Coates Ulrichsen, Diplomacy and de-escalation in the Persian Gulf 11. Eyad Al Refai and Samira Nasirzadeh, Saudi Arabia and Iran: How our two countries could make peace and bring stability to the Middle East. Concluding Remarks Acknowledgements SEPAD has been generously funded by Carnegie Corporation of New York. We would like to extend thanks to Hillary Weisner and Nehal Amer for their continuous support in all ways imaginable. We would also like to thank all those who contributed pieces to this report. This was undertaken during the formative stages of the COVID19 pandemic and we are grateful that authors were able to offer contributions on this important topic at a time when they were facing myriad other pressures and demands on their time; thank you. We would also like to thank Elias Ghazal for his editorial and technological support. About the Authors Shahram Akbarzadeh is Research Professor of Middle East and Central Asian Politics at Deakin University. -
Understanding the Rise of the Lebanese Hezbollah
A report on recent developments in the Middle East and the Muslim world nderstanding the Rise of the Lebanese UHezbollah The 1985–2000 South Lebanon Security Zone Conflict Introduction The fruit of foreign interference in Lebanon: Hezbollah emerges The “Party of God” navigates troubled domestic waters Hezbollah’s military performance in south Lebanon: Resilience and hybrid warfare Conclusion Jumada I - II, 1437 23 February - March, 2016 © KFCRIS, 2016 This edition of Masarat is the latest publication of the King Faisal Research Center's new initiative: The Middle East Strategy Project. The aim of this project is to conduct in-depth research and analysis that falls within the scope of regional grand strategy of security and defense. In light of the recent ISSN: 1658-6972 events in the Syrian Arab Republic, the study will focus on Issue No. 23 - 07/04/2016 examining the ongoing turmoil, study the resulting regional L.D. No: 1437/2868 repercussions unfolding across the Levant, and analyze the policy objectives of the local, sub-state, and international actors. February - March, 2016 - Jumada I - II, 1437 3 hile pundits attribute the Damascene Wregime’s resilience in the ongoing Syrian conflict largely to the Russian intervention since September 2015, the sudden emergence of the Lebanese Hezbollah on Syrian turf since 2013 has arguably proven to be no less valuable for Bashar al-Assad’s continuous grip on power. This report showcases, by virtue of a case study, a detailed account of Hezbollah’s internal adaptability in transforming from a loose Khomeinist guerilla movement in its early stages into a “state within a state” in Lebanon. -
Darwich2015.Pdf
This thesis has been submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for a postgraduate degree (e.g. PhD, MPhil, DClinPsychol) at the University of Edinburgh. Please note the following terms and conditions of use: This work is protected by copyright and other intellectual property rights, which are retained by the thesis author, unless otherwise stated. A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the author. The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the author. When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given. Ideational and Material Forces in Threat Perception Saudi and Syrian Choices in Middle East Wars May Darwich PhD The University of Edinburgh 2015 1 2 Declaration I declare that this thesis is of my own composition with acknowledgement of other sources, and that it has not been submitted for any other degree or professional qualification. May Darwich 3 4 Abstract How do states perceive threats? Why are material forces sometimes more prominent in shaping threat perception, whereas ideational ones are key in other instances? This study aims to move beyond the task of determining whether material or ideational factors offer a more plausible explanation by arguing that threat perception is a function of the interplay between material factors and state identity, the influence of which can run both ways. -
The Plight of Palestinian Refugees in Syria in the Camps South of Damascus by Metwaly Abo Naser, with the Support of Ryme Katkhouda and Devorah Hill
Expert Analysis January 2017 Syrian voices on the Syrian conflict: The plight of Palestinian refugees in Syria in the camps south of Damascus By Metwaly Abo Naser, with the support of Ryme Katkhouda and Devorah Hill Introduction: the historical role of Palestinians the Oslo Accords in 1992 and the resulting loss by both the in Syria Palestinian diaspora in general and the inhabitants of the After they took refuge in Syria after the 1948 war, al-Yarmouk refugee camp in particular of their position as Palestinians refugees were treated in the same way as a key source of both material and ideological support for other Syrian citizens. Their numbers eventually reached the Palestinian armed revolution in the diaspora. This was 450,000, living mostly in 11 refugee camps throughout Syria due in part to the failure of the various Palestinian national (UNRWA, 2006). Permitted to fully participate in the liberation factions to identify new ways of engaging the economic and social life of Syrian society, they had the diaspora – including the half million Palestinians living in same civic and economic rights and duties as Syrians, Syria – in the Palestinian struggle for the liberation of the except that they could neither be nominated for political land occupied by Israel. office nor participate in elections. This helped them to feel that they were part of Syrian society, despite their refugee This process happened slowly. After the Israeli blockade of status and active role in the global Palestinian liberation Lebanon in 1982, the Palestinian militant struggle declined. struggle against the Israeli occupation of their homeland. -
A Staircase in Nahr El Bared the Future of Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon
BRIEFING PAPER October 2010 A STAIRCASE IN NAHR EL BARED THE FUTURE OF PALESTINIAN REFUGEES IN LEBANON EXECUTIVE SUMMARY LEBANON’S RELATIONS WITH Palestinian refugees, one not primarily between Lebanese and Palestinian positions; of the most sensitive issues in the country, was put at the rather, one of the main sources of tension is over the on- forefront of parliamentary and public debates on June 15, going peace process between the PLO and Israel. Both 2010, when a series of legislative proposals were presented Lebanese and Palestinian actors are split over whether to to re-examine the refugees’ legal status and to resolve the support negotiations with Israel or whether to advocate issues surrounding their civil rights.1 It was the culmination resistance to Israel. The main variable impacting the status of a national discussion that began in 2005, in which a new of the Palestinians in Lebanon, over which local actors have atmosphere advocating the examination of the refugee issues very little control, is the outcome of the Middle East Peace started to emerge. Process—in particular, whether it will impose a permanent settlement of the Palestinian refugees in Lebanon (known as The fact that on August 17th the Lebanese parliament “tawteen”), which is prohibited by the Lebanese constitution. managed to pass amendments facilitating the refugees’ access to the labor market is a positive indication that the Lebanese Given the complexity of the situation, the issues that are under society and its political establishment have put the period the control of local players—such as civil rights—must be of the civil war behind them and are able to tackle such a isolated in order to be properly addressed. -
The Ideological Transformation of Hezbollah Since Its Involvement in the Syrian Civil War : Local Perspectives and Foreign Observations
The Ideological Transformation of Hezbollah Since its Involvement in the Syrian Civil War : Local Perspectives and Foreign Observations Mémoire Ian Mac Donald Maîtrise en science politique - avec mémoire Maître ès arts (M.A.) Québec, Canada © Ian Mac Donald, 2020 Introduction Political and social movements use ideology as a method of justifying, interpreting, and challenging the surrounding social-political order (McAdam, Doug, et al., 1996). The success with which a social or political movement constructs and expresses the set of explanatory and normative beliefs and assumptions that make up its ideology can often translate into its competitive advantage over contending movements. In the modern nation-state, nationalist ideology, where nations are “imagined communities,” according to Benedict Anderson, is the most common form of political ideology that fabricates a collective intersubjective identity for a population and legitimates groups’ power. However, in Lebanon, sectarianism, where political ideology is tied to a specific religious community, is also a compelling narrative that has so often characterized the ideology of the myriad actors in Lebanese state and society. In the Lebanese political realm, sectarian and nationalist ideologies of organizations and movements both blend and compete with each other as elites vie for political power over populations. Authors of sectarianism often take a constructivist and instrumentalist approach in explaining the ideological power of sectarianism in Lebanon: Just as history demonstrates state leaders’ use of nationalist fervour in the pursuit of political power, sectarianism is also an ideology in which elites can play a manipulative role and exploit the religious identity of populations in order to further their own political goals (Cammett, 2014; Haddad, 2011; Salloukh, Barakat, Al-Habbal, Khattab, & Mikaelian, 2015; Wehrey, 2018). -
Lebanon's Palestinian Refugee Camps
NURTURING INSTABILITY: LEBANON’S PALESTINIAN REFUGEE CAMPS Middle East Report N°84 – 19 February 2009 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION: THE PALESTINIAN PRESENCE IN LEBANON ..................... 1 A. MULTIPLICITY OF ACTORS AND CAMPS ........................................................................................1 1. Main political actors.................................................................................................................1 2. Palestinian refugees and camps ................................................................................................1 II. THE EVOLUTION OF LEBANESE-PALESTINIAN RELATIONS......................... 4 A. OPEN WARFARE (1969-1990).......................................................................................................4 B. THE POST-WAR YEARS (1990-2004).............................................................................................6 C. 2004-2005: TURNING POINT OR DEAD END? ................................................................................7 1. UNSCR 1559...........................................................................................................................7 2. The Lebanese-Palestinian Dialogue Committee........................................................................9 3. Nahr al-Bared: a difficult test case..........................................................................................11 D. THE REFUGEES’ PRECARIOUS -
Boundaries and Political Agency of Palestinian Refugee Camps in Lebanon Zeinab Amiri Iowa State University
Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Graduate Theses and Dissertations Dissertations 2016 Boundaries and political agency of Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon Zeinab Amiri Iowa State University Follow this and additional works at: https://lib.dr.iastate.edu/etd Part of the Architecture Commons, Islamic World and Near East History Commons, Near and Middle Eastern Studies Commons, and the Near Eastern Languages and Societies Commons Recommended Citation Amiri, Zeinab, "Boundaries and political agency of Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon" (2016). Graduate Theses and Dissertations. 15655. https://lib.dr.iastate.edu/etd/15655 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Dissertations at Iowa State University Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Iowa State University Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Boundaries and political agency of Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon by Zeinab Amiri A thesis submitted to the graduate faculty in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE Major: Architecture Program of Study Committee: Marwan Ghandour, Major Professor Ross Exo Adams Nell Gabiam Iowa State University Ames, Iowa 2016 Copyright © Zeinab Amiri, 2016. All rights reserved. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...................................................................................................... -
Islamic Governmentality Within Shia Ideology: How
ISLAMIC GOVERNMENTALITY WITHIN SHIA IDEOLOGY: HOW DOES GOVERNMENTALITY WORK IN IRAN- HEZBOLLAH RELATIONSHIP? By Payman Shamsian Submitted to Central European University Department of International Relations and European Studies In partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of International Relations and European Studies Supervisor: Professor Emel Akcali Word count: 16, 881 CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2015 Abstract This study contributes to the ongoing debates in the field of international relations on applying the Foucault‘s governmentality theory to a non-neoliberal context. This research tries to examine the relationship between Iran and Hezbollah by employing governmentality theory as an analytical tool. By doing so, it is envisioned to answer three questions: How does the governmentality theory explain the relationship between Iran and Hezbollah? How does Iran governmentalize Hezbollah and Shia population in Lebanon? What are the differences and similarities between Iran‘s model of governmentality and a neoliberal governmentality? Furthermore, this study investigates the concepts that constitute Iran‘s governmental rationality and explains the techniques and practices that are produced by this rationality. Finally, it is asserted that governmentality theory functions well in explaining the relationship between Iran and Hezbollah and provides a useful channel for a deeper understanding of this rapport. Keywords: Governmentality, Foucault, Iran, Hezbollah, Shia ideology, Middle East CEU eTD Collection i