Demographics, Laboratory Parameters and Outcomes of 1061 Patients with COVID-19: a Report from Tehran, Iran
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IMAM KHOMEINI's VIEWS Dr. Ghulam Habib
IMAM KHOMEINI’S VIEWS ON EDUCATION, UNIVERSITIES AND RESPONSIBILITIES OF FRONT COVER TEACHERS AND ACADEMICIANS Edited by Dr. Ghulam Habib International Association of Muslim University Professors IMAM KHOMEINI’S VIEWS ON EDUCATION, UNIVERSITIES AND RESPONSIBILITIES OF TEACHERS AND ACADEMICIANS Edited by Dr. Ghulam Habib International Association of Muslim University Professors CONTENTS PREFACE ...........................................................................................................................i SECTION I THE GREAT VALUE OF KNOWLEDGE The Aim of Education and Training .......................................................................... 3 Encouragement to Acquire Knowledge .................................................................... 8 Knowledge and Faith - Belief and Professional Expertise .................................. 15 SECTION 2 UNIVERSITIES BEFORE ISLAMIC REVOLUTION Colonial Culture and Lack of Real Progress ........................................................... 51 Suppression and Attacks on Universities ................................................................ 95 SECTION 3 UNIVERSITY AND CULTURAL REVOLUTION Universities and Anti-Revolutionary Groups ....................................................... 103 The Need for Cultural Revolution ......................................................................... 120 Establishment of Headquarter for Cultural Revolution ...................................... 156 SECTION 4 THE MISSION OF UNIVERSITIES Manufacturing Human Beings ............................................................................... -
Tightening the Reins How Khamenei Makes Decisions
MEHDI KHALAJI TIGHTENING THE REINS HOW KHAMENEI MAKES DECISIONS MEHDI KHALAJI TIGHTENING THE REINS HOW KHAMENEI MAKES DECISIONS POLICY FOCUS 126 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY www.washingtoninstitute.org Policy Focus 126 | March 2014 The opinions expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and not necessarily those of The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including pho- tocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2014 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050 Washington, DC 20036 Cover: Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei holds a weapon as he speaks at the University of Tehran. (Reuters/Raheb Homavandi). Design: 1000 Colors CONTENTS Executive Summary | V 1. Introduction | 1 2. Life and Thought of the Leader | 7 3. Khamenei’s Values | 15 4. Khamenei’s Advisors | 20 5. Khamenei vs the Clergy | 27 6. Khamenei vs the President | 34 7. Khamenei vs Political Institutions | 44 8. Khamenei’s Relationship with the IRGC | 52 9. Conclusion | 61 Appendix: Profile of Hassan Rouhani | 65 About the Author | 72 1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY EVEN UNDER ITS MOST DESPOTIC REGIMES , modern Iran has long been governed with some degree of consensus among elite factions. Leaders have conceded to or co-opted rivals when necessary to maintain their grip on power, and the current regime is no excep- tion. -
Iran, Gulf Security, and U.S. Policy
Iran, Gulf Security, and U.S. Policy Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs August 14, 2015 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL32048 Iran, Gulf Security, and U.S. Policy Summary Since the Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1979, a priority of U.S. policy has been to reduce the perceived threat posed by Iran to a broad range of U.S. interests, including the security of the Persian Gulf region. In 2014, a common adversary emerged in the form of the Islamic State organization, reducing gaps in U.S. and Iranian regional interests, although the two countries have often differing approaches over how to try to defeat the group. The finalization on July 14, 2015, of a “Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action” (JCPOA) between Iran and six negotiating powers could enhance Iran’s ability to counter the United States and its allies in the region, but could also pave the way for cooperation to resolve some of the region’s several conflicts. During the 1980s and 1990s, U.S. officials identified Iran’s support for militant Middle East groups as a significant threat to U.S. interests and allies. A perceived potential threat from Iran’s nuclear program emerged in 2002, and the United States orchestrated broad international economic pressure on Iran to try to ensure that the program is verifiably confined to purely peaceful purposes. The international pressure contributed to the June 2013 election as president of Iran of the relatively moderate Hassan Rouhani, who campaigned as an advocate of ending Iran’s international isolation. -
Iran's New Narrative: the Regime Is Not in A
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 3434 Iran’s New Narrative: The Regime Is Not in a Hurry, But Washington Should Be by Omer Carmi Feb 11, 2021 Also available in Arabic / Farsi ABOUT THE AUTHORS Omer Carmi Omer Carmi was a 2017 military fellow at The Washington Institute. Brief Analysis By steadily implementing parliament’s anti-JCPOA law and making public statements about “cornered cats” and “closing windows,” Tehran has sought to give Washington a sense of urgency, but this approach could be a double- edged sword. n January 8, Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei explained that Iran is not “in a hurry” for Washington to return O to the nuclear deal, and that if sanctions are not lifted beforehand, then a U.S. return to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action “may even be detrimental” to the Islamic Republic. He further hardened this stance in a February 7 speech, refuting proposals for any sequencing mechanism in which both countries make incremental moves back to the JCPOA. Instead, he emphasized that after Washington agrees to remove sanctions, Iran “will check if [they] have truly been lifted,” and only then resume its nuclear commitments. President Hassan Rouhani fell in with this narrative three days later, declaring that he supports “negotiations with enemies” in the framework of the Islamic Republic’s national interests, and noting that Tehran will fulfill its commitments once the United States and other parties implement theirs. These remarks are just part of a broader regime campaign to show Washington that Iran will not arrive at the negotiating table from a position of weakness, but rather with clear unity of purpose. -
Friends Or Frenemies? How Russia and Iran Compete and Cooperate
Russia Foreign Policy Papers Friends or Frenemies? How Russia and Iran Compete and Cooperate Nicole Grajewski All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Author: Nicole Grajewski The views expressed in this report are those of the author alone and do not necessarily reflect the position of the Foreign Policy Research Institute, a non-partisan organization that seeks to publish well-argued, policy-oriented articles on American foreign policy and national security priorities. Eurasia Program Leadership Director: Chris Miller Deputy Director: Maia Otarashvili Editing: Thomas J. Shattuck Design: Natalia Kopytnik © 2020 by the Foreign Policy Research Institute March 2020 Our Mission The Foreign Policy Research Institute is dedicated to bringing the insights of scholarship to bear on the foreign policy and national security challenges facing the United States. It seeks to educate the public, teach teachers, train students, and offer ideas to advance U.S. national interests based on a nonpartisan, geopolitical perspective that illuminates contemporary international affairs through the lens of history, geography, and culture. Offering Ideas In an increasingly polarized world, we pride ourselves on our tradition of nonpartisan scholarship. We count among our ranks over 100 affiliated scholars located throughout the nation and the world who appear regularly in national and international media, testify on Capitol Hill, and are consulted by U.S. government agencies. Educating the American Public FPRI was founded on the premise that an informed and educated citizenry is paramount for the U.S. -
Idden Rivalries Behind Iranian Foreign-Policy Making
idden Rivalries behind Iranian Foreign-Policy Making: H The Case of Zarif’s Resignation The Background: Foreign-policy Circles of Power in the Islamic Republic Foreign Policy in the Rouhani Era: From Apex to Zenith The Present: Resignation and Back amid a Troublesome Presidential Chief of Staff Rajjab 1440 40 March 2019 2 © KFCRIS, 2019 ISSN: 1658-6972 Issue No. 40 - 25/3/2019 L.D. No: 1440/8472 Rajjab 1440 - March 2019 Rajjab 1440 - March 2019 3 Hidden Rivalries behind Iranian Foreign-Policy Making: The Case of Zarif’s Resignation Rajjab 1440 - March 2019 Rajjab 1440 - March 2019 4 Abstract Iran’s government and foreign policy have been thrust into turmoil by the sudden resignation from his post and subsequent reinstatement of foreign minister Mohammad Javad Zarif. The unexpected development adds to the increasing difficulty of the Hassan Rouhani administration to avoid slipping into the classic “lame-duck” position of presidential tenures approaching their end. With little over two years remaining of his second and last mandate, Rouhani is increasingly hemmed in by a growing inability to direct the key levers of policy, particularly the economic and foreign-policy components, and has now been hit by a salvo of unexpected friendly fire. This article will provide the background to Zarif’s decision, the reasons behind its rescinding by Rouhani, and the consequences for the government and the rest of the establishment. Rajjab 1440 - March 2019 Rajjab 1440 - March 2019 5 The Background: Foreign-policy Circles of Power in the Islamic Republic Since reaching the unmatched pinnacle In order to gain a better understanding of the of having successfully negotiated the Joint reasons that led to Zarif’s sudden departure, it is Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) of worth casting a brief glance at the institutional 2015 to the Supreme Leader’s satisfaction positioning of the foreign minister position in and approval, Javad Zarif’s tenure as foreign the Islamic Republic. -
Iranian Presidential Elections, 2013
ﻭﺣﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺻﺮ Unit of Contemporary Political Thought www.kfcris.com A monthly report issued by the Unit of Contemporary Political Thought for the analysis and evaluation of crucial events in the Islamic world Iranian Presidential Elections, 2013 - Factions, Personalities and Contrasts in the late post- Khomeini period. - Run-up to 2013 Elections. - The New President: Background Profile and Relationship with other bodies. - The New President: His views on Iranian Foreign Policy Perspective (in terms of the regional neighbors). - Rowhani and Nuclear Issue Issue 3, June,2013 © KFCRIS, 2013 or over three decades, presidential elections in FIran have been a defining moment of transition in different political periods of the Islamic Republic. A unique state institution, the presidency in Iran is at once hampered by constitutional restrictions on the power and authority of its incumbent and a desired target for factions internal to the political regime and ambitious politicians alike. The eleventh presidential elections of the Islamic Republic were held on June 15 2013 and presented several marked differences with respect to the previous presidential contest of 12 June 2009. The most visible of these was the absence of any sizable instances of violence, both before and after the poll, and of any intra-elite strife. None of the campaign teams furthermore produced complaints on broad or systematic fraud, and accepted the results swiftly. All of this is in marked contrast with four years ago, when two of the four final candidates, Mir-Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi, voiced concern about the possibility of wide scale falsification of the electoral results prior to the vote and then effectively never recognized the validity of the results released by the Interior ministry, setting off the wave of protest, strife and inner-regime crisis that are yet to be fully resolved. -
Reassessing the Implications of a Nuclear-Armed Iran
MCNAIR PAPER 69 Reassessing the Implications of a Nuclear-Armed Iran JUDITH S. YAPHE a n d CHARLES D. LUTES Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University About the Authors Judith S. Yaphe is a senior fellow in the Institute for National Strategic Studies at the National Defense University, where she specializes in political analysis and strategic planning on Iraq, Iran, and the Gulf region. Prior to joining INSS in 1995, Dr. Yaphe was a senior political analyst on the Middle East-Persian Gulf for the U.S. Government. She has published extensively on Iraq, Iran, and U.S. security policy in the Gulf region. Colonel Charles D. Lutes, USAF, is a senior military fellow in the Institute for National Strategic Studies at the National Defense University, where he focuses on proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, counterterrorism, mili- tary strategy, and strategic concept development. Colonel Lutes has served in the Strategic Plans and Policy Directorate, Joint Staff, and commanded an operational support squadron. ■ ■ ■ ■ The National Defense University (NDU) educates military and civilian leaders through teaching, research, and outreach in national security strategy, national military strategy, and national resource strategy; joint and multinational operations; information strategies, operations, and resource management; acquisition; and regional defense and security studies. The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is a policy research and strategic gaming organization within NDU serving the Department of Defense, its components, and interagency partners. Established in 1984, the institute provides senior decisionmakers with timely, objective analysis and gaming events and supports NDU educational programs in the areas of international security affairs and defense strategy and policy. -
Khatemi, the Search for Iranian 'Moderates,' and U.S. Policy | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 252 Khatemi, the Search for Iranian 'Moderates,' and U.S. Policy by Patrick Clawson Jun 5, 1997 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Patrick Clawson Patrick Clawson is Morningstar senior fellow and director of research at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. Brief Analysis n banner headlines, newspapers across America heralded the surprise victor in Iran's May 23 presidential I election - Mohammad Khatemi - as a moderate. This, in fact, marks at least the fourth attempt by the United States to find influential moderates among Iran's leadership since the revolution. In 1980, the Islamic Republic's first president, Abolhassan Bani Sadr, was thought to be a moderate who would solve the hostage crisis; he turned out be powerless. In 1985, the Iran-Contra affair began with a CIA effort to reinforce Iranian moderates who opposed Soviet ambitions. Only later did it emerge that the U.S.' interlocutors were lying, saying whatever would persuade Washington to sell them arms. In 1989, when Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani was elected president, he was described as the "great white-turbaned hope," yet he sponsored more terrorism than did his predecessors. In terms of his approach to foreign policy, the search for moderation in President-elect Khatemi is likely to also be in vain. Actually, Khatemi campaigned with the vigorous support of long-time radical allies like Ali Akbar Mohtashemi, who as ambassador in Damascus organized the 1983 Beirut Marine barracks bombing that killed 241 U.S. servicemen. Mohtashemi exulted in Khatemi's victory, saying it signaled positive changes. What little Khatemi said during the campaign about foreign affairs was to reaffirm the Islamic Republic's policies, such as opposition to U.S. -
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD—HOUSE, Vol. 155, Pt. 13 July 17
July 17, 2009 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD—HOUSE, Vol. 155, Pt. 13 18221 Luetkemeyer Pastor (AZ) Sires ANNOUNCEMENT BY THE SPEAKER PRO TEMPORE Hussein Berro, a Lebanese citizen and mem- Luja´ n Payne Skelton The SPEAKER pro tempore (during ber of Hezbollah, as the suicide bomber who Lungren, Daniel Perlmutter Slaughter the vote). There are 2 minutes remain- primarily carried out the attack on the E. Perriello Smith (NE) AMIA; Lynch Peters Smith (NJ) ing in the vote. Whereas, on November 9, 2006, Argentine Maffei Peterson Smith (WA) Judge Rodolfo Canicoba Corral, pursuant to Maloney Pingree (ME) Snyder b 1453 the request of the State Prosecutor of Argen- Markey (CO) Polis (CO) Souder So the bill was passed. Markey (MA) Pomeroy tina, issued an arrest warrant for Ali Akbar Space The result of the vote was announced Marshall Posey Speier Hashemi Rafsanjani, a former leader of Iran Massa Price (NC) Spratt as above recorded. and the current chairman of Iran’s Assembly Matsui Quigley Stark A motion to reconsider was laid on of Experts and of Iran’s Expediency Council, McCarthy (CA) Rahall Stupak the table. for his involvement in the AMIA bombing McCarthy (NY) Rangel Sutton and urged the International Criminal Police McCollum Rehberg Tanner f McCotter Organization (INTERPOL) to issue an inter- Reichert Teague McDermott Reyes PERSONAL EXPLANATION national arrest warrant for Rafsanjani and Terry McGovern Richardson detain him; Thompson (CA) Mr. EDWARDS of Texas. Mr. Speak- McHugh Rodriguez Whereas, on November 9, 2006, Argentine Thompson (MS) McIntyre -
Table of Contents Title Page
Table of Contents Title Page 1 Preface The first edition of Iranian Academy of Medical Sciences' book published in 2006 was aimed to introduce permanent members of this academy and its scientific structure. Considering the development of strategic planning of the Academy in 2010, modification of the statute of Iranian Academy of Medical Sciences in 2011 and also election of new permanent members, the preparation and publication of the second edition of Iranian Academy of Medical Sciences' book seemed unavoidable. The scientific and functional structures of the Iranian Academy of Medical Sciences like all other academicals centers in the world has been evaluated upon opportunities, threatens and experiences in the past years and they have been developed into strategic plan that a summary of it and new statute of the Academy are included in this book. Another important part of this book is introduction and provision of a summary on scientific background of permanent member of the Academy. A brief summary on scientific background of each permanent member is finalized by the help of them and a frequent follow-up and will be more completed in next editions. The Iranian Academy of Medical Sciences look forward to carry out the monitoring and theorizing mission in countries' health section with the help of professors, researchers and scholars in all fields of medical sciences and is very keen to take advantages of the guidance and experience of theoretical and practical knowledge of science lovers along with the aims and goals of the Academy Dr. Seyed Alireza Marandi President President of Iranian Academy of Medical Sciences 2 Honorary Members Name Date of Membership Esmail Meisami; Ph.D. -
Censorship of Poetry in Post-Revolutionary Iran (1979 to 2014), Growing up with Censorship (A Memoir), and the Kindly Interrogator (A Collection of Poetry)
Censorship of Poetry in Post-Revolutionary Iran (1979 to 2014), Growing up with Censorship (A Memoir), and The Kindly Interrogator (A Collection of Poetry) Alireza Hassani This thesis is submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of Newcastle University for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy School of English Literature, Language and Linguistics Department of Creative Writing November 2015 Abstract The thesis comprises a dissertation, a linking piece and a collection of poems. The dissertation is an analysis of state-imposed censorship in Iranian poetry from 1979 through 2014. It investigates the state's rationale for censorship, its mechanism and its effects in order to show how censorship has influenced the trends in poetry and the creativity of poets during the period studied. The introduction outlines attitudes towards censorship in three different categories: Firstly, censorship as "good and necessary", then censorship as "fundamentally wrong yet harmless or even beneficial to poetry", and lastly, censorship as a force that is always destructive and damages poetry. Chapter one investigates the relevant laws, theories and cultural policies in order to identify the underlying causes for censorship of poetry. Chapter two looks at the structure and mechanism of the censorship apparatus and examines the role of cultural organizations as well as judicial and security forces in enforcing censorship. Chapter three contemplates and explores the reaction of Iranian poets to censorship and different strategies and techniques they adopt to protest, challenge and circumvent censorship. Chapter four analyses the outcome of the relationship between the censorship apparatus and the poets, providing a clear picture of how censorship defines, shapes and presents the poetry produced and published in Iran.