1 DRC V UGANDA (Uganda:Applicant)

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

1 DRC V UGANDA (Uganda:Applicant) Model International Court of Justice (MICJ) Case #1 Democratic Republic of the Congo (Applicant) Armed Activities on the Territory of the Congo (Democratic Republic of the Congo v. Uganda) Arkansas Model United Nations (AMUN) November 20-21, 2020 1 Democratic Republic of the Congo’s Complaint The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) files in the Registry of the Court Applications instituting proceedings against Uganda “for acts of armed aggression committed in flagrant breach of the United Nations Charter and of the Charter of the Organization of African Unity”.i In addition to the complete stop of the violent acts, the DRC respectfully seeks reparation for acts of intentional destruction and looting, as well as the restoration of national property and resources appropriated for the benefit of Uganda. ii There are three main claims that are submitted against Uganda. Firstly, by “engaging in military and paramilitary activities against the DRC and by occupying DRC territory and actively extending military, economic and financial support to irregular forces operating in the DRC, Uganda violated international law governing non-use of force, peaceful settlement of disputes, respect of sovereignty, and non-intervention”. iii Secondly, by committing several acts of violence against DRC nationals and destroying their property, and by failing to prevent such acts by persons under its control, “Uganda violated international legal obligations to respect human rights, including the obligation to distinguish between civilian and military objectives during armed conflict”. iv Lastly, “by exploiting Congolese natural resources and pillaging DRC assets and wealth, Uganda violated international law governing rules of occupation, respect for sovereignty over natural resources, right to self-determination of peoples, and the principles of non-interference in domestic matters.”v 2 The DRC hereby files a request for the indication of provisional measures to put a stop to all unsolicited military activity and violations of human rights and of the sovereignty of the DRC by Uganda. vi Historical Background The main events leading to this important case originated in May 1997 with President Laurent-Désiré Kabila's deposition of Zairean dictator Mobutu-Sese Seko. Laurent Kabila came into power with the military assistance and aid from Uganda and Rwanda, hence his several attempts to now remove Ugandan and Rwandese troops from the DRC were rather unsuccessful. vii After President Kabila’s came into power, Uganda and Rwanda were granted many benefits in the DRC especially in the military and economic sectors, so they were opposed to Kabila’s decision of a gradual reduction of their influence in the DRC.viii The DRC was invaded by Ugandan armed forces in August 1998, and these troops also captured and occupied most Congolese towns and territory. This was done as a response to Kabila’s decision to get rid of the Ugandan and Rwandese forces from the DRC. Further, the DRC contended that Uganda “recruited, funded, trained, equipped, and supplied armed Congolese groups opposed to the Kabila government.” ix It was, according to the DRC, this “new policy of independence and emancipation” from the two States that sparked up the invasion of towns and territory of the DRC by Ugandan armed forces in August 1998.x 3 The invasion by Ugandan troops created conflict in many areas of the DRC and involves violent fighting in seven provinces namely Nord-Kivu, Sud-Kivu, Equateur, Maniema, Katanga, Orientale Province, and Kasai Oriental.xi The facts as they occurred during the first days of the surprise invasion of the territory of the Democratic Republic of the Congo by Ugandan troops are as follows. 1. On the 2nd and 3rd of August 1998, columns of Ugandan army trucks carrying heavily armed soldiers breached the eastern frontiers of the Congo and occupied the cities of Goma and Bukavu. 2. At the same time these events were taking place in the east of the country, in Kinshasa approximately 1,000 Ugandan soldiers, having evaded the repatriation operation ordered by the Congolese Government and acting with the support of so-called “Banyamulenge” units, attacked the military camps of Tshatshi and Kokolo. 3. On Tuesday 4th August 1998, three Boeings belonging to Congolese companies (Congo Airlines, Lignes aériennes congolaises and Blues Airlines) were forced to reroute from Goma (Nord-Kivu) to the military base of Kitona (Bas-Congo), with 600 to 800 Ugandan soldiers on board. 4. On Sunday 9 August 1998, two columns of Ugandan soldiers violated the territorial integrity of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The first column was made up of 3 armored vehicles and 7 “KV” trucks, while the second comprised seven armored cars. Having crossed the frontier between Kamango and Watsa, they advanced on Bunia, in Orientale Province. 5. Further, on the same day (9 August 1998), a large transport aircraft of the Ugandan army landed at Nebbi in Uganda, close to Karobo, some 20 kilometers from Mahagi, on Congolese territory. The aircraft was carrying a substantial consignment of arms and munitions. These were distributed to the garrisons of Fahidi, Huruti, Mbo and Mee so that they could provide support for the Ugandan troops in the Congo.xii 4 The DRC maintains that in an official statement published on 28 July 1998, President Kabila called for the complete withdrawal of foreign troops from Congolese territory. Although his address referred mainly to Rwandan troops, the DRC argues that there can be no doubt that President Kabila intended to address his message to “all foreign forces”. Uganda began its violent military intervention in the DRC immediately after the failure of the coup attempt against Kabila.xiii The DRC claims that the aim was to overthrow President Kabila within ten days, and in the advance towards Kinshasa, Ugandan and Rwandan troops violently captured certain towns and occupied the Inga Dam, which is the main source of electricity to Kinshasa.xiv Countries like Angola and Zimbabwe came to the immediate assistance of the Congolese Government to help prevent the capture of Kinshasa by Ugandan and Rwandan troops, and in the north-eastern part of the country, within few months, Uganda People’s Defense Force (UPDF) troops had advanced and had progressively occupied a huge amount of Congolese territory in several provinces.xv The DRC states that Uganda’s military operation against the DRC also included the provision of military support to armed groups in the DRC that were opposed to President Kabila’s Government. At the end of September 1998, Uganda supported the creation of the new Movement for the Liberation of the Congo (MLC) rebel group. According to the DRC, Uganda was significantly involved in the recruitment, training, education, equipment and supplying of the MLC and its military wing, the ALC.xvi 5 The close links between Uganda and the MLC were reflected in the formation of a united military front in combat operations against the FAC. The DRC states that there were several occasions where the UPDF provided tactical support, including artillery cover, for ALC troops. Hence, the DRC contends that the Uganda People's Defense Force (UPDF) and the ALC constantly combined forces and acted in close co-operation while fighting against the Congolese army. It was then concluded that Uganda, “in addition to providing decisive military support for several Congolese rebel movements, has been extremely active in supplying these movements with a political and diplomatic framework”.xvii With all these violations by Uganda, the DRC asks the Court to indicate the following provisional measures against the Government of Uganda: (1) the immediate withdrawal of its armed forces from Kisangani; (2) the immediate cessation of all fighting or military activity on the territory of the DRC and the immediate and complete withdrawal from that territory; (3) the adoption of "all measures in its power" to desist from the commission or inciting the commission of war crimes; (4) the discontinuance of any act "having the aim or effect of disrupting, interfering with or hampering actions intended to give the population of the occupied zones the benefit of their fundamental human rights"; (5) the immediate cessation of "all illegal exploitation of the natural resources" of the DRC and (6) respecting the sovereignty of the DRC and its people.xviii 6 Additionally, the DRC also asks the Court to exercise what it called the "substantial power of discretion" conferred by Article 41 of its Statute: At this preliminary stage of a request for the indication of provisional measures, the Democratic Republic of the Congo is not asking the Court to condemn Uganda, to require it to pay compensation by way of reparation, or even to declare-at any event not in the operative part of the order for the indication of provisional measures-that Uganda has violated international law. The withdrawal of troops, or the ending of support for irregular armed groups, are required not as consequences of a finding that Uganda has violated international law, but simply as measures preserving the rights of the Democratic Republic of the Congo until the Court is able to decide the dispute on the merits.xix There were several human rights violations against the DRC that were perpetrated by Uganda since 2 August 1998, and the Ministry of Human Rights prepared the First and Second White Papers which includes a six-part summary of these violations. By way of illustration, the Democratic Republic of the Congo would cite the following incidents, which in no sense constitute an exhaustive list, and which are evidence of a deliberate policy operated by the Ugandan Government against the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and they are as follows.xx 1. Massacres: There was a mass murder of about 38 officers and up to 100 soldiers in the Congolese Armed Forces at Kavumu airport on Monday 3rd August 1998.
Recommended publications
  • 1 Criticisms of Multiparty Democracy
    CRITICISMS OF MULTIPARTY DEMOCRACY: PARALLELS BETWEEN WAMBA-DIA-WAMBA AND ARENDT. Gail M. Presbey • This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in NEW POLITICAL SCIENCE in Volume 20, 1998 - Issue 1, 35-52, available online: https://doi.org/10.1080/07393149808429811 Is Africa becoming more democratic in the 1990's? A sharp increase in multiparty democracy might seem to attest to the victory of democracy in Africa -- unless the presence of multiparty democracy alone may not be a sufficient indicator of the status of democracy. Thirty years ago, Arendt criticized both multiparty and one-party democracy, advocating a more grassroots involvement in localized politics. In the 1960's, Fanon and other African critics likewise criticized what party politics was doing to the newly-independent states of Africa. _______________________________________________________________ 1 2 Since 1990, Ernest Wamba-dia-Wamba of University of Dar-Es- Saalam has written several articles from a contemporary African angle, suggesting criticisms of multiparty and one-party democracy that parallel Arendt's analysis. Wamba-dia-Wamba is an important and influential scholar who specializes in the history of ideas as well as the history of political economy. He has recently spent several years as President of the Executive Committee of CODESRIA (Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa). In his work for the past ten years with CODESRIA, he has coordinated research on social movements, social transformation, and democracy in Africa, recently resulting in an edited collection of research articles.1 In addition, Wamba-dia-Wamba served as East Africa Editor for Quest: Philosophical Discussions, An International African Journal of Philosophy from 1988-1996.
    [Show full text]
  • The Agreement on a Cease-Fire in the Democratic Republic of Congo
    THE AGREEMENT ON A CEASE-FIRE IN THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO: An Analysis of the Agreement and Prospects for Peace ICG Democratic Republic of Congo Report N° 5 20 August 1999 Table of Contents EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ..................................................................................................I I. INTRODUCTION.......................................................................................................1 II. MOTIVATIONS AND STRATEGIES OF THE PLAYERS: WHY SIGN NOW?.........2 1. A Step Towards Peace .................................................................................................2 2. Who Wins What? ..........................................................................................................5 III. CAN THE CEASE-FIRE AGREEMENT BE IMPLEMENTED?...............................17 1. Assumptions at the Base of the Cease-fire Agreement.............................................17 2. Post Lusaka Violations..............................................................................................18 3. Fighting Amongst the Allies? ....................................................................................19 4. Disarming of Armed Militias, a Big Job......................................................................21 5. Internal Dimensions of the Agreement for the Democratic Republic of Congo ..........24 6. The Issue of a Peacekeeping Force: the Belligerents Turned into Peacekeepers?...26 7. Withdrawal of Foreign Troops: Will the Deadline be Met?.........................................27
    [Show full text]
  • Special Bulletin
    ASSOCIATION OF CONCERNED AFRICA SCHOLARS Special Bulletin · October 1998 No. 53/54 .~ . r : . • . ' • g ISSN 1051-08442 Five Dolla-rs ACAS Executive Committee* Co-Chairs Political Action Committee Bill Martin Jim Cason University of Illinois 101 N. Carolina Ave., SE, #310 326 Lincoln Hall Washington, DC 20003 , 702 S. Wright Street E-Mail: [email protected] Urbana, IL 61801 Tel: (217) 333-8052 Meredeth Turshen E-mail: [email protected] School of Planning & Public Policy Rutgers University Merle Bowen New Brunswick, NJ 08903 University of Illinois Tel: (908) 932-4101 361 Lincoln Hall E-mail: [email protected] 702 S. Wright Street Urbana, IL 61801 Tel: (217) 333-2956 E-mail: [email protected] Treasurer Bulletin Editor Steven Rubert Daniel Volman Department of History Africa Research Project 306 Milam Hall 2627 Woodley Place, NW Oregon State University Washington, DC 20008 Corvallis, OR 97331 Tel: (202) 797-3608 Tel: (503) 737-1261 E-mail: [email protected];org E-mail: [email protected] ACAS Board of Directors*, Adotei Adwei (Amnesty International) Salih Booker (Council on Foreign Relations) Joye Bowman (U. of Massachusetts, Amherst) Carolyn Brown (Rutgers U.) Allan Cooper (Otterbein College) ·Jennifer Davis (American Committee on Africa) William Derman (Michigan State U.) Ed Ferguson (Smith College) Allen J. Green (Wesleyan U.) Asma Abdel Halim (WILD AF-Sudan & U. of Ohio, Athens) Frank Holmquist (Hampshire College) Allan Isaacman (U. of Minnesota) Willard R. Johnson (MIT) Tilden Le Melle (Africa Fund) Sidney Lemelle (Pomona College) Pearl-Alice Marsh (Afi:ica Policy Information Center) Bill Minter (Africa Policy Information Center) , James Mittelman (American U.) Prexy Nesbitt (Baobab Notes) · Thomas Painter (Centers for Disease Control) Hans Panof~ky (Northwestern U.) Christine Root · Joel Sarnoff (Stanford U.) Ann Seidman (Clark U.) frnmanuel Wallerstein (SUNY-Bingharnton) Michael West (U.
    [Show full text]
  • Perpetuation of Instability in the Democratic Republic of the Congo: When the Kivus Sneeze, Kinshasa Catches a Cold
    Perpetuation of instability in the Democratic Republic of the Congo: When the Kivus sneeze, Kinshasa catches a cold By Joyce Muraya and John Ahere 22 YEARS OF CONTRIBUTING TO PEACE ISSUE 1, 2014 Perpetuation of instability in the Democratic Republic of the Congo: When the Kivus sneeze, Kinshasa catches a cold By Joyce Muraya and John Ahere Occasional Paper Series: Issue 1, 2014 About ACCORD The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD) is a non-governmental organisation working throughout Africa to bring creative solutions to the challenges posed by conflict on the continent. ACCORD’s primary aim is to influence political developments by bringing conflict resolution, dialogue and institutional development to the forefront as alternatives to armed violence and protracted conflict. Acknowledgements The authors extend their appreciation to all colleagues who supported the development and finalisation of this paper, including Daniel Forti, Charles Nyuykonge and Sabrina Ensenbach for their invaluable contributions to the paper’s structure and content and to Petronella Mugoni for her assistance in formatting the paper. The authors also appreciate the cooperation of colleagues in ACCORD’s Peacebuilding and Peacemaking units, for affording them the time and space to conduct the research necessary for writing this publication. About the authors Joyce Muraya holds a Master of Arts degree in International Relations from the United States International University in Nairobi, Kenya. Muraya served in Kenya’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs for a year and a half and participated in a nine-month internship programme in the Peacebuilding Unit at ACCORD. She has published on gender and women’s issues, with a focus on women’s reproductive rights.
    [Show full text]
  • MA-Thesis in International Affairs Conflict in the Democratic Republic
    MA-thesis in International Affairs Conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo A study of “new wars” Erna Sif Bjarnadóttir October 2017 Conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo A study of “new wars” Erna Sif Bjarnadóttir MA thesis in International Affairs Advisor: Silja Bára Ómarsdóttir Faculty of Political Science School of Social Science University of Iceland September 2017 Conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo: A study of “new wars” This thesis is submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in International Affairs at the University of Iceland. The thesis cannot be reproduced without the author’s consent. © Erna Sif Bjarnadóttir 2017 291089-2599 Reykjavík, Iceland 2017 Abstract The Congo Wars from 1996-2003 are known as the deadliest wars since World War II. Several attempts have been made to analyse the causes of the two Congo Wars with different theoretical aspects, however, few attempts have been made to explain and analyse the nature of the wars in the Congo from 1996-2003. The aim of this research was to test Mary Kaldor’s theory of “new and old wars” on the case of the Congo Wars 1996-2003. The central argument of Kaldor’s theory is that during the last decade of the twentieth century, organised violence and warfare changed dramatically vis-à-vis actors, aims, economy, and victims. In this thesis, I conduct a single case study analysis, and I find that in accordance with Kaldor’s theory, we do see in the case of the Congo Wars a new set of actors, new aims, new war economy, and new systematically targeted victims.
    [Show full text]
  • THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC of CONGO 2003 in Review
    COMMENTARY THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO 2003 in review NELSON ALUSALA Introduction the two countries to deliberate on the Luanda Accord of September 2002. The two heads of This paper reflects on major political events state affirmed their commitment to the that took place in the Democratic Republic of accord, which provides for the total withdraw- Congo (DRC) in 2003 and which have signif- al of Ugandan troops from the DRC and the icantly shaped the peace process in the DRC, normalisation of relations between the DRC as well as the politics of the Great Lakes and Uganda. The relationship between Region. It concludes with observations drawn Kinshasa and Kampala seemed to improve from the events. further when delegates of the two govern- ments, ethnic militias and different rebel The review groups operating in Ituri signed the Ituri Cessation of Hostilities Agreement in Bunia. The year 2003 was a year of remarkable achievement and a turning point for the peo- Under this agreement the Uganda People’s ple of the DRC, as it marked the beginning of Defence Force (UPDF) was to withdraw from what many would call ‘the road to peace’ after the DRC by 24 April. The only obstacle to the close to five years of war. agreement was the Union des Patriotes Congolais When in January the UN Security Council (UPC’s) failure to sign. unanimously approved resolution 1457 to Following a continued escalation of vio- renew the mandate of the Panel of Experts on lence in Ituri, the UN Security Council in the Illegal Exploitation of Natural Resources March
    [Show full text]
  • CRISIS in the CONGO: the Rise and Fall of Laurent Kabila
    C C 9781403975751_01_prexviii.indd i 11/17/2010 5:11:40 PM This page intentionally left blank C C The Rise and Fall of Laurent Kabila François Ngolet 9781403975751_01_prexviii.indd iii 11/17/2010 5:11:42 PM CRISIS IN THE CONGO Copyright © François Ngolet, 2011. All rights reserved. First published in 2011 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN® in the United States—a division of St. Martin’s Press LLC, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010. Where this book is distributed in the UK, Europe and the rest of the world, this is by Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited, registered in England, company number 785998, of Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS. Palgrave Macmillan is the global academic imprint of the above companies and has companies and representatives throughout the world. Palgrave® and Macmillan® are registered trademarks in the United States, the United Kingdom, Europe and other countries. ISBN: 978–1–4039–7575–1 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Ngolet, François. Crisis in the Congo : the rise and fall of Laurent Kabila / François Ngolet. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978–1–4039–7575–1 (hbk.) 1. Congo (Democratic Republic)—History—1997– 2. Congo (Democratic Republic)—Politics and government—1997– 3. Kabila, Joseph. 4. Alliance des forces démocratiques pour la libération du Congo Kinshasa. 5. Political violence—Congo (Democratic Republic)—History—20th century. 6. Ethnic conflict— Congo (Democratic Republic)—History—20th century. I. Title. DT658.26.N465 2010 967.5103′4—dc22 2010019024 A catalogue record of the book is available from the British Library. Design by Newgen Imaging Systems (P) Ltd., Chennai, India.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rise and Decline of the Congolese State
    Working Paper No. 21 THE RISE AND DECLINE OF THE CONGOLESE STATE AN ANALYTICAL NARRATIVE ON STATE-MAKING Gabi Hesselbein Crisis States Research Centre November 2007 Copyright © G. Hesselbein 2007 Although every effort is made to ensure the accuracy and reliability of material published in this Working Paper, the Crisis States Research Centre and LSE accept no responsibility for the veracity of claims or accuracy of information provided by contributors. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means without the prior permission in writing of the publisher nor be issued to the public or circulated in any form other than that in which it is published. Requests for permission to reproduce this Working Paper, of any part thereof, should be sent to: The Editor, Crisis States Research Centre, DESTIN, LSE, Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE. Crisis States Working Papers Series No.2 ISSN 1749-1797 (print) ISSN 1749-1800 (online) 1 Crisis States Research Centre The Rise and Decline of the Congolese State1 An analytical narrative on state-making Gabi Hesselbein2 Crisis States Research Centre Abstract: This analytical narrative investigates the varying nature and strength of the state in Congo/Zaire from colonial times through the tumultuous years after independence, the ups and downs of the Mobutu years, the two wars at the turn of the century, the interim government and the beginning of the fourth republic in 2006. After a discussion of the prevalent theories of state failure, this text discusses state resilience and fragility within the framework of late industrialisation and the difficulties in transforming a pre- capitalist society into a capitalist one.
    [Show full text]
  • The External Militarization of Local Politics in North-Eastern Congo RIFT VALLEY INSTITUTE | USALAMA PROJECT
    RIFT VALLEY INSTITUTE | USALAMA PROJECT UNDERSTANDING CONGOLESE ARMED GROUPS UPC IN ITURI THE EXTERNAL MILITARIZATION OF LOCAL POLITICS IN NORTH-EASTERN CONGO RIFT VALLEY INSTITUTE | USALAMA PROJECT UPC in Ituri The external militarization of local politics in north-eastern Congo HENNING TAMM Published in 2013 by the Rift Valley Institute 1 St Luke’s Mews, London W11 1DF, United Kingdom PO Box 30710 GPO, 0100 Nairobi, Kenya THE USALAMA PROJECT The Rift Valley Institute’s Usalama Project documents armed groups in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The project is supported by Humanity United and Open Square, and undertaken in collaboration with the Catholic University of Bukavu. THE RIFT VALLEY INSTITUTE (RVI) The Rift Valley Institute (www.riftvalley.net) works in Eastern and Central Africa to bring local knowledge to bear on social, political, and economic development. THE AUTHOR Henning Tamm is a doctoral candidate in International Relations at St Antony’s College, University of Oxford, and a pre-doctoral fellow with the Program on Order, Conflict and Violence at Yale University. RESEARCH ASSISTANTS: Jean Paul Basila and Daniel Litsha. Neither bears any responsibility for the contents of the report. RVI ExECUTIVE DIRECTOR: John Ryle RVI PROGRAMME DIRECTOR: Christopher Kidner RVI USALAMA PROJECT DIRECTOR: Jason Stearns RVI Great LAkES PROGRAMME MANAGER: Michel Thill RVI PUblications MANAGER: Fergus Nicoll RVI Information OFFICER: Tymon Kiepe Report DESIGN: Lindsay Nash MAPS: Jillian Luff, MAPgrafix PRINTING: Intype Libra Ltd., 3/4 Elm Grove Industrial Estate, London SW19 4HE ISbN 978-1-907431-11-1 COVER: Child soldiers conscripted by the UPC await orders in Bule, Ituri district (2003).
    [Show full text]
  • Eight Criteria for Congo Peace
    THE SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS 18/1999 Eight Criteria for Congo Peace Top of the agenda of the annual heads of government summit of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) held in Maputo during the week of 16 August has been the faltering peace process to end the year-long and ongoing war in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Just a few days before, SA Foreign Minister Dr Nkosazana Zuma-Dlamini returned from a diplomatic mission to Kisangani. On her return, she was 'still hoping that a solution will be found'. Her efforts follow President Thabo Mbeki's marathon 12-hour session on 8 August in Pretoria with the presidents of Rwanda, Tanzania and Uganda. Yet such energies are increasingly reminiscent of afresh offensive in response. UN Secretary-General Neville Chamberlain's appeasement policies which Kofi Annan called for an immediate cessation to the led him to return from Munich in 1938 promising conflict and expressed his concern that the Kisangani 'peace in our time'. Indeed, DRC President Laurent clashes would 'further complicate ongoing regional Kabila's premature and abrupt departure from the efforts for a peaceful resolution to the conflicts in the Maputo SADC summit is not a hopeful sign that peace Great Lakes region'. A Rwandan government is about to break out. spokesman said the confrontation had in 'no way' affected the 'cordial relations' enjoyed by the two It is clear that a number of problems must be countries. 'Rwanda as a sovereign country has its own addressed if calm is to prevail in the Congo: interests.
    [Show full text]
  • Do Not Remove
    THE SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS 99 DO NOT REMOVE Guerrillas in their Midst: Shifting Alliances in the DRC A reshuffling of alliances on both sides of the conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), has created confusion as to who's who in the ten-month imbroglio and has added to the complexity of finding a peaceful solution. Brief Chronology There has, in recent months, been a shift in the strategic alliances created on both sides of the DRC 27 July 1998: President Kabila orders all foreign troops to leave the country. conflict. There have been reports of tension between 2 August 1998: An army rebellion against Kabila begins the main rebel movement, the Congolese Rally for in eastern DRC with fighting reported in Coma and Bukavu Democracy (RCD), and the newly formed Congolese (North and South Kivu), between loyal government troops Liberation Movement (CLM). RCD officials have (the Congolese Armed Forces - FAC) and a rebel coalition disclosed a division within their movement. On the said to comprise former Mobutu soldiers - the ex-Zai rean other side of the equation, DRC President Laurent- Armed Forces (FAZ), and in particular theso-called L fhtrt-te Desire Kabiia^nas reshuffled his cabinet and made who are backed by Rwandan Patriotic Forces (RPF). some unexpected changes. 3 August 1998: Government troops succeed in controlling the rebellion in Kinshasa. Shifting Alliances 5 August 1998: Foreign Minister Bizima Karaha announces in Goma that he has joined the rebels. The RCD divided 17 August 1998: The rebels announce that their movement The division within the RCD essentially pits the will be known as the Rassemblement Congolais pour la renovateurs, led by Wamba dia Wamba, against Democratie (RCD).
    [Show full text]
  • (Im)Possible: Rethinking Militancy in Africa Today
    Interface: a journal for and about social movements Key document Volume 1 (2): 263 - 334 (November 2009) Neocosmos, Rethinking militancy Civil society, citizenship and the politics of the (im)possible: rethinking militancy in Africa today Michael Neocosmos This report was originally written for CODESRIA, the Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa, and is due to be published by CODESRIA as a monograph in the near future. Interface is very grateful to Prof Neocosmos and to CODESRIA for the opportunity to present a preliminary version of this report. We hope that this enables social movements elsewhere in the world to learn from some of the most systematic reflection yet on the current shape of popular struggles in Africa. Preface and acknowledgements This work was originally written as a report for the Codesria Multinational Working Group on Citizenship and submitted in 2007. It has been revised since then. The argument is deployed along the following lines: The contemporary critique of neo-liberalism has concentrated overwhelmingly on its economic theory and socio-economic effects. Very little has been written so far on its political conceptions, particularly of the limited thinking which it imposes on political thought and practice. This work makes a contribution to the latter endeavour by making a case for thinking an emancipatory politics in contemporary Africa. It shows that civil society - the expression of the freedom of the citizen in neo-liberal discourse - must be understood, not as organised society, but as a domain of politics where the hegemony of a liberal, state mode of politics prevails.
    [Show full text]