Examining Factors Affecting the Failure of Khofifah Indar Parawansa in East Java Gubernatorial Elections Menelaah Faktor-Faktor
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Satu) Dari Rencana 2 (Dua) Tahun
Kode/NamaRumpunIlmu: 596/IlmuHukum LAPORAN AKHIR HIBAH KOMPETENSI z REKONSTRUKSI PEMBANGUNAN LEGISLASI BERBASIS HUKUM PENGAYOMAN Tahun ke 1 (satu) dari rencana 2 (dua) tahun KETUA TIM PENELITI Rudy, S.H., LL.M., LL.D. NIDN 0004018102 UNIVERSITAS LAMPUNG NOVEMBER 2016 1 2 IDENTITAS PENELITIAN 1. Judul Usulan : Rekonstruksi Pembangunan Legislasi Berbasis Hukum Pengayoman 2. Ketua Peneliti Nama : Dr. Rudy, SH., LL.M Kompetensi : Pembangunan Hukum dan Pembangunan Legislasi Anggota Peneliti Nama : Dr. Hieronymus Soerjatisnanta, SH., MH Kompetensi : Legal Drafting dan Kebijakan Hukum 3. Topik Penelitian : Pembangunan Hukum 4. Objek penelitian : Pembangunan Legislasi 5 Lokasi : DPD RI dan Provinsi Lampung penelitian 6. Target : Target besar yang akan dicapai penelitian ini adalah Penelitian konstruksi baru pembangunan legislasi Indonesia. Luaran yang akan dihasilkan adalah publikasi berupa Jurnal Internasional Cambridge Asian Law and Society, Jurnal Terakreditasi Nasional Konstitusi, Buku Ajar, Buku Referensi, dan Modul Pembangunan Legislasi berbasis Hukum Pengayoman. 7. Mitra Penelitian : Mitra Penelitian yang telah siap untuk bekerjasama adalah Kobe University dalam bentuk kerjasama riset mengenai pembangunan legislasi. Selain itu, mitra yang tak kalah pentingnya adalah DPD RI dimana peneliti merupakan salah satu tenaga ahli dalam Panitia Perancang Undang-Undang DPD RI. Peneliti akan menggunakan model hukum pengayoman dalam pembangunan legislasi yang melibatkan DPD RI. 8. Keterangan lain : Model hukum pengayoman yang digunakan merupakan hasil pengembangan model article impact asesstment yang merupakan luaran dari Penelitian Stranas peneliti pada tahun 2013-2014. Selain itu, peneliti merupakan salah satu tenaga ahli dalam Panitia Perancang Undang- Undang (PPUU) DPD RI dan Anggota Peneliti merupakan tenaga ahli Badan Legislasi DPRD Provinsi Lampung 3 RINGKASAN Pembangunan Legislasi sampai saat ini hanya mementingkan target kuantitas tanpa grand design dan kontruksi yang berkeadilan dan mengayomi. -
E:\Buku-Buku\Postcript\Edisi 7\
Monthly Political and Economic Analysis the house divided Vol. I, No. 7, November 2004 Editor’s Note Learning From The 1 Tragedy in Thailand:10 The House Divided: Quo Vadis The Asean The Conflict Between 3 Way? The National and People’s Coalition in Modest Lifestyle versus The Parliament Corruption 14 The United Indonesia Report on Discussion: Cabinet: The Structure and 17 The End of Coalition7 Composition of The with the People? New Cabinet: Challenges, Hopes, and Reality P O L I T I C S THE HOUSE DIVIDED: THE CONFLICT BETWEEN THE NATIONAL AND PEOPLE’S COALITION IN THE PARLIAMENT ndonesians are still celebrating the success of the 2004 General Elections and the establishment of the new cabinet. However, I the celebration is disturbed with the dispute among members of the parliament (DPR), which is divided into two coalitions, the People’s Coalition supporting Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and the National Coalition as the opposition. The disagreement in the parliament was foreseeable the moment the National Coalition was established back in September to support the candidacy of the incumbent Megawati Sukarnoputri, as five major and medium-sized parties joined forces to support Megawati in the presidential election. The two coalitions are now fighting for positions in the DPR commission leadership. It has been more than one month since members of the parliament were sworn in on October 1, 2004. However, not much has been accomplished by the DPR, because the commissions have not yet been confirmed. In fact, the creation of the commissions itself was the main trigger to the dispute between the two coalitions. -
Tinjauan Sosiolinguistik
IR-PERPUSTAKAAN UNIVERSITAS AIRLANGGA DAFTAR PUSTAKA Aslinda dan Leni Syafyahya. 2007. Pengantar Sosiolinguistik. Bandung: PT Refika Aditama. Chaer, Abdul dan Leonie Agustina. 2010. Sosiolinguistik: Perkenalan Awal. Jakarta: Rineka Cipta. Djajasudarma, Fatimah. 2006. Metode Linguistik: Ancangan Metode Penelitian dan Kajian. Bandung: PT. Refika Adita. Elliya, Ixsir dan Ida Zulaeha. 2017. “Model Komunikasi Politik Ridwan Kamil di Media Sosial Instagram.” Jurnal Bahasa, Sastra dan Pendidikan Bahasa dan Sastra Indonesia 4(2) 2017. (online) (http://journal.uinjkt.ac.id/index.php/dialektika/article/view/5540/pdf diakses pada 28 April 2020, pukul 20.00 WIB). Fashol, Ralph. 1984. The Sociolinguistics of Society. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Fishman, Joshua A. 1972. Sociolinguistics a Brief Introduction. Third printing. Massachusetts: Newbury House Publisher. Harun, Rochajat dan Sumarno. 2006. Komunikasi Politik Sebagai Suatu Pengantar. Bandung: Mandar Maju. Kamil, Ridwan. 2014. #Tetot: Aku, Kamu, dan Media Sosial. Bandung: Sygma Creative Media Corp. Kholidah, Umi dan Haryadi. 2017. “Wujud Pilihan Kode Tutur Mahasiswa Aceh pada Ranah Pergaulan di Semarang.” Seloka 6 (2) (2017). (online) (http://journal.unnes.ac.id/sju/index.php/seloka diakses pada 17 Mei 2020, pukul 16.30 WIB) Kridalaksana, Harimurti. 2008. Fungsi dan Sikap Bahasa. Jakarta: Penerbit Nusa Indah. Nababan, P.W.J. 1984. Sosiolinguistik: Suatu Pengantar. Jakarta: Gramedia. Nimmo, Dan. 2007. Political Communication and Public Opinion in America. Diterjemahkan oleh Tjun Surjaman. Bandung: Remaja Rosa Karya. Perdana, Ida. 2019. “Alih Kode Dan Campur Kode Pada Peristiwa Tutur Kampanye Pemilihan Kepala Desa Di Desa Agung Mulya Kabupaten 68 SKRIPSI WUJUD PILIHAN KODE..... YULIANA IR-PERPUSTAKAAN UNIVERSITAS AIRLANGGA Kotawaringin Timur.” (ppjp.ulm.ac.id>jurnal>indeks>.php>jbsp>article diakses pada 5 Mei 2020, pukul 07.30 WIB) Poedjosoedarmo, Soepomo. -
AGENDA REV 5 1.Indd
DEWAN PERWAKILAN DAERAH REPUBLIK INDONESIA AGENDA KERJA DPD RI 2017 DATA PRIBADI Nama __________________________________________________________ No. Anggota ___________________________________________________ Alamat _________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________ Telepon/Fax ____________________________________________________ Nomor _________________________________________________________ KTP ____________________________________________________________ Paspor _________________________________________________________ Asuransi _______________________________________________________ Pajak Pendapatan ______________________________________________ SIM ____________________________________________________________ PBB ____________________________________________________________ Lain-lain _______________________________________________________ DATA BISNIS Kantor _________________________________________________________ Alamat _________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________ Telepon/Fax ____________________________________________________ Telex ___________________________________________________________ Lain-lain _______________________________________________________ NOMOR TELEPON PENTING Dokter/Dokter Gigi _____________________________________________ Biro Perjalanan _________________________________________________ Taksi ___________________________________________________________ Stasiun K.A -
Monitoring Berita Pandemi Covid-19
Monitoring Berita Pandemi Covid-19 Pantauan Media Massa 18-20 Mei 2020 Metode & Sumber Data Intelligence Media Management 01 Laporan ini disusun dengan bantuan sistem Intelligence Media Management (IMM), yang memuat berita dari 6.296 media online, termasuk media luar negeri. IMM menggunakan teknologi kecerdasan buatan yang dapat mengklasifikasikan berita berdasarkan kata dan membantu analisis sentimen. Penyaringan Bahasa dan Kata 02 Seluruh berita yang masuk ke sistem IMM disaring berdasarkan bahasa, yakni bahasa Indonesia, dan kata, yakni variasi kata atau penyebutan Covid-19 oleh wartawan, seperti Virus Corona, Virus Korona, Coronavirus, SARS-CoV-2, Covid-19, dll. 79.351 Berita 03 Dari seluruh berita yang tersaring, terdapat 79.351 berita selama 18-20 Mei 2020. Laporan ini disusun berdasarkan sejumlah berita tersebut, dibantu dengan fitur-fitur dalam sistem IMM. Ragam Berita Nasional Kasus Terbaru, Pelaksanaan Tes Cepat Pengajuan, Penerapan dan Wacana dan Uji Swab Covid-19 Relaksasi Status PSBB Pelaksanaan dan Masalah Penyaluran Penerapan dan Pelanggaran Protokol Bantuan Sosial Kesehatan di Pasar dan Pertokoan Kebijakan Pelaksanaan Salat dan Kontroversi dan Wacana Penerapan Perayaan Idul Fitri di Sejumlah Daerah Skenario “The New Normal” Kepulangan WNI dan Pemeriksaan Pelaksanaan dan Penundaan Penumpang di Bandara dan Pembayaran THR saat Pandemi Pelabuhan Langkah Pemerintah Pusat SIAPKAN TRANSFORMASI ANTISIPASI KEKERINGAN DIGITAL UMKM SAAT PANDEMI Menkop UKM tengah menyiapkan Kementerian PUPR mengoptimalkan langkah transformasi digital -
LITERATUS Literature for Social Impact and Cultural Studies
LITERATUS literature for social impact and cultural studies The Pseudo Rivality of Political Elites in The Governor Election East Java Province in 2018 Rivalitas Semu Elite Politik pada Pemilukada Gubernur Provinsi Jawa Timur 2018 Muhammad Aditya Pradana Departemen Ilmu Politik, Universitas Indonesia Depok, Jawa Barat Abstract Rivalry and elite cooperation in Indonesia exist due to the existence of interests between groups of actors that intersect with each other in various aspects. That the elite always tries to create consensus through cooperation on the calculation of profits even though there is rivalry between the elites who intersect. This can be seen from the post-conflict local elections in East Java in 2008, 2013, and 2018. In the 2008 and 2013 East Java regional elections, Soekarwo became Khofifah's rival. However, in the 2018 East Java election, Soekarwo turned to support Khofifah and decided not to support his deputy for two periods, namely Saifullah Yusuf. This study wants to see the factors behind elite rivalry and cooperation, especially in the context of the 2018 East Java Regional Election. This research uses qualitative methods. In addition, this research also uses the theory of antagonistic cooperation, boundary control theory, party- led transition, and integration theory and elite circles. The results of this study show that there is a role for the national elite, in this context the DPP of the Democratic Party and the influence of President Joko Widodo in the transition of Soekarwo's support to Khofifah. In addition, this study also found that there was a relationship of interdependence between Seokarwo and Khofifah. -
LITERATUS Literature for Social Impact and Cultural Studies
LITERATUS literature for social impact and cultural studies The Involvement of The Muslimat NU Network in Winning Khofifah Indar Parawansa in The 2018 East Java Governor Election Keterlibatan Jaringan Muslimat NU dalam Memenangkan Khofifah Indar Parawansa di Pemilihan Gubernur Jawa Timur 2018 Silkania Swarizona Departemen Ilmu Politik, Universitas Indonesia Depok, Jawa Barat Riaty Raffiudin Departemen Ilmu Politik, Universitas Indonesia Depok, Jawa Barat Abstract In the election for the Governor of East Java in 2018, Khofifah Indar Parawansa finally succeeded in becoming the Governor of East Java after losing in two previous East Java election. Khofifah Indar Parawansa's victory this time could not be separated from the influence of the East Java NU Muslimat network, where Khofifah was the chairman of the NU Muslimat organization. The purpose of this study is to see how the involvement of the Muslimat NU network as a civil society organization and to help Khofifah in winning the East Java election in 2018. This research uses qualitative research methods, with the object of research being Muslimat NU. The results of this study indicate that the NU Muslimat Network can be put to good use by Khofifah Indar Parawansa to make him the Governor of East Java in 2018. This can be seen from two aspects, first is that Khofifah Indar Parawansa has a considerable influence in the Muslimat NU organization. Second, the adherence of NU's Muslimat supporters to Khofifah shows her dominance in the organization. With Khofifah's already strong influence and dominance among Muslimat NU, the Muslimat NU network can implement a resource mobilization strategy to ensure Khofifah Indar Parawansa's victory in the gubernatorial election. -
Virtual Kick-Off Meeting of the Steering Committee
Green Infrastructure Initiative Virtual Kick-Off Meeting of the Steering Committee Jakarta - Bandung - Semarang - Surabaya - Denpasar Berlin - Bonn - Eschborn - Frankfurt March 4th, 2021 KEMENTERIAN KOORDINATOR KEMENTERIAN PPN/ KEMENTERIAN KEUANGAN BIDANG KEMARITIMAN BAPPENAS REPUBLIK INDONESIA DAN INVESTASI Virtual Kick-Off Meeting of the Steering Committee for the Green Infrastructure Initiative A PARTNERSHIP BETWEEN THE REPUBLIC OF INDONESIA AND THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY Ambassador Federal Minister Coordinating Minister Minister Ambassador Peter Schoof Gerd Müller Luhut Binsar Pandjaitan Suharso Monoarfa Arief Havas Oegroseno Governor of West Java Governor of Central Java Governor of East Java Governor of Bali Ridwan Kamil Ganjar Pranowo Khofifah Indar Parawansa Wayan Koster KfW GIZ BMZ CMMAI CMMAI Bappenas Angela Tormin Martin Hansen Claudia Warning Nani Hendiarti Ayodhya G. L. Kalake Leo Tampubolon KfW GIZ Bappenas MoF PUPR KPPIP Olaf Goerke Philipp Johannsen Rizal Primana Luky Alfirman Diana Kusumastuti Wahyu Utomo KfW GIZ MoFA KLHK MoT Bappenas Bappenas KPPIP Stephan Opitz Kerstin Nagels Ngurah Swajaya Rosa Vivien Djoko Sasono Kurniawan Ariadi Ikhwan Hakim Suroto CMMAI CMMAI West Java Bappeda Central Java Bappeda East Java Bappeda Bali Bappeda CMMAI Bappenas Y. Yudi Prabangkara Rofi Alhanif Ferry Sofwan Arif Prasetyo Aribowo Bobby Soemiarsono I. W. W. Ika Putra Saleh Nugrahadi Virgiyanti KEMENTERIAN KOORDINATOR KEMENTERIAN PPN/ KEMENTERIAN KEUANGAN BIDANG KEMARITIMAN BAPPENAS REPUBLIK INDONESIA DAN INVESTASI Documentation Virtual Kick-Off Meeting of the Steering Committee for the Green Infrastructure Initiative A PARTNERSHIP BETWEEN THE REPUBLIC OF INDONESIA AND THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY Co-Chaired by: H.E. General (Ret) Luhut Binsar Pandjaitan, MPA Coordinating Minister for Maritime Affairs and Investment and H.E. -
Pemilihan Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwana
Kadarkum : Jurnal Pengabdian Kepada Masyarakat Vol. 1 No. 2 Desember 2020 Hal 126-135 Diterbitkan Oleh Universitas Semarang Jl. Soekarno-Hatta Tlogosari Semarang PEMILIHAN SRI SULTAN HAMENGKUBUWANA PEREMPUAN DALAM KAITANNYA DENGAN OTONOMI KHUSUS PROVINSI DAERAH ISTIMEWA YOGYAKARTA Jeremias Palito Fakultas Hukum Universitas Padjadjaran, Bandung Indonesia, [email protected] Abstrak Provinsi Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta merupakan salah satu dari sedikit provinsi di Indonesia yang memiliki otonomi khusus yang tidak dimiliki daerah lain di Indonesia, yaitu berupa Kepala Daerah yang bukan disebut Gubernur, melainkan Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwana. Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwana merupakan gelar yang dimiliki oleh Kepala Daerah Provinsi Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta. Secara historis, sejak tahun 1755, seorang Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwana kesemuanya adalah laki-laki, yang dipilih secara otomatis menurut garis keturunan patriarki. Namun masalah muncul ketika Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwana X, yang sekarang sedang menjabat, tidak memiliki keturunan laki-laki. Alhasil, anak perempuan tertua Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwana X yang bergelar GKR Pembayun diberikan gelar baru yaitu GKR Mangkubumi, yang pada dasarnya gelar tersebut diberikan kepada penerus takhta Keraton. Penelitian ini dilakukan dengan pendekatan yuridis normatif, dengan menelaah peraturan perundang- undangan serta literatur terkait terutama dalam bidang pemerintahan daerah dan hak asasi manusia. Dengan adanya penelitian ini, diketahui bahwa tidak ada peraturan Keraton yang mewajibkan seorang Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwana adalah laki-laki, namun di saat yang sama, pemberian gelar Mangkubumi kepada seorang perempuan dianggap menyalahi adat dan aturan Keraton. Apabila GKR Pembayun yang kini dikenal sebagai GKR Mangkubumi nantinya berhasil menjadi Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwana perempuan pertama, maka hal tersebut akan menjadi tonggak sejarah kontestasi pemilihan kepala daerah di Provinsi Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta, dan dapat menjadi kunci utama penghapusan diskriminasi terhadap perempuan di lingkungan Keraton. -
Kepmensos Nomor 42/Huk/2015
SALINAN KEPUTUSAN MENTERI SOSIAL REPUBLIK INDONESIA NOMOR : 42 / HUK / 2015 TENTANG PERUBAHAN KEPUTUSAN MENTERI SOSIAL NOMOR 25/HUK/2015 TENTANG PENETAPAN PENERIMA BANTUAN IURAN JAMINAN KESEHATAN TAHUN 2015 MENTERI SOSIAL REPUBLIK INDONESIA, Menimbang : a. bahwa sehubungan dengan adanya kekeliruan jumlah data peserta penerima bantuan iuran pengganti sebagaimana tercantum dalam Diktum KEDUA dan Diktum KETIGA, perlu dilakukan perubahan Keputusan Menteri Sosial Nomor 25/HUK/2015 tentang Penetapan Penerima Bantuan Iuran Jaminan Kesehatan Tahun 2015, khususnya Diktum KEDUA dan Diktum KETIGA dan Lampiran II; b. bahwa berdasarkan pertimbangan sebagaimana dimaksud dalam huruf a, perlu menetapkan Keputusan Menteri Sosial tentang Perubahan Keputusan Menteri Sosial Nomor 25/HUK/2015 tentang Penetapan Penerima Bantuan Iuran Jaminan Kesehatan Tahun 2015; Mengingat : 1. Undang-Undang Nomor 40 Tahun 2004 tentang Sistem Jaminan Sosial Nasional (Lembaran Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 2004 Nomor 150, Tambahan Lembaran Negara Republik Indonesia Nomor 4456); 2. Undang-Undang Nomor 39 Tahun 2008 tentang Kementerian Negara (Lembaran Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 2008 Nomor 166, Tambahan Lembaran Negara Republik Indonesia Nomor 4916); 3. Undang-Undang Nomor 11 Tahun 2009 tentang Kesejahteraan Sosial (Lembaran Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 2009 Nomor 12, Tambahan Lembaran Negara Republik Indonesia Nomor 4967); 4. Undang-Undang Nomor 13 Tahun 2011 tentang Penanganan Fakir Miskin (Lembaran Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 2011 Nomor 83, Tambahan Lembaran Negara Republik Indonesia Nomor 5235); SALINAN 5. Undang-Undang Nomor 24 Tahun 2011 tentang Badan Penyelenggara Jaminan Sosial (Lembaran Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 2011 Nomor 116, Tambahan Lembaran Negara Republik Indonesia Nomor 5256); 6. Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 39 Tahun 2012 tentang Penyelenggaraan Kesejahteraan Sosial (Lembaran Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 2012 Nomor 68, Tambahan Lembaran Negara Republik Indonesia Nomor 5294); 7. -
Indonesia's Regional Elections
www.rsis.edu.sg No. 253 – 23 December 2019 RSIS Commentary is a platform to provide timely and, where appropriate, policy-relevant commentary and analysis of topical and contemporary issues. The authors’ views are their own and do not represent the official position of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, NTU. These commentaries may be reproduced with prior permission from RSIS and due recognition to the author(s) and RSIS. Please email to Mr Yang Razali Kassim, Editor RSIS Commentary at [email protected]. Indonesia’s Regional Elections: Ditching the Direct Vote? By Dedi Dinarto SYNOPSIS Indonesia’s newly appointed Minister of Home Affairs has decisively called for a major review of the direct election of regional leaders. While this signals the ministry's growing clout, the institution is likely to involve active military and police officers to fill the impending vacuum in key regional leadership positions from 2022 to 2024. There are challenges ahead. COMMENTARY IN NOVEMBER 2019, the newly appointed Minister of Home Affairs Tito Karnavian sparked a controversy when he proposed a review of the direct election system for regional leaders such as governors and mayors ahead of the 2020 simultaneous regional elections ( Pilkada Serentak ). Tito claimed that the local elections have proven to be a financial burden to the state. The country has also been prone to political instability, such as in Papua, with direct elections. Tito proposed to have regional heads appointed by the Regional House of Representatives (DPRD), or regional parliaments. Despite the support of the most dominant party, the Indonesian Democratic Party – Struggle (PDI-P), in the House of Representatives (DPR) or national parliament, President Joko Widodo (a.k.a. -
Local Politics and Chinese Indonesian Business in Post-Suharto Era
Kyoto University Local Politics and Chinese Indonesian Business in Post-Suharto Era Wu-Ling Chong* This article examines the relationships between the changes and continuities of Indonesian local politics and Chinese Indonesian business practices in the post- Suharto era, focusing on Chinese Indonesian businesses in two of the largest Indo- nesian cities, Medan and Surabaya. The fall of Suharto in May 1998 led to the opening up of a democratic and liberal space as well as the removal of many dis- criminatory measures against the Chinese minority. However, due to the absence of an effective, genuinely reformist party or political coalition, predatory political- business interests nurtured under Suharto’s New Order managed to capture the new political and economic regimes. As a result, corruption and internal mis- management continue to plague the bureaucracy in the country and devolve from the central to the local governments. This article argues that this is due partially to the role some Chinese businesspeople have played in perpetuating corrupt busi- ness practices. As targets of extortion and corruption by bureaucratic officials and youth/crime organizations, Chinese businesspeople are not merely passive and powerless victims of corrupt practices. This article argues, through a combination of Anthony Giddens’s structure-agency theory as well as Pierre Bourdieu’s notion of habitus and field, that although Chinese businesspeople are constrained by the muddy and corrupt business environment, they have also played an active role in shaping such a business environment. They have thus played an active role in shaping local politics, which is infused with corruption and institutionalized gang- sterism, as well as perpetuating their increasingly ambivalent position.