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El Terror De Estado Francés: Una Perspectiva Jurídica

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El Terror De Estado Francés: Una Perspectiva Jurídica View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Revistas UPO (Universidad Pablo de Olivade) EL TERROR DE ESTADO FRANCÉS: UNA PERSPECTIVA JURÍDICA FRENCH STATE OF TERROR: A LEGAL PERSPECTIVE Dr. Carlos Aguilar Blanc Recibido: octubre de 2012 Universidad Pablo de Olavide de Sevilla Aceptado: noviembre de 2012 [[email protected]] “La revolución no cambió en absoluto la naturaleza humana. Los hombres siguieron conservando sus cualidades y sus defectos pero la revolución llevó a unas y a otros a un grado desconocido hasta entonces” Barón THIBAUDEAU Antiguo Convencional Palabras claves: Terror de Estado, terroristas, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Maximilien Robespierre, Jean-Paul Marat, Thomas Paine, Alexis de Tocqueville, Edmund Burke. Keywords: State of Terror, terrorist, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Maximilien Robespierre, Jean-Paul Marat, Thomas Paine, Alexis de Tocqueville, Edmund Burke. Resumen: La naturaleza singular del Terror de Estado Francés, frente a las formas de miedo secular y de violencia, previas al estallido revolucio- nario popular y jacobino. El hecho novedoso que supuso la legitimación política y legal del Terror de Estado. La refl exión y estudio de la legisla- ción francesa terrorista a la luz de la Filosofía del Derecho y de clásicos como Thomas Paine, Alexis de Tocqueville, o Edmund Burke. Abstrasct: The singular nature of the French State of Terror, against the secular forms of fear and violence, priors to the popular and Jacobin re- volutionary outbreak. The new fact that supposed the legal and political legitimacy of the State of Terror. The refl ection and study of the French terrorist legislation in the light of the Philosophy of Law and the classics like Thomas Paine, Alexis de Tocqueville, or Edmund Burke. REVISTA INTERNACIONAL DE PENSAMIENTO POLÍTICO - I ÉPOCA - VOL. 7 - 2012 - [207-243] - ISSN 1885-589X 207 Desde la historia política y económica, el situarlo en los acontecimientos sucedidos Terror de Estado Francés debemos situar- el 25 de julio de 1792, fecha en la que lo en un cúmulo de sucesos que rodean en un imprudente manifi esto, del duque a las revoluciones acontecidas en Fran- de Brunswick amenazó con destruir la cia a fi nes del siglo XVIII. Francia, como ciudad de París, en la hipótesis de que es bien sabido, se encuentraba en un se ejerciere la violencia sobre la persona periodo de emergencia nacional cuando del monarca Luis XVI. El 10 de agosto de las potencias europeas amenazaron la 1792 se produce la insurrección popular revolución con la Declaración de Pillnitz que toma Las Tullerias y derriba la monar- el 27 de agosto de 1791. Posteriormen- quía, a lo cual le sigue la radicalización de te, las principales potencias entraron en la democracia tras la aprobación, al día guerra contra la revolución, este hecho siguiente (11 de agosto), del sufragio uni- fundiría la causa revolucionaria con la versal. El 10 de agosto de 1792 supone causa nacional, y el 11 de julio de 1792 la entrada en escena de los sans-culottes, se declararía a la patria en peligro. Lla- que esperaban que la revolución trajera mamos la atención sobre estos datos, la efectiva igualdad jurídica y social solu- sobradamente conocidos por otra parte, cionando a la par los problemas políticos porque los términos “guerra”, “emergen- y económicos existentes en el momento. cia nacional”, “peligro nacional”, van a El Terror propiamente dicho no se va a tener desde aquellos tiempo hasta el día producir hasta el día 4 de septiembre de de hoy una muy fuerte vinculación; efec- 1793 con el movimiento popular en París tuada por parte del poder político y de y tras la aprobación el 17 de septiembre los medios de comunicación de masas; de la Loi des suspects, observamos aquí con esos otros conceptos como son “te- la aparición del elemento jurídico junto rror”, “terrorismo”, “guerrilla”, “guerrilla al terror, y en este caso acompañado ya urbana”, “guerra sucia”, “nuevas formas del elemento propiamente normativo del de guerra” o “guerra del siglo XXI”. Nos derecho, a diferencia de lo anteriormente parece que no siempre son empleados expuesto en la antigüedad cuando men- dichos términos de modo correcto desde cionamos la opinión de Cicerón. un punto de vista jurídico, y dicho empleo irregular, puede tener por otra parte im- Volviendo a los hechos circundantes, tras portantes consecuencias en el plano jurí- la celebración de elecciones por sufragio dico político, y más concretamente en el universal y el fi n de la Asamblea legisla- plano de los derechos y las libertades fun- tiva, la Convención Nacional declara la damentales. El Terror habría que situarlo abolición de la realeza el 21 de septiem- más concretamente en ese periodo que bre. La guerra a pesar de las victorias so- se ha dado en llamar por algunos autores bre Saboya (septiembre), Prusia (octubre) la Revolución Jacobina. y Bélgica (noviembre) agrava la situación económica, ya grave de por sí debido a 1. La Génesis del terror las malas cosechas de los años 1792 y 1793, la tensión política aumenta. La ma- revolucionario yor amenaza para la revolución se origina en La Vendée ante el intento de recluta- El punto de partida, de lo que será poste- miento de trescientos mil hombres para riormente llamado como Terror, podemos continuar la guerra. La guerra civil y el pe- REVISTA INTERNACIONAL DE PENSAMIENTO POLÍTICO - I ÉPOCA - VOL. 7 - 2012 - [207-243] - ISSN 1885-589X 208 ligro de la invasión extranjera abrirán las esa sea quizás la vertiente oscura y peli- puertas al reino del terror. grosa que presenta la utopía. Dos son los estados de ánimo que según Según Hampson2, en 1788 los protago- el historiador Georges Lefebvre se cons- nistas del hecho revolucionario anhelaban tituyen como elementos subyacentes en un cambio, un reemplazamiento del viejo la conducta revolucionaria: la esperanza orden absolutista por un régimen cons- y el miedo. titucional monárquico, muchos de los privilegiados estaban en mayor o menor El miedo es tan antiguo como la huma- medida resignados a sufrir una perdida nidad, las causas del miedo pueden ha- en sus privilegios y existía un consenso ber cambiado con el paso de los siglos, general sobre la necesidad de establecer pero todo parece indicar que la mente un cierto numero limitado de libertades humana siempre ha sido susceptible al civiles, entre las que se encontraban la mismo. Nuestros antepasados homínidos libertad de pensamiento, prensa, expre- se reunían en torno al fuego no solo para sión y el derecho de habeas corpus. En resguardarse del frió nocturno, sino para 1789, en el Reino Unido, la Cámara de protegerse del miedo que inspiraban las los Comunes propuso a la de los Lores bestias en la noche. “La luz nocturna en que se celebrara un día de gracias por la habitación de un niño refl eja ese miedo los hechos revolucionarios en Francia. En a la oscuridad, a lo que no se ve y a lo un principio se produjo una revolución desconocido”1. ejemplar, tres años más tarde el miedo y el terror asolaban toda Francia. Un acer- 1.1. El Miedo en la Asamblea camiento a la actividad desarrollada en la Asamblea Constituyente desde sus inicios No obstante el miedo se transformó en con la convocatoria de los Estados Gene- la Francia revolucionaria, apareció en la rales en mayo de 1789 hasta septiembre propia Asamblea de representantes y se de 1791 nos puede ayudar a mostrar el extendió entre las masas populares. En la pulso ideológico y político que desembo- Asamblea el miedo preparó el camino al có en el miedo, la desconfi anza y la falta Terror. La revolución se encontró desde de consenso entre los representantes po- luego entre dos grandes sensaciones, el pulares a los que se les añadirían luego miedo y el optimismo. Esta última sensa- el miedo de las masas populares y con el ción apareció ante lo que parecía el adve- cual mantendrían relaciones de alimenta- nimiento de una nueva y mejor era para ción reciproca. la humanidad, era en la que se dejarían Los debates de la Asamblea estuvieron atrás los privilegios del viejo orden y se fuertemente marcados por las apelacio- crearía una nueva sociedad. Pese a sus nes al pensamiento de Montesquieu y de caracteres positivos el optimismo también Rousseau. Hay que señalar en este ámbi- tuvo su fuerte impronta de cara al poste- to que lo que los debates nos muestran no rior advenimiento del Terror de Estado, es el pensamiento de estos dos autores, 1 Vid. GREGORY, R.L. Diccionario Oxford de 2 Vid. HAMPSON, Norman “On trying to un- la mente. Alianza Editorial, Madrid, 1995, pg. derstand the French revolution” en Prelude to 1122. Terror, Basil Blackwell, New York, 1988, pg. X. REVISTA INTERNACIONAL DE PENSAMIENTO POLÍTICO - I ÉPOCA - VOL. 7 - 2012 - [207-243] - ISSN 1885-589X 209 sino la concepción que del pensamiento creencias. Era un partidario de la diversi- de los mismos tuvieron los constituyentes dad, y por ello fue consecuente al propo- franceses. Montesquieu en su gran obra ner la separación, en el marco constitu- Del Espíritu de las Leyes, publicada en cional, de un poder respecto de los otros. 1748, nos ofrece unas refl exiones compa- La dinámica del poder consiste en refl ejar rativas sobre las distintas formas de go- los distintos intereses y equilibrarlos. Los bierno apoyándose fundamentalmente en constituyentes franceses siempre tuvie- los modelos clásicos de Grecia y Roma. ron en mente el principio establecido por Durante la crisis política de 1788, circula- Montesquieu y solo en la apoteosis del ron panfl etos propagandísticos en los que Terror durante el periodo del gobierno los políticos manifestaron: que el gobierno revolucionario se cuestionó abiertamente debía apoyarse en la virtud de sus ciuda- y por un espacio de tiempo limitado tal danos, que el despotismo signifi caba la principio.
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