Amerikanische Besatzungsherrschaft in Japan 1945-1947* Dokumentation Von Wolfgang Benz

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Amerikanische Besatzungsherrschaft in Japan 1945-1947* Dokumentation Von Wolfgang Benz Amerikanische Besatzungsherrschaft in Japan 1945-1947* Dokumentation von Wolfgang Benz Die amerikanische Besatzungspolitik gegenüber Japan unterschied sich von der gegenüber Deutschland nicht so sehr durch die Zielsetzung - wie Entmilitarisie- rung und Demokratisierung — als durch die Methode1. Deutschland, stückweise niedergeworfen und erobert, verlor im Mai 1945 seine staatliche Existenz, seine staatliche Einheit, einen beträchtlichen Teil seines Territoriums; die deutsche Re­ gierung wurde durch die totale Verfügungsgewalt von vier Okkupationsmächten ersetzt, übrig blieb eine dezentralisierte Administration, die nur im Auftrag der Sieger handeln konnte. Mit Japan, das vier Monate später, im August 1945, die Waffen gestreckt hatte, wurde anders verfahren: Sein organisiertes Staatswesen mit Kaiser, Regierungsapparat und Parlament blieb intakt, das Staatsgebiet wur­ de nicht in verschiedene Okkupationssphären aufgeteilt2, die Präsenz fremder Truppen blieb ziemlich geringfügig, der einzelne Japaner hatte nicht viel mit ih­ nen und gar nichts mit einer Militärregierung zu tun. Die Herrschaft der Sieger wurde indirekt, ausschließlich über die japanische Regierung und deren Organe ausgeübt. Die Amerikaner hatten sich aus einer Reihe von Gründen entschlossen, die Macht über Japan allein auszuüben, allenfalls ein Stück der Verantwortung mit den Alliierten bzw. den Opfern der japanischen Aggression zu teilen. Die Niederkämpfung Japans war zur Hauptsache das Werk amerikanischer Truppen gewesen, die Sowjetunion, die nachdrücklich verlangte, ebenfalls einen Teil Ja­ pans zu besetzen, war erst wenige Tage vor der japanischen Kapitulation in den pazifischen Krieg eingetreten. Das amerikanische Engagement im pazifischen Raum war traditionell stärker als das Interesse an europäischen Angelegenhei­ ten3; die Monroe-Doktrin hatte die amerikanische Außenpolitik nur gegenüber * Die im folgenden abgedruckten Dokumente, die einen Überblick über die Gesamtanlage der amerikanischen Besatzungspolitik in Japan vermitteln, werden in Hinblick auf das zu erwar­ tende internationale Interesse ausnahmsweise in englischer Sprache gebracht. Diese Ausnahme bedeutet aber kein Abgehen von dem Grundsatz, unseren Lesern auch fremdsprachige Doku­ mente in der Regel in deutscher Sprache vorzustellen. Die Herausgeber 1 Die amerikanischen Besatzungsziele gegenüber Japan sind in folgenden Dokumenten fest­ gelegt : United States Initial Post-Surrender Policy for Japan, August 29, 1945; Basic Initial Post-Surrender Directive to Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers for the Occupa- tion and Control of Japan, JCS 1380/15, November 3, 1945; Basic Post-Surrender Policy for Japan, June 19, 1947; abgedr. u. a. in: A Decade of American Foreign Policy. Basic Do- cuments, 1941-1949, Washington 1950, S. 627 f., 633 f., 652 f. 2 Japan hatte auf den Stamminseln kaum Territorialverluste erlitten, rechnet man jedoch die Außenbesitzungen hinzu, die um die Jahrhundertwende völkerrechtlich unangefochten erworben worden waren, wie Korea (1905), Formosa (1895) oder Süd-Sachalin (1905), so beläuft sich der Gebietsverlust nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg auf 45 %. Zählt man auch den Satellitenstaat Mandschukuo mit, so wurde Japan sogar auf 19% des Vorkriegsgebiets re­ duziert. 3 Vgl. John C. Campbell, The United States in World Affairs 1945-1947, New York 1947, S. 254 f. 266 Dokumentation von Wolfgang Benz Europa abgegrenzt, in Asien waren die Vereinigten Staaten im 19. Jahrhundert selbst als imperialistische Macht aufgetreten: 1854 hatte ein amerikanisches Ge­ schwader unter Commodore Perry die Öffnung japanischer Häfen und den Ab­ schluß eines Handelsvertrags erzwungen, 1897 begann mit der Annexion Hawaiis die territoriale Expansion, 1898 waren die Philippinen unter US-Hoheit gekom­ men. Die Politik der offenen Tür gegenüber China und das damit verbundene Engagement in Ostasien war für die amerikanische Außenpolitik auch ein wich­ tiger Faktor geblieben, als Washington nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg der euro­ päischen Szene den Rücken gekehrt hatte. Das Bedürfnis, Japan allein und un­ geteilt zu besetzen, resultierte auch aus dem Schock von Pearl Harbor, und schließlich haben die aus der Besetzung Deutschlands schon vorliegenden Erfah­ rungen ebenfalls dazu beigetragen, daß in Washington keine Neigung zu kollek­ tiver Kontrolle und Verantwortung der Geschicke eines in Zonen eingeteilten Japan bestand4. Der Einfluß, den die Amerikaner ihren Verbündeten freiwillig konzedieren wollten, bestand in der Teilnahme an einer beratenden Kommission (Far Eastern Advisory Commission, FEAC). Am 21. August 1945 luden die USA China, Groß­ britannien und die UdSSR zur Teilnahme an der FEAC ein; trotz des sowjeti­ schen Vetos begann die Kommission mit der Arbeit und studierte von Dezember 1945 bis Februar 1946 die Möglichkeiten der Abrüstung und des wirtschaftlichen Wiederaufbaus in Japan. Auf der Moskauer Außenministerkonferenz im Dezem­ ber 1945 einigten sich die Großmächte dann auf die Einrichtung von zwei In­ stanzen, die an der Besetzung Japans mitwirken sollten. Die Far Eastern Com­ mission (FEC), der zunächst elf Nationen5 angehörten, trat im Februar 1946 erst­ mals in Washington, ihrem ständigen Sitz, zusammen. Ihr oblag die Ausarbei­ tung der politischen Leitlinien, aufgrund derer Japan die Kapitulationsbedingun­ gen erfüllen sollte, und sie hatte die Möglichkeit, gegen Direktiven des amerika­ nischen Oberbefehlshabers in Japan Stellung zu nehmen. Militärische und terri­ toriale Probleme gehörten nicht in den Kompetenzbereich der FEC. Als zweites alliiertes Organ wurde in Tokio der Allied Council for Japan (ACJ) installiert, ihm gehörten unter dem Vorsitz des amerikanischen Oberbefehlshabers bzw. sei­ nes Stellvertreters Delegierte Chinas, der Sowjetunion und Großbritanniens (zu­ gleich für Australien, Neuseeland und Indien) an. Der Allied Council hatte im we­ sentlichen nur beratende Funktion, der amerikanische Oberkommandierende verspürte allerdings keine Lust, sich des Rates dieser Institution zu bedienen und strafte sie mit Mißachtung. Die tatsächliche Macht in Japan lag bei General MacArthur, der in seiner Dop- 4 Harry S. Truman, Memoiren Bd. I, Stuttgart 1955, S. 447. 5 Australien, China, Frankreich, Großbritannien, Indien, Canada, Niederlande, Neuseeland, Philippinen, UdSSR und USA; ab 16. November 1949 gehörten auch Burma und Pakistan der PEG an. Amerikanische Besatzungsherrschaft in Japan 1945-1947 267 pelfunktion als Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers (SCAP) und Com- mander-in-Chief, Far East der amerikanischen Streitkräfte im gesamten Fernen Osten eine einzigartige Machtfülle ausübte und genoß6. MacArthur, der diese Stellung seit 6. September 1945 innehatte, empfing seine Richtlinien von der amerikanischen Regierung7. Die Far Eastern Commission der 11 Mächte konnte nur über die US-Regierung und nur prinzipiell auf die Besatzungspolitik ein­ wirken. Für FEC-Beschlüsse war einfache Mehrheit und Übereinstimmung der vier Großmächte China, UdSSR, USA und Großbritannien erforderlich. Das be­ deutete in der Praxis, daß die Vereinigten Staaten durch „interim directives" al­ lein entscheiden und handeln konnten8. MacArthurs General Headquarters (GHQ) in Tokio, das der Doppelfunktion des Oberbefehlshabers entsprechend zwei ganz verschiedene Aufgaben zu erfül­ len hatte, nämlich die nichtmilitärischen Besatzungsfunktionen für Japan (GHQ, SCAP) und die militärische Leitung aller amerikanischen Truppen im Fernen Osten (GHQ, Far East Command), war damit das eigentliche Zentrum der Be­ satzungspolitik in Japan, und das um so mehr, als MacArthur in autokratischem Selbstbewußtsein nicht nur den alliierten Organen wenig Hochachtung entgegen­ brachte, sondern auch seine direkten Vorgesetzten in Washington bis hin zu Prä­ sident Truman durch Eigenmächtigkeit ärgerte9. MacArthur spielte mit ent­ schieden größerer Überzeugung als etwa Lucius D. Clay in der US-Zone Deutsch­ lands die Rolle des Prokonsuls in Japan. Er hatte auch die besseren Voraussetzun­ gen: beträchtlicher Schlachtenruhm aus dem Krieg im Pazifik sicherte seine Stel­ lung gegenüber der öffentlichen Meinung seines Heimatlandes, und eine gewal­ tige amerikanische Bürokratie in Tokio mit ergebenen Mitarbeitern an der Spitze seines Stabs garantierte ihm Unabhängigkeit und freie Hand in Japan. Dort scheint seine durch „gütigen Optimismus" erworbene Gloriole immer noch zu 6 Vgl. Douglas MacArthur, Reminiscenses, New York 1964; John Gunther, The Riddle of MacArthur. Japan, Korea and the Far East, New York 1951; Courtney Whitney,, Mac­ Arthur. His Rendezvous with History, New York 1956. 7 Entscheidungen wurden im State, War and Navy Coordinating Committee (SWNCC) bzw. dessen „Far Eastern Subcommittee" vorbereitet, über das State Department dem Weißen Haus vorgelegt und dann durch die Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS) an SCAP übermittelt. 8 Ab Mitte 1947 gewann die Far Eastern Commission etwas mehr Einfluß auf die Besat­ zungspolitik, zu dem Zeitpunkt waren aber die meisten Weichen schon gestellt. Die große Eile der Reformen erklärt sich zum Teil auch dadurch, daß vollzogene Tatsachen geschaffen werden sollten, ehe die FEC handlungsfähig war. - Zur Errichtung der FEC siehe Agree­ ment of Foreign Ministers at Moscow on Establishing Far Eastern Commission and Allied Council for Japan, December 27, 1945, in: Edwin M. Martin, The Allied Occupation of Japan, New York 1948, S. 117 ff. Zur Vorgeschichte s. Foreign Relations of the United States. Diplomatic Papers [künftig: FRUS] 1945, Vol. VI, Washington 1969, S. 497 ff.; s.a. Activities of the Far Eastern
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