Goethe, the Japanese National Identity Through Cultural Exchange, 1889 to 1989

Home , Faust, Faust (manga), Faust (paintings), Harzreise im Winter, Hermann and Dorothea, I Am a Cat

Jahrbuch für Internationale Germanistik pen Jahrgang LI – Heft 1 | Peter Lang, Bern | S. 57–100

Goethe, the Japanese National Identity through Cultural Exchange, 1889 to 1989

By Stefan Keppler-Tasaki and Seiko Tasaki, Tokyo

Dedicated to A . Charles Muller on the occasion of his retirement from the University of Tokyo

This is a study of the alleged “singular reception career”1 that Goethe experi- enced in Japan from 1889 to 1989, i. e., from the first translation of theMi gnon song to the last issues of the Neo Faust manga series . In its path, we will high- light six areas of discourse which concern the most prominent historical figures resp. figurations involved here: (1) the distinct academic schools of thought aligned with the topic “Goethe in Japan” since Kimura Kinji 木村謹治, (2) the tentative Japanification of Goethe by Thomas Mann and Gottfried Benn, (3) the recognition of the (un-)German classical writer in the circle of the Japanese national author Mori Ōgai 森鴎外, as well as Goethe’s rich resonances in (4) Japanese suicide ideals since the early days of Wertherism (Ueruteru-zumu ウェルテルヅム), (5) the Zen Buddhist theories of Nishida Kitarō 西田幾多郎 and D . T . Suzuki 鈴木大拙, and lastly (6) works of popular culture by Kurosawa Akira 黒澤明 and Tezuka Osamu 手塚治虫 . Critical appraisal of these source materials supports the thesis that the polite violence and interesting deceits of the discursive history of “Goethe, the Japanese” can mostly be traced back, other than to a form of speech in German-Japanese cultural diplomacy, to internal questions of Japanese national identity .

1. “Goethe in Japan:” History of an Academic Discourse

Research under the heading Goethe in Japan or Nihon ni okeru Gēte 日本におけるゲーテ reflects a remarkably stable tradition distinguished by schools of thought characteristic of the 20th century Japanese academic system . Already in the second volume of the Monumenta Nipponica, published in 1939, we find an article Goethe in Japan by Jesuit Father Johannes Müller, a Germanist and the library director of the Sophia University in Tokyo . Müller also discharged

1 Osten, War Goethe ein Japaner?, p . 90 (“singuläre Rezeptionskarriere”) .

© 2019 Stefan Keppler-Tasaki and Seiko Tasaki - doi http://doi.org/10.3726/JA511_57 - Except where otherwise noted, content can be used under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International license. For details go to http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ 58 | Stefan Keppler-Tasaki and Seiko Tasaki: Goethe teaching assignments at the Tokyo Imperial University and literally rendered “unto Caesar the things that are Caesar’s” (Matthew 22:21) by certifying its German studies seminar’s leading role in Japanese Goethe philology 2. And yet, his pointedly sober study from the second year of the Pacific War is formulated for a difficult internal Japanese and international situation. The Jesuit was particularly anxious not to create the “erroneous” impression of German literature as taking a preeminent position for itself in the Japanese Empire, because the real “fascination” emanated from the Russian novelists, namely Tolstoy, thus from a fervent Christian .3 With that, he intervened in an interpretational process that Kimura Kinji, a Germanist at Tokyo Imperial University, and Nishida Kitarō, a philosopher at the Kyoto Imperial University, had advanced since the early 1930s . Kimura, vice president of the Goethe Society in Japan (Nihon Gēte kyōkai 日本ゲーテ協会) founded in 1931 with Müller’s support, developed theories of an exclusive German-Japanese affinity among others in his book Japanese Spirit and German Culture (Nihon seishin to doitsu bunka 日本精神と独逸文化, 1940), whose key concept of Nihon seishin tried to make German notions of the national spirit and national culture productive for building the Japanese identity 4. Kimura had received and accepted the commission for the eponymous subject from the Ministry of Culture, but not without qualms, which he docu- mented in the preface, that “Japanese spirit” was a buzzword risking intellectual decadence 5. This conservative shaped by Buddhism harbored no doubts about the reality of Japaneseness by blood inherited from the ancestors . The problem for him resided in the self-conscious cultivation of a Japanese identity and for which there might exist, if not a German solution, still a solution coming from Germany: the education of the Japanese elite according to Goethean precepts, understood, among others – with quotes from Wilhelm Meister’s Journeyman Years (Wilhelm Meisters Wanderjahre) – as the flowering of the individuals in harmony with the general and the particular 6. During 1939/40, each of the above-mentioned book’s three chapters was then duly presented as a lecture to high school boys in Sendai, Kanazawa, and Yamagata . The publication as a whole

2 Müller, Goethe in Japan, p . 469 . 3 Müller, Goethe in Japan, pp . 477–78 . Müller represented the Christian line among others also in the first volume of the Japanese Goethe-Jahrbuch, see Müller, Die Form der Goe thischen Prosaepik . 4 See also Roberts, Literary Nationalism, pp . 81–110 (“Goethe’s Geist and Faustian Tamashii”), especially with reference to Kimura, Nihon seishin to doitsu bunka, pp . 61–116 (“Bunka no mondai to Gēte no Fausuto” 文化の問題とゲーテの「ファウスト」) . Here and throughout our translation, unless noted otherwise . 5 See Kimura, Nihon seishin, p . 3 . 6 See Kimura, Nihon seishin, p . 15, and Goethe, Sämtliche Werke, div . I, vol . 10, pp . 557–84 . References to this edition, the Frankfurter Ausgabe, given as FA from here on in; English translations taken from Goethe, The Complete Works .

Jahrbuch für Internationale Germanistik, Jahrgang LI – Heft 1 (2019) Peter Lang Stefan Keppler-Tasaki and Seiko Tasaki: Goethe | 59 targeted the male youth of those elite high schools or national colleges (kōtō gakkō 高等学校), which had been established since the late 19th century for the 12th and 13th grades, not least in consonance with the German gymnasium model . Kimura declared the antidecadent and antiliberal German Reich to be the sole foreign state capable of understanding the Japanese Empire . Goethe would have recognized Japan of the year 1940 as the very culture in which his educational ideas had been implemented to the greatest extent 7. In a private letter, Kimura explained that he had great ambitions to make a Japanese of Goethe and thereby to elevate Japanese culture 8. In his essay Goethe in Japan for the Axis political friendship magazine Berlin – Rom – Tokio he espoused among others the view that Goethe with his own frame of mind had “completely unawares” entered into a “close connection with Japan ”. 9 In 1985, Hermann Schäfer, a German diplomat stationed in Japan who had coordinated Kimura’s propaganda magazine insert, shared his reminiscences under the very same title Goethe in Japan before the German-Japanese Society in Berlin (Deutsch-Japanische Gesellschaft Berlin) 10. This Japanese claim to Goethe in the service of Japanese self-definition did not sit entirely well with the German Reich side . For one, it meant a neglect of contemporary Germany, and, for another, because they pursued the so-called ethnic stocktaking mainly as a parallel project between Germany and Japan, each from its own intellectual tradition, it also meant that on both sides there was a fear of degenerative effects from actual cultural interference 11. However, Kimura, first in his 1933 dissertation Studies on the Young Goethe (‘Wakaki Gēte’ kenkyū 「若きゲーテ」研究 ) and again in his comprehensive 1938 mo nograph on Goethe, now put a personal stamp on his reading through Shin or “Pure Land” Buddhism . In particular, he realized – and here he deviated from Nazi Faustianism – that Faust’s redemption came not through the protagonist’s “own power” ( jiriki 自力), but rather by the merciful intervention of the “other power” (tariki 他力) 12. And yet, both jiriki and tariki are fundamental concepts in Japanese Buddhism, the latter also being a key concept in Pure Land Bud- dhism and connected to the veneration of the deities of mercy, such as the Amida Buddha and his female attendant Kannon, she of “infinite mercy.”13 This yielded

7 See Kimura, Nihon seishin, p . 41 . 8 See Maeda, Germanistik in Japan, p . 201 . 9 Kimura, Goethe in Japan, p . 21 (“ohne geringste Ahnung […] in eine enge Verbindung mit Japan”) . 10 See Schäfer, Goethe in Japan, pp. 51–52. Kimura’s NS affinity summarized in Maeda, Germanistik in Japan, p . 191 . 11 See Bieber, Deutsch-japanische Kulturbeziehungen, pp . 277–82 . 12 Kimura, Gēte, pp. 6–15. On Kimura’s enthusiastic co-reception of Goethe and Shinran 親鸞, the founder of Shin-Buddhism, see Maeda, Germanistik in Japan, pp . 187–89, 190, 201–03 . 13 See Suzuki, Shin Buddhism, p . 64: „Jiriki is self-power . Tariki is other-power . The Pure Land school [sc . the Shin followers] is known as the other-power school because it teaches

Peter Lang Jahrbuch für Internationale Germanistik, Jahrgang LI – Heft 1 (2019) 60 | Stefan Keppler-Tasaki and Seiko Tasaki: Goethe an Asian solution to the riddle of the “mountain gorges” scene, in which Faust, after all his involvement in ghastly acts, is solemnly redeemed . This was supported by Goethe letting the “mater glorisosa” in this scene be addressed in rather unchristian fashion as “goddess:” “Virgin, mother, queen/ goddess gracious be ”. 14 That Faust has to strip off the “superhuman” to be saved and to partake of “love from above” was already taught by Raphael von Koeber, the first holder of a professorship in philosophy at the University of Tokyo, which had a direct impact on his student Abe Jirō 阿部次郎 in the latter’s book The Conquest of Hell (Jigoku no seifuku 地獄の征服) 15. But, as Kimura divulged in a very personal preface to his 1938 Goethe book, he understood his Buddhist theory of salvation less in the humanistic terms of Koeber and Abe and more as a decision for theocratic reverence and against material compensation as the foundation of society . Nishida, the seminal figure in the founding of the Kyoto school of Japanese philosophy and a leading theorist of Zen experience, in the 1890s had attend- ed the courses in German studies taught by Karl Florenz at the University of Tokyo . However, rather than to Goethe’s antirevolutionary-idyllic hexameter epic Hermann and Dorothea, that Florenz had made his subject,16 Nishida was drawn to Faust and poems like The Erl King – works, therefore, that the cha rismatic Koeber had, among others, enthusiastically praised in his Lectures on Aesthetics and History of Art (1894) 17. Like Kimura, Nishida found a kindred spirit in Goethe . His treatise titled Goethe’s Metaphysical Background (Gēte no haikei ゲーテの背景), written in late 1931 and published in early 1932, concludes with: “Such a thinking flows in the depth of the civilization of the East, in which we have grown up” (Wareware no hagukumareta tōyōbunka no soko ni wa kakaru shisō no nagare ga nagarete iru node aru 我々の孚まれた東洋文化の底にはかゝる思想の流が流れて居るのである) 18. By this he meant the poetical metaphysics of an eternal moment, in which past and future are extinguished in a present in which things – in a recurring Zen Buddhist formula – “are what they are” and in which the individual truly finds the self. “For Goethe, there is no inward and no outward; everything is as it is; it comes from where there is nothing, and goes where there is nothing . And just in this coming from nothingness and going into nothingness there is the gentle sound of humanity” (Gēte ni oite wa uchi mo naku soto mo naku, arumono wa

that tariki is most important in attaining rebirth in the Pure Land or […] salvation . Whatever name we may give to the end of our religious efforts, that end comes from the other-power, not from self-power “. 14 FA div . I, vol . 7 1. , vv . 12102–03 (“Jungfrau, Mutter, Königin,/ Göttin bleibe gnädig”) . 15 See Koeber, Kleine Schriften, p . 290, and Abe, Jigoku no seifuku, pp . 1–118 . 16 See Yusa, Biography of Nishida Kitarō, pp. 34, 43; Maeda, Germanistik in Japan, p. 76. 17 Koeber, Lectures on Aesthetics, pp . 63, 95, 119 passim . 18 Nishida, Goethe’s Metaphysical Background, p. 159; Nishida, Gēte no haikei, p. 330.

Jahrbuch für Internationale Germanistik, Jahrgang LI – Heft 1 (2019) Peter Lang Stefan Keppler-Tasaki and Seiko Tasaki: Goethe | 61 arugamama ni aru node aru, nanimono mo naki tokoro kara kitari nanimono mo naki tokoro ni sari iku node aru, shikamo kaku mu yori mu ni itaru tokoro ni bimyō naru ningen no hibiki ga aru node aru ゲーテに於ては内もなく外もなく、有るものは有るがまゝにあるのである、何物もなき所から来り何物もなき所に去り行くのである、而も斯く無より無に入る所に微妙なる人間の響があるのである) 19. Although Nishida full well understood that Goethe’s intellectual position could be derived from European cultural premises like Neoplatonism and pansophism, here he saw the objective intellectual citizenship of a Western individual being realized in the Buddhist world sphere . From this historical academic starting point shared between the state universities in Tokyo and Kyoto and the private Sophia University, the discussion on “Goethe in Japan” moved in three seminar traditions in particular, with their “partisans,” as Müller already called them, remaining loyal to the subject over three generations for some 70 years 20. Lecturing on “Goethe in Japan” before the German Japanese Society in Berlin in late 1956 was Kimura’s student Kikuchi Eiichi 菊池栄一 . He taught comparative literature in the college section of the University of Tokyo and, at the time of the lecture, was a guest scholar in Japanese studies at Hamburg University which, through Karl Florenz and Wilhelm Gundert, were closely connected with German studies at Tokyo University . At his lecture in Berlin, he met Andreas B . Wachsmuth, president of Weimar’s Goethe Society (Goethe-Gesellschaft), who invited him to the Goethe town in the spring of 1957 and included his article Goethe in Japan in the Weimar Goethe Jahrbuch 21. Kikuchi, a few years later elected vice president of the Goethe Society in Japan, attributed a central role to Goethe in “helping the Japanese spirit that had become disordered” during the second half of the 19th century “to regain its own perspective once more”22 and in having helped bring the intellectual world of the Japanese back to itself on a higher plane . For this, he differentiated four intellectual currents of modern Japan: the “Non- Church Christianity” (mukyōkaishugi 無教会主義) of US-educated Uchimura Kanzō 内村鑑三, the “I novel” tradition of Natsume Sōseki 夏目漱石, the novel and translation school of Ōgai as well as the mediation of European philosophy and Buddhist wisdom through the Kyoto School around Nishida 23. Goethe, Kikuchi supposed, was to varying degrees the starting point for all of them . Where Kikuchi quoted from Goethe’s essay Significant Help from a Single,

19 Nishida, Goethe’s Metaphysical Background, pp. 157–58; Nishida, Gēte no haikei, p. 329. 20 Müller, Goethe in Japan, p . 470 . 21 On the inner and outer circumstances of the Goethe Society in Japan, see esp . Sagara, Vorwort zum neuen Goethe-Jahrbuch; Sagara, Die Goethe-Gesellschaft in Japan; Fuhō Kikuchi Eiichi sensei . 22 Kikuchi, Goethe in Japan, p . 123 (“den in Unordnung geratenen japanischen Geist wieder zu einem eigenen Standpunkt zu verhelfen”) . 23 Kikuchi, Goethe in Japan, pp . 123–24, 129 .

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Ingenious Phrase (Bedeutende Fördernis durch ein einziges geistreiches Wort), he ultimately betrayed a tendency to regard Goethe for Japan like Goethe had viewed nature, namely “to express how I contemplate nature, but myself as well in a sense, my inner being, my way of being, to the extent it is possible to reveal it ”. 24 If we substitute Goethe for nature and Japan for the I in this quote, then “Goethe in Japan” is actually about revealing Japanese identity . When Ki- kuchi’s university colleague Tezuka Tomio 手塚富雄, who succeeded the then President Kimura when he died in 1949, commented tersely and exclusively in English on the subject of Goethe and the Japanese, the accent also had already shifted toward “Goethe, the Japanese,” especially because of Goethe’s appeal as a sage and enlightened one that is said to have been more profound than that of any other European “thinker,” Tolstoy included .25 In 1956, Father Müller’s brilliant student and professorship successor Tomita Takemasa 富田武正 turned in a hefty dissertation titled Goethe in Japan to his co-supervisor Hans Heinrich Borcherdt at the University of Munich . Tomita ultimately advocated the idea that many of the Japanese recipients, just as the German Romantics before them, sought a revelation of the divine and metaphysical in Goethe’s life and work 26. Thus, Goethe was the “holy poet” (shisei 詩聖), an attribute that previously had only been applied to Du Fu 杜甫 . In the mid-1880s, Uchimura, who later became spokesman for the “Non- Church Christianity,” during his studies at Amherst College reportedly had been struck by Goethe’s Faust as if by a bolt of lightning .27 Goethe’s reverence before the phenomena and wisdoms, such as “eternity the moment is”28 or “Every situation, every moment even is of infinite worth, for it is the representative of a whole eternity”29, made a profound impression on the Buddhist teachers . Winter Journey in the Harz Mountains (Harzreise im Winter), To the Moon (An den Mond), and especially the Wanderer’s Night Song (Wanderers Nachtlied) resp . the second “Wanderer’s Night Song” titled Another One (Ein Gleiches) seemed to have been conceptualized from life features and holis- tic experiences similar to those in the nature poems of Master Bashō 芭蕉 . “Goethe-Bashō” became a topos for an analogous individuation of the poem that emerges from the moment, its microcosmic structure opening itself to the expanse of the macrocosm . Intimating the existence of the whole in the

24 FA div . I, vol . 24, p . 595 (“auszusprechen, wie ich die Natur anschaue, zugleich aber ge- wissermaßen mich selbst, mein Inneres, meine Art zu sein, insofern es möglich wäre, zu offenbaren”) . See Kikuchi, Goethe in Japan, p . 131 . 25 Tezuka Tomio, Goethe and the Japanese, p . 481 . 26 See Tomita, Goethe in Japan, pp . 20–21, 89, 114–31, 147–50 . 27 See Uchimura, The Diary of a Japanese Convert, p . 143 . On Uchimura now, Kimura Naoji, Der ost-westliche Goethe, pp . 177–94 . 28 FA div . I, vol . 2, p . 686 (“Der Augenblick ist Ewigkeit”) . 29 FA div . II, vol . 12, p . 68 (“Jeder Zustand, ja jeder Augenblick ist von unendlichem Wert, denn er ist der Repräsentant einer ganzen Ewigkeit”) .

Jahrbuch für Internationale Germanistik, Jahrgang LI – Heft 1 (2019) Peter Lang Stefan Keppler-Tasaki and Seiko Tasaki: Goethe | 63 individual and of eternity in the moment hence was the point of convergence for the two great “lyricists ”. However, Tomita did not yet discuss the extent to which there were already feedback effects in this Bashō interpretation from Japanese acquaintance with European concepts, in this case lyric and symbolic theories (a question that certainly also poses itself with regard to Nishida’s understanding of ‘eastern wisdom’) .30 Tomita completely worked up the early history of Japanese translations of Goethe, whose distinctive characteristic resides in the fact that Ōgai, one of the outstanding representatives of modern Japanese literature, was simultaneously the definitive Goethe translator: his versions of the Mignon song (as Miniyon no uta ミニヨンの歌 ) in 1889, of the Minstrel’s Song (as Dangensha no uta 彈絃者の詩) and of the Wild Rose (as Nobara のばら) in 1890 led to a nearly folkloric reception of Goethe’s lyrics, and Ōgai’s translation of Faust, which appeared in early 1913, for the first time also included the tragedy’s second part and succeeded in giving Goethe’s magnum opus a form that was congenial in Japanese .31 The 1978 Goethe Yearbook published by the Goethe Society in Japan, which had first appeared from 1932 to 1941 and then resumed publication in 1958, was all about “Goethe in Japan ”. This high-quality volume, presented completely in German, closed out the 20 years during which Sagara Morio 相良守峯 , emeritus professor of the Tokyo University’s German Department, had held the society’s presidency . The yearbook recorded and described the Goethe references of nearly all notable Japanese writers and philosophers of the modern era, ranging from the Christians Uchimura und Kitamura Tōkoku 北村透谷 through Raphael von Koeber’s students like Nishida, Sōseki and Abe Jirō to the Germanophile-Japanese nationalist group whose members called themselves the “Japanese Romantics” (Nihon rōman-ha 日本浪曼派) and finally to Mishima Yukio 三島由紀夫, the dominant writer of the post-war period . Both Erich Trunz and Gerhard Kaiser, leading Goethe researchers in Germany then, commented under the title Goethe in Japan on what the yearbook accomplished . Trunz focused on the impression that “our,” i . e ., Germany’s Goethe, arguably is more Japan’s Goethe, judging by the inclination of the readership as well as the congruence between the poet’s profile and the society’s values: What the Japanese find attractive in Goethe is “his range, his poise, his connection with

30 See Tomita, Goethe in Japan, pp. 108–11; Suita, Gēte to Bashō. On the more recent history of the Goethe-Bashō topos, see Ashizu, Goethe und Basho; Mori Yoshihito, Goethe und die japanische Naturanschauung; Kotani, Bashō, Goethe und das symbolische Denken; critical on this issue, see Kōshina, Naturbilder in der Lyrik Goethes und japanischer Dichter. 31 See Tomita, Goethe in Japan, pp. 27–31, 62–63, 90–91, 113–14. On Ōgai/Goethe, see now Weber, Mori Ōgai als Wegbereiter der Goethe-Rezeption (with the Goethe entries from Ōgai’s Germany journal and brief commentaries on the translations); Kimura, Der ost-westliche Goethe, pp . 115–40; Maeda, Germanistik in Japan, pp . 55–64; Roberts, Literary Nationalism, p . 95 .

Peter Lang Jahrbuch für Internationale Germanistik, Jahrgang LI – Heft 1 (2019) 64 | Stefan Keppler-Tasaki and Seiko Tasaki: Goethe nature, his discretion ”. 32 Kaiser, in the face of so much culture-critical Japan admiration, hinted at literary reservations in saying that the German culture in the Japanese Goethe was being looked at through “the wrong end of the telescope”: salutary for the German in the distancing, but also lacking focus on crucial questions .33 Recurrent emphatic commentary appearing with such titles as Goethe in Japan, but also Was Goethe Japanese? (War Goethe ein Japaner?) and Goethe and Buddhism originated with Manfred Osten, the veteran top diplomat of Ger- man culture, who submitted a “strong affinity of Japanese feeling and thinking with important moments in Goethean understanding of nature and the world,” specifically: objective, theory averse thinking, pantheistic world devoutness, a genius for imitating and appropriating, saying yes, being deeply respectful, and saying thank you, valuing the present, and being aware of eternity in the moment 34. In more recent formulations of the affinity thesis, an overabundance of titles on the “Goethe in Japan” theme appeared, such as Why is Goethe so Widely Read in Japan? (Warum wird Goethe in Japan gern gelesen?) by Kimura student Hoshino Shin’ichi 星野慎一, who devoted his considerable later scholarly work entirely to answering this question .35 In the filiation of the Kyoto School, Ogawa Tadashi 小川侃, in his study Goethe’s Special Position in Japanese Education (Goethes Sonderstellung in der Japanischen Bildung), built directly on Nishida . Ogawa holds that “between Goethe’s poetry and Japanese mentality exists an inner relationship,” specifically in the association between a “practical approach to life and emotional drive,” as well as “penetrating into things in immediate contact with them ”. 36 Zen meditation does not strive for transcendence, but for the perception of things exactly as they are . That makes it seem as if Goethe had formulated the purest Zen teachings, quintessentially in the maxims from Wilhelm Meister’s Journeyman Years: “Do not search for anything behind the phenomena; they themselves are the teaching ”. 37 Such

32 Trunz, Goethe in Japan, p . 9 (“seine Weite, seine Ausgeglichenheit, seine Naturverbun- denheit, sein Takt”) . 33 Kaiser, Goethe in Japan, pp . 101–02 (“ein umgekehrtes Fernrohr”) . 34 Osten, Goethe in Japan, pp. 311–12 (“starke Affinität japanischen Empfindens und Denkens mit wichtigen Momenten des Goetheschen Natur- und Weltverständnisses”) . On “significant approaches, parallels and convergences with Buddhist thought” with Goethe, see also Osten, Goethe and Buddhism, p . 113 . 35 See Hoshino, Gēte to Ōgai; Hoshino, Goethe und das japanische Publikum; Hoshino, Warum wird Goethe in Japan gern gelesen?; Hoshino, Gēte to Bukkyō shisō. 36 Ogawa, Goethes Sonderstellung in der japanischen Bildung, pp . 160, 17 (“zwischen Goethes Dichtung und der Mentalität der Japaner eine innere Verwandtschaft [in der] praktische[n] Lebenseinstellung und Gefühlsbestimmtheit [sowie im] Eindringen in die Dinge in der unmittelbaren Berührung mit ihnen”) . 37 FA div . I, vol . 10, p . 178 (“Man suche ja nichts hinter den Phänomenen; sie selbst sind die Lehre”) .

Jahrbuch für Internationale Germanistik, Jahrgang LI – Heft 1 (2019) Peter Lang Stefan Keppler-Tasaki and Seiko Tasaki: Goethe | 65 expressions the Japanese hence would not perceive as coming from a foreigner .38 Kimura Naoji 木村直司 crowned the departmental tradition of Müller and Tom- ita with his 2006 compendium The East-Western Goethe: German Language Culture in Japan (Der ost-westliche Goethe. Deutsche Sprachkultur in Japan). The focus once again was more on assuming an “essential affinity” between Goethe and Japanese mentality with respect, among others, to a world immanent mindset, preference for balance, and encompassing propensity for education .39 The “close spiritual affinity between Goethe and Eastern philosophy,” Kimura Naoji saw less than Nishida in Zen Buddhist and rather more in Taoist and, in case of the classicist Goethe, in Confucian approaches 40. Contrary to the schools in the universities of Tokyo and Kyoto, this Sophia University scholar held firm on coordinating the “Goethe” project with the “Christianity” project: “In my opinion, Christianity, in spite of the confessional splits, is the divine principle for unifying the world’s people, and Goethe is the human principle from which emanates the power for unifying people ”. 41 The authoritative discourse on “Goethe in Japan,” construed as a formula for an “inner affinity,” was led from inside the strongest institutional bastions of the Japanese academic system and rarely encountered dissenting voices, whose special backgrounds and heretical tone in any case only proved the discursive rule 42. In this limited opposition, attempts to recognize Japanese circumstances with the affinity thesis were attacked as “unscientific fantasy,”43 “false identification”44 in the bourgeois mind, and “narcissistic delusion”45 reflected in Goethe’s greatness and clarity and, of all things, especially in his genius for absorbing and self-dedication . In September 1967, an association of scholars in German studies beholden to the German Democratic Republic (DDR) formed itself (it disbanded in May 1991) under the name “Friends of Weimar” (Waimaru tomo no kai ワイマル友の会) after conflicts inside the Japanese Society for German Studies, but also disengaged from the Goethe Society in Japan . The institutional background was provided by the private Waseda University in Tokyo, specifically by Nakamura Hideo 中村英雄, a Communist Party member and chair holder in German studies . The group invited Hans-Heinrich Reuter, senior executive of the National Research and

38 See Ogawa, Goethes Sonderstellung in der japanischen Bildung, pp . 162, 167 . 39 Kimura, Der ost-westliche Goethe, p . 540 (“Wesensverwandtschaft”) . 40 Kimura, Goethe und die östliche Philosophie, p. 325 (“enge geistige Affinität zwischen Goethe und der östlichen Philosophie”) . 41 Kimura, Jenseits von Weimar, p . 139 (“Meiner Meinung nach ist das Christentum trotz der konfessionellen Gespaltenheit das göttliche Prinzip, die Völker in der Welt zu vereinen, und Goethe das menschliche Prinzip, aus dem eine völkerverbindende Kraft hervorgeht .”) . 42 Kimura, Jenseits von Weimar, p . 154 (“innere Verwandtschaft”) . 43 Oguri, Goethe und die östliche Geistigkeit, p . 137 (“unwissenschaftliches Phantasiebild”) . 44 Mishima, Ist Goethe in Japan noch zitierbar?, p. 31 (“falsche Identifikation”). 45 Takizawa, Goethes Methode und die Japaner, p . 18 (“narzisstischer Wahn”) .

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Memorial Institution for Classical German Literature in Weimar into this circle to help problematize Japanese Goethe research, namely with critiques of the older Kimura faction and of educated middle class refuges around the reception of the classics . In fact, Goethe appropriation played a not inconsiderable role in Japanese nation building and elite development that we will turn to next 46.

2. Towards a Japanese Goethe: Thomas Mann and Gottfried Benn

Going by what the history of the academic discourse about “Goethe in Japan” has developed, no other culture seemed to have been quite so much in accord with Goethe as that of the Japanese, more so even than that of the Germans, given that, in the unanimous judgment of Nietzsche and the Japanese aesthete Tanizaki Jun’ichirō 谷崎潤一郎, Goethe was an “incident without consequenc- es in the history of the Germans”47 – an exception of harmonious diversity, cloaked power and smiling laureateship from the rule of the mentally ponderous, narrow, and uncomfortable 48. Just as Shakespeare in a factual emendation of accidental birthplaces belongs to Germany, thus Goethe does to Japan . That this similarly un-German classical author, who first came to Japan in English translation anyway, had almost no inkling of anything Japanese only seemed to confirm that almost everything about him was Japanese. An odd, botanically meant remark by Goethe in a letter dated April 3, 1818 to his prince, Duke Carl August, perhaps allowed to underline the shining possibility of a Japanese culture biotope in Weimar: “Japan is anywhere that one knows how to create it ”. 49 The overlap between the Goethe and Japan topoi is, indeed, considerable . In Germany, none other than Thomas Mann preceded Trunz and Osten in pro- lifically striding across this field, namely in his essay To the Japanese Youth, a Goethe Study (An die japanische Jugend. Eine Goethe-Studie), which the Japanese-German Cultural Institute (Japanisch-Deutsches Kultur-Institut) in Tokyo had commissioned from him in 1931. Reflecting the dual leadership of the Cultural Institute, two publications were slated for the 1932 Goethe Cen- tennial: one, a German language brochure edited by Wilhelm Gundert titled Goethe Studies (Goethe-Studien), and the other an expensive volume for which Koeber student Tomoeda Takahiko 友枝高彦 was responsible, titled Goethe

46 Reuter, Probleme und Themen der japanischen Goetheforschung; Reuter, Nihon ni okeru Gēte kenkyū no shomondai. Insightful on the backgrounds, Hayashi, Weimaru tomo no kai. 47 Nietzsche, Menschliches, Allzumenschliches, p . 607 (“in der Geschichte der Deutschen ein Zwischenfall ohne Folgen”) . 48 Tanizaki, Jōzetsu roku, pp. 322–23. See on this the Tanizaki chapter in Hoshino, Gēte to Ōgai, pp. 256–63. 49 Goethe, Werke, div . IV, vol . 29, p . 123 (“Japan ist überall wo man es zu erschaffen weiß”) .

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Studies on the Centenary (Gēte kenyū: hyaku nen sai kinen ゲーテ研究：百年祭記念) published by the upmarket Iwanami publishing house . Mann’s essay had pride of place in both publications .50 In the Japanese version, The Goethe Centenary, dedicated to the Japanese Youth (Gēte hyakunensai ni saishite nihon seinen ni atau ゲーテ百年祭に際して日本青年に與ふ),51 it appears immediately after a dedication by the German ambassador on Goethe as the cornerstone of German-Japanese friendship, and right after it came an article by Kimura Kinji, whose decisive role in the “Goethe in Japan” discourse we have already considered . As he recalled in A New Year’s Greeting to Japan (Ein Neujahrsgruß an Japan, 1947/48), Mann claimed to have been “in touch with the Japanese way of feeling” starting with the Japonism of the turn of the century .52 Later, as “a resident on the Pacific Ocean,” he saw himself as having moved into “a kind of neighborhood with Japan”53; moreover, he had never had more pleasant, well-mannered helpers than the Japanese married couple of Koto and Vattaru, who ran his household and also cared for the garden of his Pacific Palisades villa 54. A “dear relative,” Katia’s twin brother Klaus Pringsheim, since 1931 the “director of the Imperial Orchestra,”55 rapidly established himself as Japan’s most popular conductor – in no small measure by capitalizing on Goethe’s appeal . Paralleling Mann’s address To the Japanese Youth, Pringsheim wrote the report Events in Tokyo in Honor of Goethe (Veranstaltungen zu Ehren Goethes in Tokyo), published in the German-Japanese newspaper Yamato, that touched on an exhibition and several theater productions, but above all highlighted the popularity among Japanese audiences of romantic piano tunes, among them Schubert’s rendering of Wanderer’s Night Song / Another One and Mignon .56 Mann’s intimate understanding of the arts presented a stark contrast to the “cultural marketing” by a German officialdom represented in 1932 by, besides Gundert, the intellectually dubious German lecturers Erwin Jahn (Kyoto) and

50 On Mann’s reputation in Japan before and after his emigration from Germany, see Ta- kahashi, Japanische Germanistik, pp . 211–24 . 51 Mann, Gēte hyakunen sai ni saishite; see Mann, An die japanische Jugend. 52 Mann, Ein Neujahrsgruß an Japan, p . 348 (“mit japanischer Gefühlsweise in Berührung”) . First published on 1 January 1948 under the header Nippon ni okuru kotoba 日本に贈る言葉 in the Asahi shinbun daily newspaper . 53 Mann, Ein Neujahrsgruß an Japan, p. 351 (“zum Anwohner des Pacifischen Ozeans ge- worden und dadurch in eine Art von Nachbarschaft mit Japan gerückt”) . 54 On Koto and Vattaru, without identification of the family name, see Harpprecht, Thomas Mann, pp . 1612, 1642 . 55 Mann, Ein Neujahrsgruß an Japan, pp . 350–51 (“ein lieber Verwandter […] Direktor der Kaiserlichen Kapelle”) . For detail on the Japanese Pringsheim branch, see Bieber, Deutsch-japanische Kulturbeziehungen, pp . 203–05 passim; also Harpprecht, Thomas Mann, pp . 1592–93 passim, and Hayasaki, Klaus Pringsheim (1883–1972) . 56 See Pringsheim, Veranstaltungen zu Ehren Goethes in Tokyo .

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Erwin Meyenburg (Niigata) .57 Pringsheim arranged Wagner’s Faust Overture (Eine Faust-Ouvertüre) for chamber instrumentation and composed his own overtures for Faust and for Götz, that have come down to us in his unpublished works .58 Thomas Mann’s repeated addresses to Japan also served to back up his brother in law, whose professional position was not permanently secure by reason of political impediments and artistic competitors . To the Japanese Youth, a Goethe Study met to some extent with discon- certment in Mann research. The response to this first in a series of three longer texts that Mann wrote for the Goethe Year was inter alia that the exercise had an oddly extravagant title .59 The effusive poet worship, which encompassed a comparison of Goethe with Christ, was regarded as possible only in addressing an audience that seemed at a far remove culturally and geographically 60. The real peculiarity, however, is that Mann from the outset construed his author, the cosmopolite and divine human, in a Japanese direction, “intending” and “dedicating” him to the East Asian audience in accord with the Japonistic topoi 61. With the Weimarian-Japanese cultural sphere thus came quiet education, discrete audacity, and rational enchantment, practical idealism, superior childlikeness and moral health, the taming of passion in melancholy, humane interest in the technical-organizational, the desire for unison between the human heart and the heart of nature, the synthesis of (Buddhist) serenity, (Confucian) sense of duty, and (Shintoist) pantheism, balancing of individual retreat and the demands of society, as well as linkage of the antirevolutionary with open- ness to the future. But, this future would lie on Pacific shores, according to the expectations of the late Goethe, as Mann reminds us 62. Per the preface of the Goethe-Studien, it was unprecedented for a famous German author like Thomas Mann to have addressed Japan’s reading public directly 63. And, who but Goethe could have mediated this premiere? Mann practiced more Goethe diplomacy in corresponding with his faithful but unrelenting translator Takahashi Gikō 高橋義孝, a Kimura student, who taught at Kyushu University and translated, besides Goethe’s Faust and Götz, also Mann’s Goethe and Tolstoy (Goethe und Tolstoi) and several of his novels and stories into Japanese. In May 1954, Mann received a “fine and able study

57 See Gundert, Goetheehrung in Japan; Meyenburg, Goethes Stellung im heutigen Japan; Meyenburg, Die Goethe-Ausstellung in Japan . Jahn made himself conspicuous as the German main contributor to the Japanese Goethe-Jahrbuch, as long as it was edited (from its founding in 1932 until the interim publishing stop in 1941) in the department where Jahn worked in Kyoto . 58 Pringsheim, [Music for Faust and Götz] . 59 Harpprecht, Thomas Mann, p . 684 . 60 See Siefken, Thomas Mann, pp . 146, 150 . 61 Mann, An die japanische Jugend, pp . 286, 295 (“zudenken,” “zueignen”) . 62 Mann, An die japanische Jugend, pp . 288–89, 291, 295 . 63 Gundert, “Vorwort ”.

Jahrbuch für Internationale Germanistik, Jahrgang LI – Heft 1 (2019) Peter Lang Stefan Keppler-Tasaki and Seiko Tasaki: Goethe | 69 of my Freud essays,”64 in which Takahashi worked out argumentative contra- dictions and shortcomings in Mann’s understanding of romanticism as well as of Freud’s concepts of the unconscious and the pleasure principle . Mann replied by quoting from Goethe’s Saying, Gainsaying (Spruch, Widerspruch): “What is intellectually useful in these works, in what they are deficient and contradictory, I know well . This is the way it is: ‘As soon as we start speaking, we begin erring’ (Goethe) ”. 65 But, by this also was meant the first line of the maxim: “You must not confuse me with your gainsaying!”66 Mann and the Germanist Hirata Jisaburō 平田次三郎, a graduate of Tokyo Imperial University and professor at the private Chūō University, communicated with each other not directly through Goethe but through a Faust motif . In the April 1948 issue of the magazine Modern Literature (Kindai bungaku 近代文學) that he co-published, Hirata launched an open letter to Thomas Mann, in which he expressed his remorse for the Japanese people having made a devil’s bargain (ma no akushu 魔の握手) with Fascism and for having sold its soul to a devil called barbarism 67. Mann received a German translation of the article that Hirata had written expressly for this purpose in early December . In the article, Mann underlined exactly the passage about the Japanese soul having been sold (sono tamashii o uriwatashi その魂を賣りわたし) . Distressed and touched, in an “article for Tokyo” he answered by referring to his novel Doctor Faustus (Doktor Faustus): “I know your feelings only too well . At the time of Germany’s deep fall, I spoke similar words ”. 68 Addressed in a fashion reminiscent of To the Japanese Youth, a Goethe Study, the open letter appeared as To the Intellectuals in Post-War Japan (Sengo nihon no chishikijin e 戦後日本の知識人へ) in the March 1949 issue of Kindai bungaku . Goethe also served as mediator between Japan and Gottfried Benn, whose essay Goethe and the Natural Sciences (Goethe und die Naturwissenschaften) was read in the national colleges since 1935 – not, of course, after its publishing debut in the Neue Rundschau of the liberal S . Fischer publishing house in 1932, but as a constituent part of Benn’s antidemocratic collection The New State and the Intellectuals (Der neue Staat und die Intellektuellen) the following year . Mann’s voluminous 1925 essay Goethe and Tolstoy had already been

64 Mann, Briefe an Japaner, pp . 24–27, here p . 24 (“feine und kluge Studie über meine Freud-Aufsätze”) . 65 Mann, Briefe an Japaner, p . 24 (“Was an diesen Arbeiten geistig Brauchbares, was daran mangelhaft und widersprüchlich ist, weiß ich wohl . Es ist nun einmal so: ‘Sobald man spricht, beginnt man schon zu irren ’. ”) . See Takahashi, Thomas Manns Aufsätze über Sigmund Freud . 66 FA div . I, vol . 2, p . 420 (“Ihr müßt mich nicht durch Widerspruch verwirren!”) . 67 See Hirata, Tōmasu Man e no tegami, p. 44. 68 Mann, Artikel für Tokyo, p . 599 (“Ihre Gefühle sind mir nur zu wohl vertraut . Ich habe ähnlich gesprochen zur Zeit von Deutschlands tiefem Fall”) .

Peter Lang Jahrbuch für Internationale Germanistik, Jahrgang LI – Heft 1 (2019) 70 | Stefan Keppler-Tasaki and Seiko Tasaki: Goethe educational material in the kōtōgakkō since 1928 .69 Benn’s elaboration of “objective thinking” as an “osmosis of the object in the contemplating intellect” and his commendation of the maxims that the phenomena themselves were the teaching,70 sounded – as the author himself realized – like Buddhist topoi . Benn therefore saw himself compelled to remark that Goethe’s “looking with thinking” must “not be understood in the Buddhist […] sense” of self-efface- ment, but instead as encouraging “perseverance in being”71 – an allusion to the final lines ofOne and All: “For all must melt to nothing,/ would it continue still to be ”. 72 Even this affirming moment, however, in which “the individual” only disappears “to find himself in the unlimited,”73 also distinguishes the Pure Land Buddhism that Kimura Kinji adhered to, as well as the Zen Buddhism for which Nishida, in his first bookAn Inquiry into the Good (Zen no kenkyū 善の研究, 1911) that was already salted with numerous Goethe references, declared that the melting of the superficial ego liberated the true self that is identical with the universe 74. In this way, Benn’s text was suited for attaching German contemporary literature of the 1930s to the already proverbial “Japanese love for Goethe” and for relating German culture to autochthonous concerns, right where Benn stressed the “activist” element in the “world view of ‘contemplative thinking’”75 and Japanese nationalism at the time sought justifications for the Empire’s offensive role in the world .

3. Goethe, Ōgai and Japanese Self-assertion

If we delve farther behind the German-Japanese essay writing of the Goethe centenary in 1932, we find that Goethe first became “Japanese” in 1913 through the congenial translation of Faust by the Japanese archpoet Mori Ōgai, just as Shakespeare became “ours,” i . e ,. a German classic, through the circle of the Romantic translators . Besides “Shakespeare in Germany,” “Goethe in

69 See Hoshino, Goethe und das japanische Publikum, p . 49, also Bieber, Deutsch-japanische Kulturbeziehungen, p . 326 . 70 Benn, Goethe und die Naturwissenschaften, pp . 358, 372 (“[des] gegenständlichen Denkens [als einer] Osmose des Objekts in den anschauenden Geist”) . 71 Benn, Goethe und die Naturwissenschaften, pp . 355, 382–83 (“Beschaun mit Denken […] nicht im buddhistischen […] Sinne,” “Beharren im Sein”) . 72 FA div . I, vol . 2, p . 495 (“Denn alles muß in Nichts zerfallen,/ Wenn es im Sein beharren will”) . 73 FA div. I, vol. 2, p. 494 (“der Einzelne […] im Grenzenlosen sich zu finden”). 74 Nishida, An Inquiry into the Good, p . 145 . See Nishida, Goethe’s Metaphysical Background, p. 157; Nishida, Gēte no haikei, p. 328. 75 Benn, Goethe und die Naturwissenschaften, pp . 196, 204 (“aktivistische […] Weltbild des ‘anschaulichen Denkens’”) .

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Japan” represents the text book case of cultural appropriation, in which the invoked “we” first had to be determined in an ongoing process of collective self-understanding and self-definition. Charged questions thus do not so much derive from Goethe as from Japan: The reception of Goethe must be regarded as a function of the very intense Japanese identity discourse; only then are we looking through the right end of the “telescope ”. That already in 1932, in the Goethe Studies by the Japanese-German Cultural Institute, they were somewhat at a loss how to handle that Goethe had little to say about Japan is, from the identity discourse perspective, also because Japan, after the mid-19th century, reinvented itself from the ground up and older testimonies suffered a corresponding loss of recall value 76. Because these discursive reformulations not only took place under a coming to terms with occidental concepts of “nation” and “culture,” but also under a self-definition in primarily aesthetic categories, could literature, and specifically works by Goethe, play a significant role.77 Ōgai, who studied medicine in Germany from 1884 to 1888 and whose career in the new Japan saw him rise to surgeon general of the army from 1907 to 1917 and then to the directorship of the Imperial collections, had subscribed to the remodeling of a Japanese identity supportive of the state . Although he did many kinds of translations, including even Macbeth, his commitment to Goethe, nevertheless, outweighs the rest many times over: beside translations of Mignon, The Minstrel’s Song, Wild Rose, Faust I and II, characteristically here also stands a Japanese version of Götz von Berlichingen that he did for Kabuki magazine in late 1913 to early 1914 and published in book form in 1916 . It let the East Asian nation be warned from Goethe’s mouth, or rather from that of his noble warrior or bushi 武士, about Western modernity, the “times of betrayal” kyogi no jidai 虚偽の時代 78. Furthermore, Ōgai wrote both shorter and longer texts on Goethe’s lyricism, on Faust, on Götz and on Werther, whose first translation into Japanese was erroneously credited to him in 1894.79 Ōgai’s identification with Goethe’s works went so far as naming his first- born son Otto (Oto 於菟): this “neat, laconic name”80 of the captain in Goethe’s Elective Affinities (Die Wahlverwandtschaften) . Such a literal familialization of a German cultural artifact was not incompatible with the writer physician’s fervent desire for Japan to have a national literature of its own, such as he found

76 See Jahn, Goethe und Asien, largely based on Jenisch, Goethe und das ferne Asien . 77 From the rich research on this, see here in particular, Shimada, Die Erfindung Japans; Iida, Rethinking Identity; Mishima, Ästhetisierung zwischen Hegemoniekritik und Selbstbe- hauptung; Hijiya-Kirschnereit, Schönheit und nationale Identität; Morikawa, Japanizität aus dem Geist der europäischen Romantik . 78 Ōgai, Gijotsutsu, p. 214; see also Ōgai, Gijotsutsu kō, p. 280. FA div. I, vol. 4, p. 388 (“Zeiten des Betrugs”) . 79 See Ōgai, Weruteru no yakusha, p. 236. 80 FA div . I, vol . 8, p . 288 (“diesen hübschen lakonischen Namen”) .

Peter Lang Jahrbuch für Internationale Germanistik, Jahrgang LI – Heft 1 (2019) 72 | Stefan Keppler-Tasaki and Seiko Tasaki: Goethe in Goethe for Germany and Shakespeare for Great Britain. Ōgai himself was already associated by his contemporaries with Goethe in particular, because of his universality as a poet, thinker, and scientist, but also due to his representative position as a top official and national author.81 On the level of text production as well, the boundaries between the German and Japanese authors begin to blur . When Ōgai in 1902 was asked for a Faust translation for the theater, instead he turned in his drama The Jeweled Casket and the Two Urashimas (Tama kushige futari Urashima 玉篋兩浦嶼) that was replete with Faust references 82. In the first edition of Ōgai’sFaust translation, and later in the popular Iwanami edition, Goethe’s name is simply left off . In his essay On the Translated Faust (Yakuhon Fuausuto ni tsuite 譯本フアウストに就いて ) of May 1913, he gave convoluted explanations for this and also asserted that he reinvented Faust in his own language 83. In Ogai’s later translation of Goethe’s posthumous text Further Advice for Young Poets (Noch ein Wort für junge Dichter), their voices are intentionally overlaid: Here, Ōgai likewise speaks from the position of the “liberator” who would teach the younger generation in Japan, as Goethe did in Germany, “to be original,” to dispense with all rebelliousness and to attain freedom through self-control 84. Appropriating Goethe in this manner brought Ōgai closer to being the Japanese national author. In an 1890 essay on literary criticism, he exposed just how acute his personal and the public’s need for this was: In Japan, there was a call for great literary works that, like Goethe’s Faust and Dostoyevsky’s Crime and Punishment, explained human existence, but, regrettably, nonesuch had been created even after two decades of Japanese modernization 85. Ōgai’s ironic antagonist Sōseki had a character in his 1907 novel Nowaki 野分, the intellectual protagonist Dōya 道也, level the same charge in a lecture on the general disappointment at still not having a Shakespeare or a Goethe in Japan 86. In this sense, Goethe the Japanese was not a matter of cultural self-colonization, but rather a matter of Japan asserting itself . The reception on the one hand of Goethe’s works and of the autochthonous transmission on the other hand followed one after the other, so that it was little wonder the images of Goethe and of Japan practically became carbon copies of each other . That the Japanese identity movement and Goethe citations were less preemptive than supportive of each other is demonstrated by the publicist Kuga Katsunan 陸羯南, a pioneer of Nihonshugi 日本主義 or Japanism in the late 19th century, who treated the encounter between Goethe and Napoleon as a model for spiritual

81 See Morikawa, Japanizität aus dem Geist der europäischen Romantik, p . 105 . 82 See Ōgai, Tamakushige futari Urashima no shodo no kōgyō ni tsuite. 83 See Ōgai, Yakuhon Fausuto ni tsuite, p. 236. 84 See Takahashi Kenji, p . 10 . FA div . I, vol . 22, p . 933 (“Befreyer […] Original zu seyn”) . 85 Ōgai, Ima no hihyōka no shigan, pp. 94, 102. 86 Sōseki, Nowaki, p. 428.

Jahrbuch für Internationale Germanistik, Jahrgang LI – Heft 1 (2019) Peter Lang Stefan Keppler-Tasaki and Seiko Tasaki: Goethe | 73 emancipation and pointed to the German cultural rise ca . 1800, supposedly to counter France, as a prototype for Japan’s ability to defend itself against colonization by Amero-European culture 87. How Goethe with Werther had, in a sense, made a conquest of Napoleon the conqueror was emphasized by Ōgai in his 1889 Werther essay Shōnen weruteru no urei 少年ヱルテルの憂 88. The cosmopolitan Christian, Uchimura, protested in vain against this nationalistic interpretation of the Goethe/Napoleon meeting .89 The founders of Japan’s Goethe Society in 1932 opened the first volume of their yearbook with Goethe’s quote on the boost German culture had received in reaction to the “spread of French language and culture ”. 90 In the “Goethe” 1936 special issue of Nihon rōman-ha 日本浪曼派 magazine, Goethe’s antidemonic power over Napoleon was given its own article: the Napoleon chapter from Friedrich Gundolf’s Goethe (1916), translated by the leading “Japanese Romantic” and nationalist aesthete Kamei Katsuichirō 亀井勝一郎 91. The question “knowest thou the land” in the first stanza of the Mignon song in Ōgai’s translation is made to sound as if the desired land jutted out of the clouds (kumo ni sobiete tateru kuni くもにそびえて立てる國 )92 and, in the social context, also reflects not so much the German longing for Italy as in Goethe’s case, but rather the Japanese quest for its own nation state . The translation, termed by contemporaries the apex of translated poetry in Japan,93 appeared in a special issue of a magazine with the patriotic title The Nation’s Friend (Kokumin no tomo 國民之友) . Literally with Goethe’s Travels in Italy (Italienische Reise) in his hand, the Ōgai disciple Kinoshita Mokutarō 木下杢太郎, also called “Ōgai the second,” journeyed through Kyushu with his student traveling companions in 1907 on assignment from a Tokyo newspaper publisher to describe this main southern island in the Japanese archipelago, to publicize it to the capital’s readership and guide it further toward the nation state . The lesson from Goethe was how to appoint oneself heir to the past, imprinted by Romanic culture, which was also the case, albeit a limited one, with Kyushu because of historical Spanish-Portuguese cultural influences and successful French missionary work there . Kinoshita carefully recorded all sorts of arti- facts of foreign civilization (gaikoku bunmei 外國文明) on Kyushu, but with express interest in their Japanization (Nihonka 日本化) 94. Tellingly, in the 1930s,

87 Katsunan, Shijin Gēte to Naporeon. 88 Ōgai, Shōnen weruteru no urei. 89 Uchimura, Dante to Gēte, p. 357. 90 Goethe-Jahrbuch (Kyoto) 1932, unpag ,. after Witkowski (ed ). , Goethes biographisches Schema, p . 11 (“Ausbreitung der französischen Sprache u . Cultur”) . 91 Gundolf, Goethe und Napoleon; See Gundolf, Goethe, pp . 536–44 . 92 Ōgai, Miniyon no uta, pp. 14–15. FA div. I, vol. 2, p. 103 (“Kennst du das Land”). 93 See Weber, Mori Ōgai, p. 8. 94 See Kinoshita, Gosoku no kutsu, pp . 7, 9 .

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Kinoshita, by then professor of medicine at Tokyo Imperial University, translated Goethe’s Egmont, the very drama that plays out against the backdrop of the Netherlands’ cultural and political self-assertion against Spanish imperialism . In 1932, he once more contributed an essay on Goethe’s Travels in Italy (Ge’ete no Itaria kikō ゲエテの伊太利亞紀行) to the Goethe jubilee edition of a literary magazine that reminisced how he acquired Goethe’s autobiographical work in 1904 and used it to learn German in two years . Thereafter, he wrote, the most mundane locations in Tokyo, even a gas storage tank and an office building, appeared to him as brilliantly beautiful .95 Kamei, the informal chief ideologist of a nationalist Japanese cultural restoration, also recommended Travels in Italy, essentially as a guide to a deeper acquisition and perception of Japanese cultural landscapes emphasizing their beauty and reflecting particularly on the old Imperial sites on Honshu .96 Also emblematic of the insertion of Goethe into the Japanese environment is the labeling, in the preface to the first translation of Faust I that appeared in 1904, of Faust as the Mount Fuji of the literary world or else its translation as a hiking stick for it 97. Melding Faust with this iconic national symbol portends the ultimate compliment and, indirectly, Goethe’s naturalization as a Japanese . At the same time, Japanese culture, with an assist from Goethe, was not being reformulated under the sign of an unconditional modernization, but rather under a longing for the development of an elite, for antirevolutionary calming, and for canonical authority. The military dispatching Ōgai to Germany and his bringing Goethe back was only logical under these portents. Ōgai’s groundbreaking story The Dancing Girl (Maihime 舞姫), which appeared in early 1890 in The Nation’s Friend, just as Mignon had earlier and Wild Rose afterward, essentially tells of a student being groomed in Berlin for a career in government sacrificing his own and others’ happiness for the sake of building the nation. The eponymous child woman and ballerina is a Mignon figure destined, like Margarete in Faust, for a pregnancy, social isolation, and nervous breakdown 98. In the summer semester just prior to the publication of Maihime, Karl Florenz had taken over German studies at Tokyo Imperial University, and he commenced by taking up the subject of personality building, which was updated by Koeber and Abe Jirō in particular to ultimately occupy the center of elitist Japanese educational idealism (kyōyōshugi 教養主義 or “education as principle”) during the Taishō Era. Engaging with German literature and

95 See Kinoshita, Ge’ete no Itaria kikō. Collectively on this, Nitta, Kinoshita Mokutarō to Gēte. 96 See Kamei, Ningen kyōiku, pp. 104–47 (“Itaria e no tabi”). 97 Goethe, Fuausuto, pp . 3–4 . 98 See Ōgai, Maihime. On the problem of national identity in Maihime, see from the extensive research pars pro toto Hill, The Dancing Girl; on the German cultural and social references, also Uerling, Mori Ōgai und Theodor Fontane.

Jahrbuch für Internationale Germanistik, Jahrgang LI – Heft 1 (2019) Peter Lang Stefan Keppler-Tasaki and Seiko Tasaki: Goethe | 75 philosophy represented an effective means for learning to master self and life for broad segments of the Japanese leadership elites before the Second World War 99. Goethe as liberator for self-affirmation and life mastery on the horizon of activity and self-denial was still Kimura’s guiding principle among others in his 1936 lecture on individual self-creation (Ningen sōzō 人間創造) that was disseminated in the following year by Iwanami publishing house,100 just as it was in Kamei’s prize-winning book The Education of Man: An Essay on Goethe (Ningen kyōiku. Gēte e no hitotsu no kokoromi 人間教育ゲーテへの一つの試み) published in 1937 . In a poll of Tokyo Imperial University students in 1938 on people they revered, Goethe came in second 101. Once again, the dissenting voices remained at the margins or were marginalized, like the Marxist Miki Kiyoshi 三木清, who was stripped of his philosophy professorship and who saw his article, in which he lamented Goethe’s forfeiting social reality during and after his Italian travels when compared with his early works like Urfaust and Werther, relegated to the poor next-to-last spot in the 1932 Japanese Goethe festschrift put out by the Japanese-German Cultural Institute 102.

4. The Werther Author and the “Suicid Nation”

The development of the modern Japanese spirit by acquiring Goethe is a syn- cretistic enterprise relative to both autochthonous sources and, especially, to Dante, Shakespeare, and Tolstoy . Werther, Faust and the poems served less as secret resources in this than as waving banners behind which mostly Japanese traditions were deployed . They were thus not used tacitly, but rather referen- ced, cited, and conjured up a thousand-fold in literary texts as much as in the accompanying commentaries from the literary world . This was true in the case of Ōgai’s Maihime, which one of the author’s confidants, Yamaguchi Toratarō 山口虎太郎, immediately illuminated with Werther and Wilhelm Meister’s Apprenticeship for the Nation’s Friend magazine 103. A specifically Japanese syndrome, therefore, is the stunning overshadowing of the Goethe image by death, more precisely the obsession with the interconnection of beauty and death in a larger framework of the “suicide nation”104 self-image . In poetry, we can

99 On the Goethe role model in the kyōyōshugi see Kohl, Abe Jirō; Mishima, Spurensicherung; Maeda, Germanistik in Japan, pp . 142–57 . 100 See Kimura, Ningen sōzō, p. 1. 101 See Tanaka, Goethe und der Humanismus in Japan, p . 103 . 102 Miki, Gēte ni okeru shizen to rekishi. See also Muramoto, Miki Kiyoshi no Gēte. 103 See Hijiya-Kirschnereit, Rituals of Self-Revelation, p . 134 . 104 Di Marco, Suicide in Twentieth Century Japan, p . 2 . On this, see also the article of Irmela Hijiya-Kirschnereit in the present volume .

Peter Lang Jahrbuch für Internationale Germanistik, Jahrgang LI – Heft 1 (2019) 76 | Stefan Keppler-Tasaki and Seiko Tasaki: Goethe adduce the haiku by Ozaki Kōyō 尾崎紅葉 who acknowledged the diagnosis of a fatal illness in early 1903 with these lines:

Weeping I wander Naite iku 泣いて行く to meet Werther Uerteru ni au ウェルテルに逢ふ in the mist of the spring night . Oboro kana 朧哉105

In dramatic arts, the reception of Faust by Kitamura’s tragedy in the Euro pen-Romantic style The Drama of Mount Hōrai (Hōrai kyoku 蓬莱曲, 1891)106 connects to Mishima’s modern Noh piece Sotoba komachi 卒塔婆小町 (1968)107 with the heightened stress on suicide: in The Drama of Mount Hōrai with the depressive protagonist’s daredevil climb up Mount Fuji, in Sotoba Komachi with a pact by which the energetic protagonist is destined to and will die in his happiest moment . The Japanese enthusiasm for Werther, in any case, understood the motif of suicide in that novel not as a part of Goethe’s criticism of genius, but rather as a model for maintaining personal integrity and asserting nobility over the ordinary. The Christian leftist politician Matsuoka Kōson 松岡荒村 quickly devoted not one but two studies that he completed around 1900 to the high ethos of Werther’s suicide: The Wertherism Discussion in Regard to Suicide (Ueruteru-zumu o ronjite jisatsu ni oyobu ウェルテルヅムを論じて自殺に及ぶ) and Werther’s Thoughts on Suicide (Jisatsu ni taisuru Ueruteru ga kannen 自殺に對するウェルテルが觀念) 108. In fiction, Sōseki mobilized Werther, completely translated for the first time into Japanese in 1904, for his debut novel I Am a Cat (Wagahai wa neko de aru 吾輩は猫である) in 1905 . In the story, the genius student Mizushima Kangetsu 水島寒月 who is unhappy in love is prompted by his professor to become a Werther (Ueruteru kun ウェルテル君) of Japanese modernity 109. No less than two figures from Sōseki’s love and suicide novel Kokoro 心 (1914) then act out this program . In essay writing, Kitamura’s posthumous ‘Manfred’ and ‘Faust’ (‘Man- fureddo’ oyobi ‘Fōsuto’「マンフレッド」及び「フォースト」, written about 1890) deals with the romantic figurations of agnostic melancholy and death obsession,110 as Uchimura’s Dante and Goethe (Dante to Gēte ダンテとゲーテ, 1898) deals with the moral preference for the Italian man of faith over the German man of action who holds unrepentant activity in ever new forms to be the guarantee

105 Ozaki, Naite iku. See the Ozaki chapter in Hoshino, Gēte to Ōgai, pp. 200–08. 106 Kitamura, Hōrai kyoku. See also Hasegawa, Majutsushi Fausuto no tensei, pp. 197–206. 107 Mishima, Sotoba Komachi . See also Takahashi, Yukio Mishima und Goethe . 108 Matsuoka, Ueruteru-zumu o ronjite jisatsu ni oyobu; Matsuoka, Jisatsu ni taisuru Ueruteru ga kannen . 109 Sōseki, Wagahai wa neko de aru, p. 490. See also Miki, Soseki und Goethe; Aldridge, The Japanese Werther . 110 Kitamura, Manfureddo oyobi Fōsuto .

Jahrbuch für Internationale Germanistik, Jahrgang LI – Heft 1 (2019) Peter Lang Stefan Keppler-Tasaki and Seiko Tasaki: Goethe | 77 of eternal life 111. Like the protestant Uchimura, his coreligionist Nitobe Inazō 新渡戸稲造 in the lecture series The Tale of Faust (Fausuto monogatari ファウスト物語 ), published in 1909, that he gave before high school students in Tokyo, articulated above all the moral concerns about murder, suicidal tenden- cies and cheap divine interventions in Goethe’s Faust, whose first part – after its translation in 1904 along with original quotes in German – he extensively recapitulated and annotated . “Sin and more sin” (tsumi ni tsumi o kasane 罪に罪を重ねて) was committed in the play, so that one would be at a loss to see how Faust and Margarete in the end could pass through the “narrow gate of grace”112 to enter heaven . As Nitobe registers with displeasure, Faust endures his existence before his pact with the devil only by permanently seeing the poison bottle before him and thereby making the option of the “sinister departure” (kuraki michi no kadode 暗き道の門出) a fixture in his life.113 Among the altogether most significant examples of Japanese essay writing belong the already mentioned, elitist educational theorizing Essay on Goethe by Kamei Katsuichirō as well as rationalist critical observations under the catchy title Why Did Werther Die? (Weruteru wa naze shinda ka ヱルテルは何故死んだか, 1938/39) by his comrade-in-arms in the circle of “Japanese Romantics” Yasuda Yojūrō 保田與重郎 . Both Goethe worshipers campaigned for a nationalistic hypostatizing of the “Japanese soul” in conformity with the aesthetic values of beauty and evanescence, melancholia and self-sacrifice. Both had obtained their European educational backgrounds in the Faculty of Letters of Tokyo Imperial University around 1930 . Kamei supposedly had converted to the Japanese cultural tradition from his earlier enthusiasm for Marx by reading Conversations with Eckermann (first translation 1910), a journey from “endan- germent” (kiki 危機) to “shining restoration” (saisei 再生) of that seishin 精神 or “spirit,” that Kimura’s 1940 book, Japanese Spirit and German Culture (see above, Ch . 1) already has in its title . With help from Goethe’s Roman Elegies (Römische Elegien), he revivified for himself the spirit of the old temple city Nara, the Imperial seat before the capital was moved to Kyoto 114. Yasuda’s Why Did Werther Die? leaned on Goethe’s earlier works like Werther and Götz but also later works like the West-Eastern Divan (West-östlicher Divan, first translation 1926) to develop pessimistic theories about the rationalistic unfolding of modernity as a treasonous era in which honesty and passion were betrayed . Adequate protests consisted not of an alternative reasoning but of sacrificing

111 Uchimura, Dante to Gēte. 112 FA div . I, vol . 7 1. , v . 52 (“enge Gnadenpforte”) . 113 Nitobe, Fausuto monogatari, pp. 65, 218. See also Niizuma, Nitobe Inazō to Gēte; Tanaka, Das Goetheverständnis . 114 Kamei, Ningen kyōiku, pp. 11–45 (“Seishin no kiki to saisei ni tsuite” 精神の危機と再生について ), pp. 147–55 (“Nara no aki ni rōma aika o omou” 奈良の秋にローマ哀歌を憶う) . See also Tanaka, Katsuichiro Kamei und Goethe .

Peter Lang Jahrbuch für Internationale Germanistik, Jahrgang LI – Heft 1 (2019) 78 | Stefan Keppler-Tasaki and Seiko Tasaki: Goethe body and life . With this, Yasuda discarded the humanism that rested on the imperative “think of living”115 in Wilhelm Meister’s Apprenticeship . The author made no secret in the Commentary (kaidai 解題) he published in 1951 on Why Did Werther Die? that what mattered to him was a Japanese self-understanding through the medium of Goethe: in the process, he had read the mind of the poet by seeking to turn the eye to the East, emulating how the later Goethe had also sought alternatives to Western modernity in the “pure East ”. 116 How coherent and at the same time far-fetched these suicide affine readings of Goethe could be in the gravest case is shown by the journals of the Kamikaze pilots 117. Werther fever was rampant among these educated young men like never before, prolonged by a striking recontextualization of the Divan poem Blissful Yearning (Selige Sehnsucht):

Now no distance checks your flight, charmed you come and you draw nigh, Till with longing for the light, you are burnt, o butterfly[.]118

In Mishima Yukio’s aesthetic nationalism, the “die and be reborn” from Blissful Yearning for the time being found its provisional last installment in Japan as the cyclical principle of his tetralogy The Sea of Fertility (Hōjō no umi 豊饒の海, 1965–1970), whose protagonist dies as a 20-year old at each novel’s end, only to be reborn subsequently at the start of the following novels just like an eternal Werther . For his theories on epic composition, Mishima several times invokes Goethe (as well as Tolstoy and Thomas Mann), characteristically referring to the suicidal fates of Werther and of Ottilie in Elective Affinities 119. Obsessed with the notion that the moment of happiness lies in the annihilating glimpse of the beautiful, in his essay The Beautiful Era (Utsukushiki jidai 美しき時代, 1948) he quoted Faust’s dying monologue, whereby he betrayed an understanding of Goethe with a deeply Nietzschean tinge 120. Despite all these eccentricities, Mishima did not want to be a mere individualist; on the contrary, as he expounded in his 1956 essay An Anecdote (Aru gūwa ある寓話), he also found in the Weimar minister Goethe (and the Athenian politician Sophocles) the role model for a healthy genius and a nationally conscious author 121.

115 FA div . I, vol . 9, p . 920 (“Gedenke zu leben!”) . 116 Yasuda, Weruteru wa naze shinda ka kaidai, p . 537 . On this, see Doak, Dreams of Diffe- rence, pp . 15–16 . 117 See Ohnuki-Tierney, Kamikaze Diaries, p . 12 passim . 118 FA div. I, vol. 3.1, p. 25 (“Keine Ferne macht dich schwierig,/ Kommst geflogen und gebannt,/ Und zuletzt, des Lichts begierig,/ Bist du Schmetterling verbrannt”) . 119 See Mishima, Satō Haruo shi ni tsuite no memo; Mishima, Bunshō dokuhon, pp. 63–65. 120 Mishima, Utsukushiki jidai, pp . 80–81 . On this, see Takahashi, Yukio Mishima und Faust . 121 See Mishima, Aru gūwa, p. 290.

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In November 1970, Mishima carried out his spectacular ritualistic suicide, after making a speech calling for the restoration of Japanese imperial rule . As part of the public examination of this incident can also be counted Tezuka’s Faust-Manga Hyaku monogatari 百物語, which appeared between July and October 1971: It shifted the Faust legend to medieval Japan and transposed Goethe’s figure of Heinrich (Engl. Henry) Faust to a samurai he named Ichirui Hanri 一塁半里 . This manga begins and ends with a seppuku 切腹 . As at the beginning of Faust I, the protagonist for the time being aborts the suicide attempt . After a pact with the devil, Hanri’s rejuvenation in the Witch’s Kitchen, and many other Faust scenes, the world tour climaxes in a second run-up to seppuku, which is so well executed that Hanri’s soul is able to rise to heaven 122. This idealistic illumination of ritual suicide, meanwhile, has become one of the fixtures in a medieval fantasy world invoked in the traditional fairy tale title Hyaku monogatari or A Hundred Tales . Rather than endorsing Mishima’s politico-aesthetic action, this is more like branding it as romantic archaism .

5. Goethe in the Zen Buddhist Theorizing of Nishida and D. T. Suzuki

Beyond the suicide discourse, Zen Buddhism proved to be another resonance chamber for Goethe in Japan . The towering Japanese 20th century philosopher Nishida Kitarō, in one of his earliest tracts An Explanation of Beauty (Bi no setsumei 美の説明, 1900), while he was still teaching German among other subjects in school, designated Goethe’s mental image of the “open secret” (“offenbares Geheimnis”) as the principle behind his way of looking at things . The “open secret” describes a kind of truth that cannot be expressed in words because the sentiment of truth, just like that of beauty, is the sensation of “egolessness” (muga 無我) or, as he wrote in An Inquiry into the Good, of “pure experience” (junsui keiken 純粋経験) 123. Goethe put it this way: “Do not search for anything behind the phenomena; they themselves are the teaching,”124 and in this sense “Feeling is all;/ Name is sound and smoke ”. 125 The advances that these borrowings from Goethe made thanks to Raphael von Koeber’s aesthetics courses cannot be overlooked. This first holder of a chair in philosophy at the University of Tokyo already offered a kind of “Goethe for Asia” when he gave

122 Tezuka, Hyaku monogatari, pp . 131–34, 329–33 . 123 Nishida, An Explanation of Beauty, p . 217; Nishida, An Inquiry into the Good, p . 3 . 124 FA div . I, vol . 10, p . 178 (“Man suche ja nichts hinter den Phänomenen; sie selbst sind die Lehre”) . 125 FA div . I, vol . 7 1. , vv . 3456–57 (“Gefühl ist alles;/ Name ist Schall und Rauch”) .

Peter Lang Jahrbuch für Internationale Germanistik, Jahrgang LI – Heft 1 (2019) 80 | Stefan Keppler-Tasaki and Seiko Tasaki: Goethe preference to citing passages like Goethe’s aphorism from around 1820 that the poet seems to have connected with the catchword “pure East”126:

That’s the proper way to go, To never know How we think, When we think, All seems given; take it so 127.

The ideas of “egolessness” and “pure experience” flowed in turn into the key concept of the Kyoto School of the “absolute nothing” (zettai mu 絶対無) that Nishida for the first time developed inGoethe’s Metaphysical Background . Meant by this is the empirical knowledge of an “eternal now,” in which everything emerges from nothing – “without a whence in its coming” (kitaru tokoro nakusite kitari 来る所なくして来り) – and everything goes into the nothing – “without a whither in its going” (saru tokoro nakusite saru 去る所なくして去る) – and in which all that is, eternally is only that which it is 128. At issue hence are the conditions that are reflected in poems like To the Moon – “And my spirit’s heavy chain/ castest far away”129 – or One and All – “To find himself in the infinite,/ the individual will gladly disappear”130 – and in which the spirit would be freed of its subjectivity and the reality of its objectivity: “There is no inside or outside; everything is an ‘open secret’” (kōzen no himitsu 公然の秘密) 131. In the process, the poems were understood as being statements by Goethe the sage about himself, especially those also to be found in Conversations with Eckermann (Gespräche mit Eckermann) and Travels in Italy, for example:

Here I am now [in Rome] living with a calmness and tranquility to which I have for a long while been a stranger . My practice to see and take all things as they are, my fidelity in letting my eye be my light, my perfect renunciation of all

126 FA div . I, vol . 2, p . 632 (“reiner Ost”) . 127 FA div . I, vol . 2, p . 631 (“Ja, Das ist das rechte Gleis,/ Daß man nicht weiß/ Was man denkt / Wenn man denkt/ Alles ist als wie geschenkt”). See Koeber, Lectures on Aesthetics, pp . 25–26 . In terms of “pure experience” or “immanent knowing,” Georg Simmel also quoted this maxim; see Simmel, Kant und Goethe, p . 128 . 128 Nishida, Goethe’s Metaphysical Background, p. 158; Nishida, Gēte no haikei, p. 330. Cf .Wilkinson, Nishida and Santayana on Goethe, p . 41: “the ‚nothing‘ here being mu, the oriental nothing, the predicateless real from which all things come and to which they return.” – On Goethe/Nishida, see also Hoshino, Gēte to Bukkyō shisō, pp. 133–41; Yamashita, Identität als Unverborgenheit, pp . 115–47; Takahashi, Goethes “Idee des Reinen” . 129 FA div . I, vol . 1, p . 66 (“Lösest endlich auch einmal/ Meine Seele ganz”) . 130 FA div. I, vol. 2, p. 494 (“Im Grenzenlosen sich zu finden,/ Wird gern der einzelne ver- schwinden”) . 131 Nishida, Goethe’s Metaphysical Background, p. 152; Nishida, Gēte no haikei, p. 326.

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pretension have again come to my aid and make me calmly but most intensely happy 132.

Like Benn, Nishida highly valued Goethe’s contemplative style for comprising both activism and individualism: “Even Goethe’s ‘resignation’ was an active one. Man can find salvation only by acting,” (Gēte no entozāgen wa […] yūi no akirame de atta, hito wa hataraku koto nomi ni yotte sukuwareru node aru ゲーテのエントザーゲンは［…］有為の諦らめであった、人は働くことによってのみ救はれるのである) namely, thus Nishida says with a Confucian accent, in “an active life for the benefit of society” (shakaiteki jigyō ni jūji 社会的事業に従事) 133. The goal, then, did not obtain in “a loss of individuality” (kosei wo ushinau 個性を失ふ), but rather in the experience “of true human individuality” (shin no ningen no kosei 真の人間の個性 ) 134. For this, Nishida, unlike Benn, did not have to isolate himself from Buddhism generally, but only from the early Buddhist schools . He cogently avoided citing as supporting evidence the quasi primitive Buddhist declaration of love for the “eternal void”135 that Me- phistopheles makes . As explained by Bruno Petzold, a Goethe fan and Buddhist monk, it was the newer Mahāyāna-Buddhism that was ostensibly distinguished by “optimism, activism, and positivity” and that would experience its ultimate refinement in Japan. All that was extinguished in its course applied only to the “illusory I” (ga 我) in the cause of liberating the “true” or “absolute I” (shin ga 真我), which, once again, would have its “stance” not in transcendence but “in the midst of life” and would meet Goethe’s “real I” or “pure selfness ”. 136 Nishida, like Ōgai, took his poet most personally. When his six-year old daughter Yūko 幽子 died, he worked through his grief aided by Goethe’s example, who, on the death of his son Carl in 1795, concentrated on filling the void by continuing to work . When, in 1930, sixty-year old Nishida was taken with the idea of remarrying a young woman named Ibuki Nobuko 伊吹信子 that he coveted, he covered his flanks in retreating from this enterprise by referencing Goethe’s unsuccessful courtship of Ulrike von Levetzow in 1823 137. For an

132 FA div . I, vol . 15 1. , p . 144 (“Ich lebe nun hier [in Rom] mit einer Klarheit und Ruhe, von der ich lange kein Gefühl hatte . Meine Übung, alle Dinge wie sie sind zu sehen und ab- zulesen, meine Treue das Auge Licht sein zu lassen, meine völlige Entäußrung von aller Prätention, kommen mir einmal wieder recht zu statten und machen mich im Stillen höchst glücklich”) . 133 Nishida, Goethe’s Metaphysical Background, pp. 152, 154; Nishida, Gēte no haikei, p .326–27 . 134 Nishida, Goethe’s Metaphysical Background, p. 147; Nishida, Gēte no haikei, p. 323. 135 FA div . I, vol . 7 1. , v . 11603 (“das Ewig-Leere”) . 136 Petzold, Goethe und der Mahayana-Buddhismus, pp . 44–45, 84 (“eigentliches Ich,” “reine Selbstheit”) . On Petzold’s Buddhist Goethe interpretation see Kotani, Bruno Petzold and Hanjiro Tominaga . 137 See Yusa, Biography of Nishida Kitarō, pp. 93, 246.

Peter Lang Jahrbuch für Internationale Germanistik, Jahrgang LI – Heft 1 (2019) 82 | Stefan Keppler-Tasaki and Seiko Tasaki: Goethe inscription on the gravestone of his institute colleague Kuki Shūzō 九鬼周造, a few days before his own death in 1945, he translated Another One under the title Goethe’s Song (Gēte no uta ゲーテの歌) and set it down in a script that purposely does not come off as anonymously perfect calligraphy but that instead cries of the individually human in his interpretation of Goethe’s contact with “absolute nothingness:” “the gentle sound of humanity” (bimyō naru ningen no hibiki 微妙なる人間の響) 138. Locating this memorial among the trees of a Kyoto temple grove is part of a conception in which the individual relates the surrounding nature to himself and simultaneously objectivizes himself in it . Nishida’s lifelong friend D. T. (Daisetsu Teitarō) Suzuki, the central authority in the international dissemination of Zen Buddhism, invoked Goethe somewhat less often but still repeatedly . In so doing, the holder of professor- ships at the Buddhist Ōtani University in Kyoto and at Columbia University accommodated his predominantly Western readers, but also seemed to be convinced that in Goethe the innermost matters of Zen are touched on . “When I first read Faust, I was deeply impressed with the ideas pervading the work, thinking how strongly they reminded me of Zen “. 139 The reminiscence from the year 1951 probably relates to his studies at Tokyo Imperial University to- gether with Nishida in the early 1890s . Even one of his last lectures, Zen and Psychiatry (also titled Reality is Act) he opened in 1963 with the remark: “I was reading Goethe’s Faust again recently ”. 140 Raphael von Koeber apparently had furnished his students a formative model for lifelong reading of Faust: “I have read Goethe’s Faust at least hundred times in my life, and always I read it as a new work […] “. 141 That Zen should not be dogma but rather practice was decisive for Suzuki; but for that he benefited from Faust’s bible translation: “‘In the beginning was action’ or ‘act’ (die Tat) . I would like to say that this Tat is everything ”. 142 In reference to Zen’s pronounced aesthesis and its remarkable literary productivity, in haiku poetry for one, Suzuki furthermore explained: “Zen is poetry” and: “the poetical spirit of Zen” seems “embodied” in Goethe’s Faust 143. Zen is all about concentrated sensing and perceiving, i . e ,. getting in touch with the reality that would be missed by abstraction and theory: “There is nothing hidden in Zen: all is manifest ”. 144 Even when it came to the insight of not wanting to look for anything behind phenomena, Faust appeared to give instructions when he explains that “feeling is everything ”. As Suzuki stated in

138 Nishida, Goethe’s Metaphysical Background, p. 157; Nishida, Gēte no haikei, p. 329. 139 Suzuki, The Philosophy of Zen, p. 3. On Goethe/Suzuki, see Hoshino, Gēte to Bukkyō shisō, pp. 86–94. 140 Suzuki, Zen and Psychiatry, p . 197 . 141 Koeber, Lectures on Aesthetics, p . 63 . 142 Suzuki, Zen and Psychiatry, p . 197 . See FA div . I, vol . 7 1. , v . 1237 . 143 Suzuki, The Philosophy of Zen, p . 3 . 144 Suzuki, The Philosophy of Zen, p . 3 .

Jahrbuch für Internationale Germanistik, Jahrgang LI – Heft 1 (2019) Peter Lang Stefan Keppler-Tasaki and Seiko Tasaki: Goethe | 83 his 1934 book An Introduction to Zen Buddhism: “Zen just feels fire warm and ice cold […] . The feeling is all in all as Faust declares […] . But, ‘the feeling’ here must be understood in its deepest sense or in its purest form ”. 145 Of course, Faust himself is not so much a role model for a human being that possesses Zen mind, as he is one of those insatiables that are dragged by their devil through the “flat insignificance” of the “wild life.”146 Indeed, Takahashi Gorō 高橋五郎, the first Japanese commenter onFaust I in 1904, had annotated the monologue in the “Night” scene with a Buddhist terminus, saying that every thinking human being wrestles with the question of whether life seemed nothing more than shaba 娑婆,147 i. e., “the realm of pain, the land of defilement” as Suzuki interpreted the concept 148. What was meant by the feeling “in its deepest significance and purest form” as a matter of fact could be discerned in Goethe’s personality, which seemed to have cast off its own slag in the fire of Werther and Faust:

Zen means concentrated but flexible force, an inwardly rich life, existence from the centre, completely balanced freedom at every moment . […] If we can say […] that Goethe lived such full life from the center, he had, as the Zen Buddhist would say, Zen . Perhaps this is the reason why the Japanese have a strong and genuine interest in Goethe 149.

There are innumerable, not all necessarily confessional Buddhist, testimonials on the Japanese veneration of Goethe as an enlightened one, who had lived in this way from his center, in complete equipoise between himself and the universe. Among them is one by Akutagawa Ryūnosuke 芥川龍之介, the definitive author of the Taishō Era, who wrote about his mentally fragile alter ego’s reading of Divan in his autobiographical novel Fool’s Life (Aru ahō no isshō 或阿呆の一生, 1927): “Divan gave his heart new strength once again . It was the ‘eastern Goethe’ that he had not known before . He saw a Goethe, who stood above all good and evil in quiet equanimity, and he felt an envy that bordered on despair . In his eyes, Goethe was a greater poet than the poet Jesus ”. (Divan wa mō ichido kare no kokoro ni atarashii chikara o ataeyō to shita. Sore wa kare no shirazuni ita ‘tōyōteki na ge’ete’ datta. Kare wa arayuru zen’aku no higan ni yūyū to tatte iru ge’ete o mi, zetsubō ni chikai urayamashisa o kanji- ta . Shijin ge’ete wa kare no me niwa shijin kurisuto yori mo idai datta Divan

145 Suzuki, An Introduction to Zen Buddhism, pp . 17–18 . 146 FA div . I, vol . 7 .1, vv . 1860–61, (“[MEPHISTOPHELES:] Den schlepp’ ich durch das wilde Leben,/ Durch flache Unbedeutenheit”). 147 Goethe, Faust, p . 187 . On this, see Ashizu, Buddhistische Faust-Rezeption . 148 Suzuki, Shin Buddhism, p . 22 . On Faust as beacon of the will and act entanglement in the Buddhist sense, see also Petzold, Goethe und der Mahayana-Buddhismus, pp . 64–66; Osten, Goethe and Buddhism, pp . 114–15 . 149 Schinzinger, Introduction, p . 18 .

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はもう一度彼の心に新しい力を与へようとした。それは彼の知らずにゐた「東洋的なゲエテ」だつた。彼はあらゆる善悪の彼岸に悠々と立つてゐるゲエテを見、絶望に近い羨ましさを感じた。詩人ゲエテは彼の目には詩人クリストよりも偉大だつた。)150 The depiction by Raphael von Koeber of a bourgeois Goethe at his ease that gyrated around “inner mirth” and “pure perception,”151 “childlike tranquility” and “idealized contemplation”152 here found a productive switch to the “Buddha Goethe” icon .

6. Reflections of Faust in Kurosawa’s Ikiru and Tezuka’s Neo Faust

Suzuki’s version of Zen Buddhism, and that of his – primarily American – students is a popular affair, in which an elitist educational horizon is no longer required to quote, paraphrase and antiphrase Goethe . Kurosawa Akira has systematically downplayed his erudition in Goethe’s and Shakespeare’s works, and yet his 1952 filmIkiru 生きる, on whose script Hashimoto Shinobu 橋本忍 and Oguni Hideo 小国英雄 collaborated, as a whole developed out of a creative dialogue with Faust 153. In the iconography of the study scenes, Watanabe 渡辺, the department head in a ward office, sits at a desk, loomed over by improbable stacks of paper . In lieu of students, he has – not for 10 years like Faust, but for 30 years – made life difficult for supplicating citizens. The Earth Spirit mani- fests its ruddy flame on the x-ray monitor and wears the awful countenance of stomach cancer . As the Earth Spirit introduced himself to Faust as “birth and grave,”154 so will the cancer first cause Watanabe to be reborn before it kills him . The suicide motif, which all along had held great appeal in the Japanese reception of Goethe, soon puts in a doubled appearance: Watanabe lays the sleeping tablets aside like Faust the poison flask, but instead drinks sake (because of the stomach ailment) “like poison ”. 155 The choir of angels that sings “Christ is arisen!” and so keeps Faust from taking the “last, solemn step,”156 is replaced by the “happy birthday!” of young girls at a birthday party . Goethe’s scene “Before the Gate,” plays out in front of the hospital in the streets of

150 Akutagawa, Aru ahō no isshō, pp. 62–63. See also the Akutagawa chapter in Hoshino, Gēte to Ōgai, pp. 231–55. 151 Koeber, Lectures on Aesthetics, pp . 64, 66 . 152 Koeber, Kleine Schriften, p . 71 (“innere Heiterkeit,” “reine Anschauung,” “kindliche Seelenruhe,” “verklärte Beschaulichkeit”) . 153 Essential here is Carr, Goethe and Kurosawa . On transposition of Faustian melancholia and reparative phantasy in Ikiru, more precisely on self-therapy of the depressive character through identification with mothers and children, see Fitzsimmons, Faustian Reparation. 154 FA div . I, vol . 7 1. , v . 504 (“Geburt und Grab”) . 155 Richie (ed ). , Ikiru, p . 33 . 156 FA div . I, vol . 7 1. , v . 782 (“letzten, ernsten Schritt”) .

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Tokyo . A writer, at whose feet lies a black dog, offers his services with the words: “Tonight I’ll be your Mephistopheles, but a good one, who won’t ask to be paid . […] Look, we even have a black dog!”157 The city nightlife bears the marks of Auerbach’s Cellar, Witch’s Kitchen, and Walpurgis Night . A Japanese Helena strips in front of old men . The writer warns Watanabe about prostitutes as if they were witches: “[these] girls are the most predatory of all existing mammals ”. 158 Blinding neon signs function like the ignis fatuus that lights the way for Faust and Mephistopheles to the dream and magic sphere. In a surreal overflowing dance hall, couples crowded up against each other try to dance: “They crowd and jostle, whirl, and flutter!”159 Smoke wafts, cigarettes glow. “There vapors rise, there clouds float by,/ and here through mist the splendor shines ”. 160 A pianist sitting at a black grand piano sticks out from the crowd: “Thither the gathering legions fly,/ And sitting aloft Sir Urian is seen ”. 161 Hitting the keyboard hard he launches into a mambo; shrill trumpets join in: “Hark! The mountain ridge along,/ streameth a raving magic-song!”162 Goethe’s Walpurgis Night scene reads like a storyboard for these movie scenes . A new, American-style hat, with which Watanabe is supposed to be scarcely recognizable, makes him look younger in other eyes – a motif that reflects Faust’s own rejuvenation. Margarete is called Toyoとよ . She gets nylon stockings instead of gold jewelry and turns down a more intimate relationship with the significantly older man as unnatural. The second part of the film, told in analytical flashbacks from the recurring scene of Watanabe’s funeral service, starts, like Faust II, with temporary restoration of the unfortunate man: “Feel it! Whole thou shalt be on the mor- row!/ Trust the newborn day ”. 163 Watanabe seizes on the “land reclamation project” of a local women’s association that at first futilely adds to the stack of petitions in his office. A flooded parcel of city land is to be drained. The mayor wants to sell it to a yakuza boss and his thugs, Goethe’s “three mighty men ”. 164 Without doubt, for them it is about investing in another “magic mountain ”. Watanabe, with unyielding humility, obtains the land for the women, who want a playground for their children . In anticipation of the moment when the

157 Richie (ed ). , Ikiru, p . 34 . 158 Richie (ed ). , Ikiru, p . 35 . 159 FA div . I, vol . 7 1. , v . 4016 (“Das drängt und stößt, das rutscht und klappert!”) . 160 FA div . I, vol . 7 .1, vv . 3920–21 (“Da steigt ein Dampf, dort ziehen Schwaden,/ Hier leuchtet Glut aus Dunst und Flor”) . 161 FA div . I, vol . 7 1. , vv . 3958–59 (“Dort sammelt sich der große Hauf,/ Herr Urian sitzt oben auf”) . 162 FA div . I, vol . 7 1. , vv . 3954–55 (“Ja, den ganzen Berg entlang/ Strömt ein wütender Zau- bergesang”) . 163 FA div . I, vol . 7 1. , vv . 4652–53 (“Fühl’ es vor! du wirst gesunden;/ Traue neuem Tagesblick”) . 164 FA div . I, vol . 7 1. , v . 10323 (“Die drei Gewaltigen”) .

Peter Lang Jahrbuch für Internationale Germanistik, Jahrgang LI – Heft 1 (2019) 86 | Stefan Keppler-Tasaki and Seiko Tasaki: Goethe playground is to open, singing he sits in a child’s swing – and succumbs to his disease . Rumors of a suicide as a political protest spring up . A witness haltingly objects: “But he looked so, well, happy “. The only colleague that understood Watanabe’s mission and wants to continue it so happens to bear the same name as Japan’s best-known Goethe and Faust researcher at the time: Kimura 木村 . Clearly, Kurosawa gave a happy twist to the Germanistic theories of individual self-creation and perfectibility through action . His protagonist rebirths himself through the activity imperative that he derives from the social desideratum: “I want to do something . […] I can do something if I really want to!“165 At the same time, Kurosawa decreed a salutary demonumentalization for his Faust character: “I am going to work for the good of the public,” is a phrase coined by others;166 all Watanabe does is take up the cause of a neighborhood consisting of a few worker households, like the same director’s seven samurai only save a peasant village . Overall, it can be said that Kurosawa reworked Goethe’s epic drama with the ethos of “New Deal” films of the Roosevelt era. One of the best-known of these socially engaged Hollywood films was William Dieterle’s The Devil and Daniel Webster from 1941, that was first shown in Japan in 1948 and in its own way dealt with the Faust tradition 167. If Ikiru touched on the constitutive meshing of politics and organized crime in Japan’s reconstruction after the Second World War, then Tezuka’s ca . 400-page manga Neo Faust ネオ・ファウスト of 1988/89 expanded the critical focus to the entire postwar Japanese identity, gave a voice to the cultural trau- matization from losing the war, and held out the prospect of a final apocalypse as nemesis from failing to come to terms with this history 168. This physician versed in German had already in 1949/50 produced a Disney-style children’s manga simply titled Faust ファウスト, in which he had underlined the reference to tradition by switching into the German language in the last frame and depicting a scroll with Das Ende (“The End”) written on it 169. Ikiru also must have made a lasting impression on this genre-defining manga artist, because, in Neo Faust, his last work ever, he practically mirrors a number of distinctive details from the film whose home video version had appeared in 1985. Among

165 Richie (ed ). , Ikiru, p . 56–57 . 166 Richie (ed ). , Ikiru, p . 77 . 167 See Keppler-Tasaki, Die faustische Leinwand, pp . 293–95 . 168 On the “main question […] of cultural identity” in Neo Faust, see Dykes, Faust under the Pax Japonica, p. 86. On historical reflection and national identity critique in the Japanese popular culture, see Igarashi, Bodies of Memory, pp . 12–15 . 169 Tezuka, Faust, p . 126 . On Tezuka’s repeated Faust appropriations, Phillipps, Tezuka Osamu, pp . 318–61 is essential; further, Riley, Faust through the Eyes of a Japanese Cartoonist; Schmitz-Emans, Goethes Faust und seine produktive Rezeption durch Osamu Tezuka .

Jahrbuch für Internationale Germanistik, Jahrgang LI – Heft 1 (2019) Peter Lang Stefan Keppler-Tasaki and Seiko Tasaki: Goethe | 87 them are the derisive nickname “mummy” (miira ミイラ) the hero is given by his colleagues, in this case by his students; the x-ray of the stomach cancer, the stripper performance, and the stoic, brutal face of the yakuza boss in the office corridor transposed on a minister of state in the hallway of the “Hotel Walpurgis ”. 170 Among Tezuka’s other sources, finally, are two books by the Germanist Hasegawa Tsutomu 長谷川つとむ, one dating from 1979 on Goethe’s Faust in comparative perspective and the other published in 1983 on Faust’s “reincarnations” throughout literary history 171. Initially, the book edition of the manga, after it had been serialized in the left liberal Asahi Journal 朝日ジャーナル, appeared in 1989 as a single volume and then in 1995 as the originally planned two-volume edition . The title scroll for volume 1 (see fig.) shows Neo Faust as Albert Einstein in the famous Uncle Sam pose from the American army recruiting poster I Want You for U.S. Army . This iconic opening image marks the historical starting point for the new Faust: the American rebirthing of Japanese postwar society that dates from the dropping of the atomic bombs on 6 August and 9 August 1945 . In his second Faust version, Hyaku monogatari in 1971, Tezuka had still used the simpler picture for the nation’s dual soul that showed the Marthe figure wearing one each of the Japanese and American flag in her hair.172 The new Faust’s name is Ichinoseki 一ノ関 or, in his rejuvenated form, Daiichi 第一 (in Hyaku monogatari Ichirui 一塁); ichi 一 here each time means “the first,” which again sounds like “Fa(u)st” in the Japanese pronunciation of the English word “first.” His life intertwines with the collective peak happenings of the nascent Japanese industrial superpower, including the 1964 Olympics, the World’s Fair of 1970, and the conquest of the US market in the 1980s . High tech successes, bribery scandals, the Korean and Vietnamese wars fill out the storyline’s backdrop . Incessantly, large crowds of people gather for public events: on campus, in the stadium, queuing up for the Shinkansen, in Hotel Walpurgis, and lastly in front of Daiichi’s center for genetic research . In Tezuka’s depiction of Jap- anese society, from the linkages with the American military apparatus to the paramilitary organization of the student movement, it never escaped the war that was supposed to have been ended in 1945 .

170 Tezuka, Neo-Faust, pp . 28, 32, 132, 256 . 171 See Hasegawa, Fausuto no hikaku bungaku-teki; Hasegawa, Majutsushi Fausuto no tensei . 172 Tezuka, Hyaku monogatari, p . 171 .

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Fig :. Osamu Tezuka: Neo-Faust, cover design for Vol . 1 of the two-volume edition of 1995 (Source: Kōdansha Publishers Tokyo; © Tezuka Production).

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Similarly, the University of Tokyo of 1969 is painted from life, including its architectural landmarks: as the central state university, in which research, political, and business interests intersect . In the manga, it gets its name “NG University” from a wordplay on the Japanese English mnemonic “NG,” which stands for “no good” as contrasted with “OK ”. Here Ichinoseki is relegated to teaching undergraduates in the institute for biotechnology while his media savvy colleagues market his research findings. After 50 years in the ivory tower in which he kept himself pure like a monk in a Zen temple, as he puts it, he had neither gotten closer to the “truth of the universe” (uchū no shinri 宇宙の真理) nor the “essence of life” (seimei no honshitsu 生命の本質) 173. His suicide attempt, in turn, is not stymied by a choir of angels, but rather a bomb attack and a police assault troop . The doctrinaire students seem to have run through the diabolic curriculum of Goethe’s student scene and learned “how by method all things to reduce ”. 174 Ichinoseki’s assistant, who wants to create the homunculus, is none other than he himself: in rejuvenated form having lived anew and more successfully since 1958 . The magic cloak of Mephistopheles, therefore, no longer serves for traveling the world but through time instead – in the literal understanding of the classic line: “MEPHISTOPHELES: We’ve but to spread this mantle wide,/ […]/ I must congratulate you on your new career ”. 175 The Zen Buddhist purity naturally deserts Neo Faust during this second life; he earns his wealth by developing among others a defoliant (read Agent Orange) that the USA deploys in Vietnam . Mephistopheles メフィストフェレス is a semi-pornographic female appari- tion, as previously in Hyaku monogatari (there called Sudama スダマ),176 who, upon the learned professor’s noting that “Mephistopheles” is the name for a male devil, delivers herself of a satire on scholars and links the Greek negation particle “me” back to the Japanese word for “bitch,” me(su) 雌 . She next appears to Ichinoseki in the form of the female student Mariko まり子 (stands for “Mar- garete”; in Hyaku monogatari it was “Masago” 真砂) and introduces herself with a direct quote from Goethe as “the spirit who evermore denies:” subete hitei suru rei すべて否定する霊 177. Like Goethe’s Faust, so Neo Faust owns a book “by Nostradamus’ proper hand”178 which, however, lets him conjure up not the Earth Spirit but Lucifer . His sight crushes Ichinoseki who by his death opts for something that Goethe’s Faust only wished for belatedly: “O that before

173 Tezuka, Neo-Faust, pp . 26–27 . 174 FA div. I, vol. 7.1, vv. 1944–45 (“alles reduzieren/ Und gehörig klassifizieren”). 175 FA div . I, vol . 7 1. , vv . 2065, 2072 (“Wir breiten nur den Mantel aus,/ […]/ Ich gratuliere dir zum neuen Lebenslauf”) . 176 Tezuka, Hyaku monogatari, p . 139 . 177 Tezuka, Neo-Faust, p . 34; cf . FA div . I, vol . 7 1. , v . 1338 (“der Geist der stets verneint”) . 178 FA div . I, vol . 7 1. , v . 420 (“von Nostradamus eigner Hand”) .

Peter Lang Jahrbuch für Internationale Germanistik, Jahrgang LI – Heft 1 (2019) 90 | Stefan Keppler-Tasaki and Seiko Tasaki: Goethe the lofty spirit’s might,/ enraptured, I had rendered up my soul!”179 The sign of the macrocosm is shifted to a later episode, in which it serves as a love spell that lets the Marthe figure (here the housekeeper for Mariko and her brother) inflame with passion for Faust. Mephistopheles has fallen in love with Neo Faust (like Sudama with Ichirui) the moment she sees him in his rejuvenated, tall and blond, i . e ,. Siegfried-like form . Daiichi loves Mariko, who in turn is smitten with Ishimaki 石巻 a radical student leader from the Faculty of Letters . The figure of Valentin, Takada 高田, has been significantly upgraded: As a police inspector, he looks after public order with some integrity; as Mariko’s brother, he seeks help in the church and before a statute of the Virgin Mary; more precisely, he asks for an exorcism and learns to pray in his distress . Te- zuka transposes not only aspects of the Gretchen figure to Takada but also of the mother figure, who, moreover, survives the confrontations with Neo-Faust/ Mephistopheles and so, until the (fragmentary) end of the manga, defends petty bourgeois life . As “a soldier true and brave”180 the militant student leader dies in his place, not by drawing the sword against Mephistopheles but hurling a stick of dynamite at him . After Daiichi, as the adoptive son of Japan’s biggest construction develop- er, first wants to fill in Tokyo Bay, the death of his mentor from cancer makes him want to breed “a new kind of Adam and Eve,”181 which is reminiscent of Mephisto’s promise to the student in Faust: “eritis sicut Deus,”182 “you will be like God ”. In the Witch’s Kitchen, Neo Faust had already glimpsed “the very essence of all heavenly grace,”183 the “most beautiful woman in the world,”184 not, as with Goethe, in a magic mirror but in a laboratory retort . This vision is reified in the homunculus plan for a future humanity of a “higher, higher origin,”185 as Wagner puts it in Faust II . We surmise where the radical raw materials for this are to be sourced when the student leader Ishimaki asks the savant to clone him . In Tezuka’s outline for a Faust animation in 1984, a whole army of biotech robots was to be released into the world . The genetic breeding of revolutionary fighting spirit should in all likelihood have led to the collective descent into hell, whereby Tezuka would have unlocked the door from Goethe’s Faust to Thomas Mann’s Doktor Faustus 186.

179 FA div . I, vol . 7 .1, vv . 1577–78 (“O wär’ ich vor des hohen Geistes Kraft/ Entzückt, entseelt dahin gesunken!”) . 180 FA div . I, vol . 7 1. , v . 3775 (“als Soldat und brav”) . 181 Tezuka, Neo-Faust, p . 288 . 182 FA div . I, vol . 7 1. , v . 2048 . 183 FA div . I, vol . 7 1. , v . 2439 (“Inbegriff von allen Himmeln”) . 184 Tezuka, Neo-Faust, p . 376 . 185 FA div . I, vol . 7 1. , v . 6847 (“höhern, höhern Ursprung”) . 186 On the plans for continuation, see Tsuitō Tezuka Osamu, also the report by Hasegawa, Tsuitō Tezuka Osamu shi to Neo-Fausuto . Generally on this, Takahashi, Osamu Tezukas Neo-Faust .

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Daiichi finds brief happiness with Mariko, before he abandons her pregnant albeit financially provided for so he can expand his business empire to New York and to become – in a modernized retread of Japanese imperialism – “ruler of the world” (sekai no teiō 世界の帝王) 187. When he returns to Tokyo, all the genetic research findings of American universities in his baggage, she has killed the child and punished herself for the act with self-denial and madness . Her miserable “dungeon” is, appropriately, located behind the bars of a hospital’s psychiatric ward . In a new semanticization of the rhetorical structure of Mephisto’s “She now is judged!” and the heavenly voice’s objection “Is saved!” at the conclusion of Faust,188 Mephistopheles explains her condition as a “judgment of heaven” (ten no sabaki 天の裁き), which Neo Faust objects to and puts the responsibility for on “people” (ningen 人間) with that laconic last word 189. However, he does not incriminate himself with this, but rather touch- es on Mariko’s willingness to suffer and to follow, which had already found ingrate takers in the militant student movement and ends up in the ethos of self-sacrifice, which was part and parcel of the nationalistic identity discourse of, among others, Yasuda and Mishima, as we have seen . Neo Faust, however, will only know to reject this foul romanticism by continuing to pursue his plan for a biotechnical overhaul of humanity . All told, Tezuka seizes upon a large part of Goethe’s specifics to give them new forms and functions in the context of an unfolding technological and scientific society. With respect to this manga, hermeneutic elaboration is rather less called for than is meditating on its surface traceries, on which things – harking back here to Zen Buddhist thought – “are what they are,” namely, in all clarity and rigor . If we think back to Ichinoseki’s self-description as monk in a Zen temple, the title page can be freed of its iconographic nonidentity and be read instead as a Zen teacher’s instruction to meditate that has a claim on our, the audience’s, full attention: “Wait a while,/ Soon now”190 is the equiva- lent imperative in the poem Another One that had such great attraction for the Zen Buddhists’ Goethe interpretation . Neo Faust’s “open secret” is a critique of the Japanese postwar identity by which Tezuka completed and closed off what Ōgai, in search of the Japanese nation state, had started exactly 100 years earlier with the translation of “Knowest thou the land ”.

187 Tezuka, Neo-Faust, p . 375 . 188 FA div . I, vol . 7 1. , vv . 4611–12 (“[MEPHISTOPHELES:] Sie ist gerichtet! / [STIMME von oben:] Ist gerettet!”) . 189 Tezuka, Neo-Faust, p . 403 . 190 FA div . I, vol . 2, v . 65 (“Warte nur! Balde”) .

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