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The African National Congress Centenary: a Long and Difficult Journey
The African National Congress centenary: a long and difficult journey RAYMOND SUTTNER* The current political pre-eminence of the African National Congress in South Africa was not inevitable. The ANC was often overshadowed by other organiza- tions and there were moments in its history when it nearly collapsed. Sometimes it was ‘more of an onlooker than an active participant in events’.$ It came into being, as the South African Native National Congress (SANNC)," in $&$", at a time of realignment within both the white and the conquered black communities. In the aftermath of their victory over the Boers in the South African War ($(&&-$&#"), the British were anxious to set about reconciling their former enemies to British rule. This included allowing former Boer territories to continue denying franchise and other rights to Africans, thus disappointing the hopes raised by British under- takings to the black population during the war years. For Africans, this ‘betrayal’ signified that extension of the Cape franchise, which at that time did not discrimi- nate on racial grounds, to the rest of South Africa was unlikely. Indeed, when the Act of Union of $&$# transferred sovereignty to the white population even the Cape franchise was open to elimination through constitutional change—and in course of time it was indeed abolished. The rise of the ANC in context From the onset of white settlement of Africa in $*/", but with particular intensity in the nineteenth century, land was seized and African chiefdoms crushed one by one as they sought to retain their autonomy. The conquests helped address the demand for African labour both by white farmers and, after the discovery of diamonds and gold in $(*% and $((* respectively, by the mining industry.' * I am indebted to Christopher Saunders and Peter Limb for valuable comments, and to Albert Grundlingh and Sandra Swart for insightful discussions. -
Economic Ascendance Is/As Moral Rightness: the New Religious Political Right in Post-Apartheid South Africa Part
Economic Ascendance is/as Moral Rightness: The New Religious Political Right in Post-apartheid South Africa Part One: The Political Introduction If one were to go by the paucity of academic scholarship on the broad New Right in the post-apartheid South African context, one would not be remiss for thinking that the country is immune from this global phenomenon. I say broad because there is some academic scholarship that deals only with the existence of right wing organisations at the end of the apartheid era (du Toit 1991, Grobbelaar et al. 1989, Schönteich 2004, Schönteich and Boshoff 2003, van Rooyen 1994, Visser 2007, Welsh 1988, 1989,1995, Zille 1988). In this older context, this work focuses on a number of white Right organisations, including their ideas of nationalism, the role of Christianity in their ideologies, as well as their opposition to reform in South Africa, especially the significance of the idea of partition in these organisations. Helen Zille’s list, for example, includes the Herstigte Nasionale Party, Conservative Party, Afrikaner People’s Guard, South African Bureau of Racial Affairs (SABRA), Society of Orange Workers, Forum for the Future, Stallard Foundation, Afrikaner Resistance Movement (AWB), and the White Liberation Movement (BBB). There is also literature that deals with New Right ideology and its impact on South African education in the transition era by drawing on the broader literature on how the New Right was using education as a primary battleground globally (Fataar 1997, Kallaway 1989). Moreover, another narrow and newer literature exists that continues the focus on primarily extreme right organisations in South Africa that have found resonance in the global context of the rise of the so-called Alternative Right that rejects mainstream conservatism. -
Opposition Parties Sustaining Multiparty Democracy?
Briefing Paper 292 June 2012 Opposition Parties Sustaining Multiparty Democracy? 1. Introduction whole faces an existential crisis.4 As a result, concerns have been raised about whether South Africa’s electoral system is designed to opposition parties will survive, and equally, sustain a multiparty democracy.1 The about the quality of multiparty democracy in proportional representation (PR) system South Africa. facilitates the proliferation of political parties and, in turn, encourages electoral competition. The number of registered parties has increased 2. Background from around 157 in September 20082 to just over 190 in early 2011. Some 42 parties contested the A multiparty system is characterised by 2009 elections compared to the 26 parties in competition between more than two political 1999 and 27 parties in 1994; this number grew parties. Democratic theorists explain that under to 37 in 2004. In addition, there has been a this system many parties exist with equal significant increase in parties contesting at the chances of becoming governing parties, either local level. Last year, the Independent Electoral individually or through coalitions.5 Thus, in an Commission (IEC) announced that 121 parties ideal multiparty democracy, prospects for a one‐ contested the 2011 municipal elections, party state or a dominant party emerging are compared to 97 parties in 2006 and 79 in 2000. relatively small. A classic example is Germany: This growth in the number of parties is, some two major parties, the Social Democratic Party would argue, good for the sustainability of (SDP) and the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), multiparty democracy; it certainly indicates that have ruled the country for over 60 years through people are free to form parties, to register them political coalitions which have also involved and to campaign for votes. -
Opposition Party Mobilization in South Africa's Dominant
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Eroding Dominance from Below: Opposition Party Mobilization in South Africa’s Dominant Party System A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Safia Abukar Farole 2019 © Copyright by Safia Abukar Farole 2019 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Eroding Dominance from Below: Opposition Party Mobilization in South Africa’s Dominant Party System by Safia Abukar Farole Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Los Angeles, 2019 Professor Kathleen Bawn, Chair In countries ruled by a single party for a long period of time, how does political opposition to the ruling party grow? In this dissertation, I study the growth in support for the Democratic Alliance (DA) party, which is the largest opposition party in South Africa. South Africa is a case of democratic dominant party rule, a party system in which fair but uncompetitive elections are held. I argue that opposition party growth in dominant party systems is explained by the strategies that opposition parties adopt in local government and the factors that shape political competition in local politics. I argue that opposition parties can use time spent in local government to expand beyond their base by delivering services effectively and outperforming the ruling party. I also argue that performance in subnational political office helps opposition parties build a reputation for good governance, which is appealing to ruling party ii. supporters who are looking for an alternative. Finally, I argue that opposition parties use candidate nominations for local elections as a means to appeal to constituents that are vital to the ruling party’s coalition. -
2001 Lecture
THE JAMES BACKHOUSE LECTURE 2001 RECONCILING OPPOSITES: REFLECTIONS ON PEACEMAKING IN SOUTH AFRICA Hendrik W van der Merwe The James Backhouse Lectures The lectures were instituted by Australia Yearly Meeting of the Religious Society of Friends (Quakers) on the its establishment of that Yearly Meeting in 1964. James Backhouse and his companion, George Washington Walker were English Friends who visited Australia from 1832 to 1838. They travelled widely, but spent most of their time in Tasmania. It was through their visit that Quaker Meetings were first established in Australia. Coming to Australia under a concern for the conditions of convicts, the two men had access to people with authority in the young colonies, and with influence in Britain, both in Parliament and in the social reform movement. In meticulous reports and personal letters, they made practical suggestions and urged legislative action on penal reform, on the rum trade, and on land rights and the treatment of Aborigines. James Backhouse was a general naturalist and a botanist. He made careful observations and published full accounts of what he saw, in addition to encouraging Friends in the colonies and following the deep concern that had brought him to Australia. Australian Friends hope that this series of Lectures will bring fresh insights into the Truth, and speak to the needs and aspirations of Australian Quakerism. This particular lecture was delivered in Melbourne on 8 January 2001, during the annual meeting of the Society. Colin Wendell-Smith Presiding Clerk Australia Yearly Meeting © Copyright 2001 by the Religious Society of Friends (Quakers) in Australia Incorporated. -
TV on the Afrikaans Cinematic Film Industry, C.1976-C.1986
Competing Audio-visual Industries: A business history of the influence of SABC- TV on the Afrikaans cinematic film industry, c.1976-c.1986 by Coenraad Johannes Coetzee Thesis presented in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Art and Sciences (History) in the Faculty of Arts and Sciences at Stellenbosch University Supervisor: Dr Anton Ehlers December 2017 Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za THESIS DECLARATION By submitting this thesis electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work contained therein is my own, original work, that I am the sole author thereof (save to the extent explicitly otherwise stated), that reproduction and publication thereof by Stellenbosch University will not infringe any third party rights and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification. December 2017 Copyright © 2017 Stellenbosch University All rights reserved Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS Historical research frequently requires investigations that have ethical dimensions. Although not to the same extent as in medical experimentation, for example, the social sciences do entail addressing ethical considerations. This research is conducted at the University of Stellenbosch and, as such, must be managed according to the institution’s Framework Policy for the Assurance and Promotion of Ethically Accountable Research at Stellenbosch University. The policy stipulates that all accumulated data must be used for academic purposes exclusively. This study relies on social sources and ensures that the university’s policy on the values and principles of non-maleficence, scientific validity and integrity is followed. All participating oral sources were informed on the objectives of the study, the nature of the interviews (such as the use of a tape recorder) and the relevance of their involvement. -
United Nations Human Rights Council Forum on Minority Issues
UNITED NATIONS HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL FORUM ON MINORITY ISSUES Minorities in situations of humanitarian crises Geneva Switzerland 24 & 25 November 2016 Presented by: Advocate Anton Alberts – Freedom Front Plus South Africa We hereby submit a brief country-specific analysis of the Afrikaner and other minorities in South Africa. We focus specifically on the early warning stage of preventing a crisis. The Afrikaner and various other minorities, including the KhoiSan First Nation communities are experiencing increasing pressure from the government and related political parties. This pressure has taken on various form in law and in practice and is known as “Transformation”. Transformation’s meaning is informed by the term “representivity” and in essence means that all civil and governmental institutions must represent the demographic status of the country. This means that minorities will always be relegated to an inferior status as no organisation, community, business, school, university, and sports team will receive government support unless it reflects the demographic majoritarian status. This means that minorities may not have complete or majority representation of their own within these mentioned socio-spheres. This is a carefully crafted and insidious logic disguised as a constitutional imperative in terms of Section 9 of the Constitution that guarantees equality. The basic point of departure is that everyone is equal before the law and entitled to equal protection and benefit of the law. However, intervention can take legally place in order to ensure equity for those persons that were disadvantaged by unfair discrimination and it is upon this rule that the ANC-government has crafted its “Transformation” and “representivity”-logic where all of society must represent the demographic majority representation as their social-engineered solution. -
Country Fact Sheet, Democratic Republic of the Congo
Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets file:///C:/Documents and Settings/brendelt/Desktop/temp rir/Country Fact... Français Home Contact Us Help Search canada.gc.ca Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets Home Country Fact Sheet DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO April 2007 Disclaimer This document was prepared by the Research Directorate of the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada on the basis of publicly available information, analysis and comment. All sources are cited. This document is not, and does not purport to be, either exhaustive with regard to conditions in the country surveyed or conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. For further information on current developments, please contact the Research Directorate. Table of Contents 1. GENERAL INFORMATION 2. POLITICAL BACKGROUND 3. POLITICAL PARTIES 4. ARMED GROUPS AND OTHER NON-STATE ACTORS 5. FUTURE CONSIDERATIONS ENDNOTES REFERENCES 1. GENERAL INFORMATION Official name Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) Geography The Democratic Republic of the Congo is located in Central Africa. It borders the Central African Republic and Sudan to the north; Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda and Tanzania to the east; Zambia and Angola to the south; and the Republic of the Congo to the northwest. The country has access to the 1 of 26 9/16/2013 4:16 PM Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets file:///C:/Documents and Settings/brendelt/Desktop/temp rir/Country Fact... Atlantic Ocean through the mouth of the Congo River in the west. The total area of the DRC is 2,345,410 km². -
Survey: English
Household Selection Procedure Start your walk pattern from the starting point indicated on the EA map. For each interview start walking in a different direction from the starting point. In other words: for the 1st interview walk in a northerly direction from the starting point, for the 2nd interview walk in the direct opposite direction (i.e. South), for the 3rd interview go at right angles to the direction of the 1st interview (i.e. go East or West), and for the 4th interview go in the direct opposite direction to the 3rd interview (i.e. East if you went West in the 3rd interview, or West if you went East in the 3rd interview). Use an interval of 10 houses between your starting point and the first house that you visit. If a call is unsuccessful, use the table below to record your progress until you make a successful call. Circle a code number for unsuccessful calls only. Continue walking and going to every 10 th house until you have a successful interview. Reasons for Unsuccessful Calls 5 H HH 1 HH 2 HH 3 HH 4 HH H 6 HH 7 HH 8 HH 9 HH HH 10 HH 11 HH 12 HH 13 HH 14 HH 15 HH 16 HH 17 HH 18 HH 19 HH 20 HH Refused to be interviewed 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 Person selected was never at home 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 Household / Premises empty / inaccessible 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 for the survey period Not a South African citizen / spoke only a foreign 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 language Deaf / mute 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 Other (specify)___________________________ 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 Successful 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 A. -
Political Parties: What Are They Good For?
December 2019 Political Parties: What Are They Good For? An Essay Collection on Democracy Lee Drutman, Didi Kuo, Lilliana Mason, Sheri Berman, Lily Geismer, Sam Rosenfeld, John Kane, Daniel Schlozman, Julie Wronski, & Mark Schmitt Last edited on December 11, 2019 at 10:18 a.m. EST Acknowledgments This report originated as individual posts on the Vox blog “Polyarchy," based on a selection of papers prepared for a conference organized by Didi Kuo. The resulting series was edited by Lee Drutman, Mark Schmitt, and Didi Kuo. Many thanks to Vox editor Tanya Pai for her editorial work and facilitation help. Thanks to our New America communication team, Maria Elkin, Joe Wilkes, Joanne Zalatoris, LuLin McArthur, and Alison Yost, for their help preparing this report; to Monica Estrada for her help with footnotes; and to Elena Souris for packaging the report. newamerica.org/political-reform/reports/political-parties-good-for/ 2 About the Author(s) or full participatio John V. Kane is an assistant professor at New York owth to the Am Lee Drutman is a senior fellow in the Political Reform University’s Center for Global Affairs. His research program. areas include political partisanship and ideology, public opinion and behavior, political psychology, foreign policy, and quantitative research methods. Didi Kuo is a fellow in the Political Reform program and manages the Program on American Democracy in Comparative Perspective at Stanford University's Daniel Schlozman is Joseph and Betha Bernstein Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Associate Professor of Political Science at Johns Law. Didi Kuo published her first book, Clientelism, Hopkins University. -
Grondwet Christen Vervolging
vereis! Dit kan nie vir enige Afrikaner met 'n GRONDWET bietjie verstand moeilik wees om in te sien dat die grondwet in vyandskap met die Christen- bevorder Afrikaner staan nie. CHRISTEN VERVOLGING Deur Sydney Gregan Sedert 1994 het die Afrikaner so "aanpasbaar" geword by veranderde omstandighede dat daar na 23 jaar met reg gevra kan word: Het die Afrikaner nog (minimum)-waardes? Nou word Afrikaners opgeroep om hulle Pas het ons gesien hoe 'n wêreldse hof die skoolgeld te weerhou van skole indien die grondwet téén die Christelike godsdiens Christelike godsdiens by sulke skole in die slag uitgelê het. Het ons dan enigiets anders gaan bly. Die feit is dat die Christelike verwag? Het ons dan nie geweet dat dit 'n anti- gosdsdiens sedert 1994 so verwater het by Christelike grondwet is nie? 'n Grondwet wat Afrikaanse staatskole dat net die dop daarvan die mens eerder as God as uitgangspunt neem oorgebly het. Die godsdiens wat tans daar en alles wat vir die Christen en regte-Afrikaner beoefen word is 'n vormgodsdiens, een wat nie kosbaar en ononderhandelbaar is, ten gronde geskud sal word as die (leë) dop ook verwyder rig nie? word nie. Wat besef moet word is dat staatskole wat uitvoering gee aan 'n grondwet van 'n land verplig sal kan word om "godsdiensloos" te word. En boonop sal 'n ouer wat sy skoolgeld weerhou van 'n skool wat die grondwet gehoorsaam geen simpatie kan verwag van 'n balju wat sy bates kom opskryf In hierdie uitgawe...... Theresa May - Verkiesing Grondhervorming Tog is daar steeds mense wat hulleself Afrikaner Organisasies Christene noem en Afrikaans praat en 'n Blanke vel het wat die grondwet verdedig! Veral as hulle bevordering en hulle beroep dit Waarom Swartes vir Diktators stem Junie 2017 net omdat hy skoolgeld weerhou het nie! Dit is Gebeur dit nie moet ons besef dat dit baie laat polities naïef om 'n vergelyking te tref tussen 'n in die dag vir die Afrikaner geword het. -
South Africa Elections: the ‘Ramaphoria’ Has Waned May 14, 2019
South Africa Elections: The ‘Ramaphoria’ Has Waned May 14, 2019 Key Takeaways • On May 8, 2019, South Africa held elections to elect a new National Assembly, which in turn elects the president, and provincial leadership. The ruling Africa National Congress party (ANC) won 57.5 percent of the vote, marking the first victory for the ANC under the leadership of Cyril Ramaphosa, who has led the party since December 2017 and was appointed president in February 2018 following the resignation of the embattled Jacob Zuma. • In a blow to Ramaphosa and his allies, this is the first time the ANC received less than 60 percent of the national vote. The Democratic Alliance (DA) obtained 21 percent and the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) won 11 percent nationally. • The country’s development has stalled in recent years amid poor business confidence and wary foreign capital lingering from the rampant corruption during the Zuma administration. Given the myriad challenges facing the country – including stagnant economic growth, the world’s highest levels of income inequality, widespread unemployment, and endemic poverty – many South Africa-watchers described the May elections as the most crucial since the birth of democracy and a referendum on voters’ confidence in the ANC. • The elections were the sixth and most hotly contested since the end of apartheid in 1994. A record number of parties, 48, were registered, a reflection of South Africa’s thriving democracy and a clear indication of the growing challenge to the ruling ANC’s dominance. There were 26.5 million eligible voters, with lower than normal turnout estimated at a mere 66 percent.