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TESI Lucacon Margini UNIVERSITÀ DEGLI STUDI DI SALERNO DIPARTIMENTO DI TEORIA E STORIA DELLE ISTITUZIONI DOTTORATO DI RICERCA IN TEORIA E STORIA DELLE ISTITUZIONI (IX Ciclo) Tesi di Dottorato Verso il disgelo: Stati Uniti e Santa Sede, 1914-1940 Coordinatore Ch.mo Prof. Antonio Scocozza Tutor Dottorando Ch.mo Prof. Luigino Rossi Luca Castagna Anno Accademico 2009/2010 A Walter, Silvana, Francesco e Rossella … la mia storia. Indice Introduzione I Capitolo Primo 1 Universalismi incompatibili (1914-1920) 1. Neutrali, ma non imparziali 1 1.1 La Santa Sede 1 1.2 Gli Stati Uniti 7 2. Alle origini del “problema” 13 2.1 I rapporti politico-diplomatici 13 2.2 Al limite dell’eresia: Santa Sede e Chiesa statunitense tra fine Ottocento e Grande 23 guerra 23 3. 1916-’18: vani tentativi di dialogo 34 3.1 Wilson, Bonzano e Gibbons 34 3.2 Gli Stati Uniti e la Nota di Benedetto XV 40 4. L’irraggiungibile Versailles 55 5. Un’occasione mancata? 61 Capitolo Secondo 64 Una transizione difficile (1920-1932) 1. Gli Stati Uniti dopo la Grande guerra: il “normale” anti-papismo 64 2. La Chiesa cattolica statunitense tra Benedetto XV e Pio XI: un passaggio tormentato 77 3. Timidi segnali di convergenza lungo l’“asse” Harding-Bonzano 93 4. «Per la S. Sede è opportuno aspettare»: Fumasoni Biondi conosce Washington 108 5. Due “investimenti a medio termine” 121 5.1 Le elezioni presidenziali del 1928 121 5.2 I Patti Lateranensi 127 Capitolo Terzo 134 Una missione comune (1933-1940) 1. Il “nuovo corso” 134 1.1 Roosevelt: l’“apostolo” del riscatto 141 2. Il New Deal e i cattolici statunitensi 149 3. La virtù del pragmatismo e la forza dell’esempio 161 4. Lo spirito di Hyde Park 176 5. Interludio (1937-’38) 191 6. Alea iacta est 203 Fonti 214 Ringraziamenti 238 Introduzione Autunno 1939: iniziato col feroce Blitzkrieg tedesco in Polonia, il Secondo conflitto mondiale era entrato nella sua fase “strana” o anche “finta”, una sorta di empasse segnata da schermaglie diplomatiche e dal momentaneo spostamento delle operazioni militari in Europa settentrionale, poi bruscamente interrotta dall’attacco nazista alla Francia nel maggio dell’anno seguente. Da tempo persuaso dell’ineluttabilità di un coinvolgimento degli Stati Uniti nelle vicende europee, il Presidente Franklin Delano Roosevelt intensificò i suoi sforzi volti a vincere le resistenze degli isolazionisti più intransigenti nel Congresso. Con la cautela di chi conosceva quali reazioni avrebbe potuto ingenerare nell’opinione pubblica interna una scelta tanto inpopolare come una nuova “avventura” bellica a fianco delle inaffidabili nazioni europee, ma anche con la fermezza e il carisma che lo avevano da sempre contraddistinto, egli seppe uscire dalle sabbie mobili dell’ appeasement mettendo l’enorme potenziale militare, economico, teconologico e diplomatico della repubblica nord-americana al servizio della democrazia e dell’anti-nazismo. Fu, com’è noto, un processo lento e graduale, ma comunque costante, mosso dalla convinzione che l’accettazione passiva della guerra in cui il Vecchio Continente era riprecipiatato e dei suoi esiti avrebbe avuto ripercussioni notevoli per la sicurezza nazionale statunitense; e che per scongiurare la vittoria delle potenze totalitarie gli Usa avrebbero dovuto tornare a farsi carico di quella missione civilizzatrice cui troppo frettolosamente avevano abdicato dal dopo-Versailles. Del resto, come sostenne il Segretario alla Guerra, Henry Stimson, nel giugno 1940, riecheggiando un celebre discorso di Abraham Lincoln, la libertà, faticosamente conquistata e strenuamente difesa nel corso dei decenni, non sarebbe potuta sopravvivere in un mondo per metà libero e per metà schiavo 1. Dalla progressiva revisione della legislazione neutralista all’adozione dei piani di riarmo e di sostegno economico-militare alla Gran Bretagna, prima, e all’Unione Sovietica, poi, il percorso di avvicinamento degli Usa alla guerra implicò scelte talvolta coraggiose e rivoluzionarie. Tra queste va sicuramente annoverata la decisione di ristabilire un contatto diplomatico con la Santa Sede. Essa fu ufficializzata il 23 dicembre 1939, nel consueto messaggio natalizio inviato da Roosevelt a papa Pio XII, da pochi mesi salito sulla Cattedra di 1 Il riferimento è al discorso “House Divided” pronunciato da Abraham Lincoln il 16 giugno 1858 a Springfield, Illinois (cfr. P.I. Wellman, The House Divides. The Era in which America became the Awakened Leviathan , W. Foulsham & Co., London, 1966, pp. 400-1). I Pietro: «[…] Poiché il popolo di questa nazione è giunto a comprendere che il tempo e la distanza non esistono più nel senso antico, esso comprende che ciò che offende una parte dell’umanità offende tutto il resto. Esso sa che soltanto mediante amichevoli associazioni fra coloro che cercano la luce e cercano ovunque la pace le forze del male potranno essere vinte. In questo momento nessun leader spirituale né civile può suggerire un piano specifico per por termine alle distruzioni e ricostruire. Tuttavia certo verrà il momento per farlo. È perciò mio parere che sebbene nel momento attuale non si possa profetizzare nessuna azione determinata né alcun momento esatto, sia bene incoraggiare una più stretta associazione tra coloro che in ogni parte del mondo – sia in campo religioso sia in quello governativo – hanno un proposito comune. Per queste ragioni che faccio presenti a Vostra Santità sarebbe per me di grande soddisfazione mandarvi un mio rappresentante personale affinché i nostri sforzi paralleli per la pace e l’alleviamento delle sofferenze possano essere debitamente assistiti […]» 2. Come avrebbe commentato Gaetano Salvemini, «non si poteva non ammirare la saggezza del presidente Roosevelt giacché con la nomina di Taylor riuscì a prendere tatti piccioni con una sola fava»; egli, infatti, «aveva scelto il momento giusto e la maniera più opportuna per attuare il suo piano, facendo piacere sia al Papa sia a Mussolini, e provocando solo una leggera commozione nell’opinione pubblica americana» 3. A ben vedere, malgrado fosse stato lodato dai vertici della Chiesa cattolica e, perlomeno in un primo momento, non osteggiato dal governo italiano, l’invio di Myron Charles Taylor in Vaticano come rappresentante personale – ma col rango di ambasciatore – di Roosevelt e la sua attività coadiuvata dal segretario dell’ambasciata Usa a Roma, Harold H. Tittmann, determinarono proteste tutt’altro che flebili da parte di alcuni rappresentanti delle diverse sette protestanti, da privati cittadini statunitensi e dalle stesse autorità fasciste. Infatti, se per Mussolini – così come per la Germania – il rapprochement tra la Santa Sede e gli Usa minacciava di consolidare il blocco delle potenze avverse all’Asse, garantendo a Washington un ulteriore punto d’osservazione europeo e al Vaticano l’occasione per scongiurare l’isolamento diplomatico, per la gran parte dell’opinione pubblica statunitense esso fu interpretato come una violazione del principio costituzionale della separazione tra Stato e Chiesa. Un vero e proprio taboo , quello dei rapporti col papa, che, specie a partire 2 Ripetutamente edita (cfr. Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States – d’ora in poi FRUS –, 1939, Vol. II, pp. 871-2; Actes et documents du Saint-Siège relatifs à la Seconde Guerre mondiale , Vol. I: Le Saint-Siège et la Guerre in Europe, mars 1939-aout 1940 , a cura di P. Blet, A. Martini, B. Schneider, Libreria Editrice Vaticana, Città del Vaticano, 1965 – d’ora in poi ADSS, Vol. I –, pp. 348-50; Wartime Correspondence Between President Roosevelt and Pope Pius XII , a cura di M.C. Taylor, Macmillan, New York, 1947, pp. 17-9), la versione in italiano della lettera qui proposta è quella apparsa nell’importante raccolta di E. Di Nolfo, Vaticano e Stati Uniti 1939-1952: (dalle carte di Myron C. Taylor) , Franco Angeli, Milano, 1978, pp. 99-100. 3 G. Salvemini, L’Italia vista dall’America , Voll. I e II, a cura di E. Tagliacozzo, Feltrinelli, Milano, 1969, p. 262. II dalla chiusura della missione Usa nello Stato Pontificio avvenuta nel 1867, non aveva mai smesso di rinfocolare le manifestazioni, quasi sempre condivise a tutti i livelli della società statunitense, di anti-cattolicesimo e anti-papismo, determinando un’inesorabile rarefazione dei contatti a livello diplomatico tra la fine dell’Ottocento e i primi decenni del secolo successivo. L’involuzione conservatrice che caratterizzò la seconda metà del pontificato di Pio IX, nonché la sua intransigenza nei confronti del processo unitario italiano, unitamente al progressivo decremento dei commerci col Lazio, fornirono al Senato statunitense il pretesto per interrompere il dialogo con la corte papalina, da più parti considerata oltre Atlantico come l’anacronistico simbolo dell’oscurantismo e dell’ ancien régime . Sostanzialmente ignorata per non inimicarsi l’elettorato protestante dalle successive amministrazioni sia repubblicane, sia democratiche – che, anzi, lessero nella dura condanna di Leone XIII e Pio X al modernismo e all’americanismo cattolico l’ennesima riprova del carattere retrivo della Chiesa di Roma e della sua inconcialibilità col modello statunitense –, la “questione vaticana” si ripropose in tutta la sua complessità durante la Prima guerra mondiale. Una complessità derivante, in primo luogo, dai rapporti non certo idilliaci tra la Curia romana e la Chiesa cattolica statunitense, che aveva mal digerito le accuse di eterodossia per la sua peculiare propensione collegiale, oltre che per la sua straordinaria e pioneristica attenzione alle questioni sociali; ma, soprattutto, dall’atteggiamento
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