General Assembly Official Records Seventy-Fourth Session
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Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela: Nicolas Maduro’S Cabinet Chair: Peter Derrah
Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela: Nicolas Maduro’s Cabinet Chair: Peter Derrah 1 Table of Contents 3. Letter from Chair 4. Members of Committee 5. Committee Background A.Solving the Economic Crisis B.Solving the Presidential Crisis 2 Dear LYMUN delegates, Hi, my name is Peter Derrah and I am a senior at Lyons Township High School. I have done MUN for all my four years of high school, and I was a vice chair at the previous LYMUN conference. LYMUN is a well run conference and I hope that you all will have a good experience here. In this committee you all will be representing high level political figures in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, as you deal with an incomprehensible level of inflation and general economic collapse, as well as internal political disputes with opposition candidates, the National Assembly, and massive protests and general civil unrest. This should be a very interesting committee, as these ongoing issues are very serious, urgent, and have shaped geopolitics recently. I know a lot of these issues are extremely complex and so I suggest that you do enough research to have at least a basic understanding of them and solutions which could solve them. For this reason I highly suggest you read the background. It is important to remember the individual background for your figure (though this may be difficult for lower level politicians) as well as the political ideology of the ruling coalition and the power dynamics of Venezuela’s current government. I hope that you all will put in good effort into preparation, write position papers, actively speak and participate in moderated and unmoderated caucus, and come up with creative and informed solutions to these pressing issues. -
Activist Video, Mexico, and the Politics of Affect Channeling the State
Reviewed by Robert J. Mills The Open Invitation: Activist Video, Mexico, and the Politics of Affect by Freya Schiwy. University of Pittsburgh Press. 2019. 296 pages. $40.00 hardcover; also available in e- book. Channeling the State: Community Media and Popular Politics in Venezuela by Naomi Schiller. Duke University Press. 2018. 296 pages. $99.95 hardcover; $26.95 paper; also available in e-book. In May 2006, an annual teachers’ strike in the southern Mexican city of Oaxaca became the site of an unprecedented act of state brutality. Less than one month into this planned labor action, organized initially against a series of neoliberal educational reforms, the recently elected governor Ulises Ruiz Ortiz deployed an army of several thousand riot police to forcefully infiltrate a number of protest camps assembled across the town square. The scenes that followed were devastating: striking labor activists were taken as political prisoners, union coordinators were evicted and reportedly tortured, and at least seventeen individuals lost their lives at the hands of the Mexican state. Over the following days, in an unexpected gesture of support, outraged local residents helped rebuild the devastated encampments, declared themselves 202 JCMS 60.2 • WINTER 2021 the new regional governing body, and initiated a grassroots anarchist uprising that would seize control of the city for the next seven months. Images of this unrest soon began to circulate globally; almost overnight, Oaxaca emerged onto the world stage as a city in flames, recognizable amid its swaths of smoke and tear gas as a zone of active democratic contestation. From behind their reinforced barricades, the energized occupants— soon to become the Oaxaca Peoples’ Popular Assembly (APPO)— led with the prefigurative chant “Ulises ya cayó! Ya cayó! Ya cayó!” (Ulises already fell! Already fell! Already fell!).1 Just a decade earlier, in the neighboring state of Venezuela, a political project spearheaded by the newly elected Hugo Chávez was likewise recon- figuring the contours of an established participatory democracy. -
Journal of Diplomacy
Seton Hall Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations 400 South Orange Avenue, McQuaid Hall, South Orange, NJ 07079 Tel: 973-275-2515 Fax: 973-275-2519 Email: [email protected] http://www.journalofdiplomacy.org Seton Hall Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations is the official semi- Editor-in-Chief annual publication of the Seton Hall School Dennis Meaney of Diplomacy and International Relations at Seton Hall University. The Journal provides Deputy Editor-in-Chief a unique forum for international leaders in Michael Curtin government, the private sector, academia, and nongovernmental organizations to Executive Editor analyze and comment on international Ruthly Cadestin affairs. Editorial Media Manager Indexing: The Journal is indexed by Sajedeh Goudarzi Columbia International Affairs Online, Public Affairs Information Service, Social Media Associates International Political Science Abstracts, Patricia Zanini Graca, Juan C Garcia, America: History and Life and Historical Abstracts: International Relations and Security Network, and Ulrich’s Periodical Senior Editors Directory. Zehra Khan, Kevin Hill, Chiazam T Onyenso Manuscripts: Address all submissions to the Editor-in-Chief. We accept both hard Associate Editors copies and electronic versions. Submissions Maliheh Bitaraf, Meagan Torello, Erick may not exceed 6,000 words in length and Agbleke, Oluwagbemiga D Oyeneye, Edder must follow the Chicago manual of style. A Zarate, Emanuel Hernandez, Katherine M Submission deadlines are posted on our Landes, Troy L Dorch, Kendra Brock, Alex website. Miller, Devynn N Nolan, Lynn Wassenaar, Morgan McMichen, Eleanor Baldenweck Back Issues: Available upon request. Faculty Adviser Dr. Ann Marie Murphy The opinions expressed in the Journal are those of the contributors and should not be construed as representing those of Seton Hall University, the Seton Hall School of Diplomacy and International Relations, or the editors of the Journal. -
The Fifth Assembly Kyiv, Ukraine, April 6–9, 2008
The Fifth Assembly Kyiv, Ukraine, April 6–9, 2008 Making Democracy Work: From Principles to Performance WORLD MOVEMENT FOR DEMOCRACY FIFTH ASSEMBLY 6–9 APRIL 2008 KYIV UKRAINE The World Movement for Democracy is a global network Steering Committee Members of democrats, including activists, practitioners, scholars, policy mak- ers, and funders, who have come together to cooperate in the promotion of Mariclaire Acosta – Mexico democracy. It is dedicated to strengthening democracy where it is weak, to Mahnaz Afkhami – Iran reforming and invigorating democracy even where it is longstanding, and to bolstering pro-democracy groups in countries that have not yet entered Genaro Arriagada – Chile* into a process of democratic transition. The Washington, D.C.-based National Igor Blaževic – Bosnia Endowment for Democracy (NED) serves as the Secretariat. Francesca Bomboko – Democratic How We Help to Promote Democracy Republic of Congo The World Movement seeks to offer new ways to give practical help to Kim Campbell – Canada (Chair) democrats who are struggling to open closed societies, challenge dicta- torships, democratize semi-authoritarian systems, consolidate emerging Kavi Chongkittavorn – Thailand democracies, and strengthen established democracies. It has the poten- Alicja Derkowska – Poland tial to do so in several ways… • as an of democrats in dangerous situations who need political Ivan Doherty – Ireland ally solidarity and moral support; Han Dongfang – China (Vice Chair) • as a lobby for the cause of democracy in international bodies and -
Rising to Iran's Challenge
RISING TO IRAN’S CHALLENGE GCC Military Capability and U.S. Security Cooperation Michael Knights Policy Focus 127 | June 2013 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY RISING TO IRAN’S CHALLENGE GCC Military Capability and U.S. Security Cooperation Michael Knights Policy Focus 127 | June 2013 All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2013 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy Published in 2013 in the United States of America by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050, Washington, DC 20036. Cover photo: UAE, Italian, Bahraini, and U.S. armed forces sight in on a mock target while performing a Visit, Board, Search, and Seizure demonstration at the Port of Zayed area in Abu Dhabi, UAE, as part of Exercise Leading Edge 13, January 2013. Leading Edge 13 military-to-military engagements are intended to sharpen capabilities among nations in an effort to foster relationships and build regional security. (USMC photo/MSgt. Salvatore Cardella) CONTENTS The Author v Acknowledgments vii Executive Summary ix 1 | Introduction 1 2 | SWOT Analysis of the Gulf Militaries 7 3 | Key Missions for GCC Allies 23 4 | Implications for U.S. Security Cooperation 37 THE AUTHOR MICHAEL KNIGHTS is a Lafer fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, specializing in the military and security affairs of Iraq, Iran, Libya, Yemen, and the Gulf states. -
Participatory Democracy in Chávez's Bolivarian Revolution
Who Mobilizes? Participatory Democracy in Chávez’s Bolivarian Revolution Kirk A. Hawkins ABSTRACT This article assesses popular mobilization under the Chávez gov- ernment’s participatory initiatives in Venezuela using data from the AmericasBarometer survey of 2007. This is the first study of the so- called Bolivarian initiatives using nationally representative, individ- ual-level data. The results provide a mixed assessment. Most of the government’s programs invite participation from less active seg- ments of society, such as women, the poor, and the less educated, and participation in some programs is quite high. However, much of this participation clusters within a narrow group of activists, and a disproportionate number of participants are Chávez supporters. This partisan bias probably reflects self-screening by Venezuelans who accept Chávez’s radical populist discourse and leftist ideology, rather than vote buying or other forms of open conditionality. Thus, the Venezuelan case suggests some optimism for proponents of par- ticipatory democracy, but also the need to be more attuned to its practical political limits. uring the past decade, leftist governments with participatory dem- Docratic agendas have come to power in many Latin American coun- tries, implementing institutional reforms at the local and, increasingly, the national level. This trend has generated a scholarly literature assess- ing the nature of participation in these initiatives; that is, whether they embody effective attempts at participatory forms of democracy that mobilize and empower inactive segments of society (Goldfrank 2007; Wampler 2007a). This article advances this discussion by studying popular mobiliza- tion under the government of Hugo Chávez in Venezuela, referred to here as the Bolivarian Revolution or Chavismo. -
Saudi Aramco by the Numbers
making a difference Annual Review 2010 Table of contents Introduction ......................................................................... 10 Exploration ........................................................................... 18 Oil Operations ..................................................................... 22 Gas Operations .................................................................. 28 Refining & Petrochemicals .......................................... 34 Table of Research & Technology ................................................. 40 Transportation & Distribution ..................................... 48 contents Human Resources ............................................................ 54 Safety & Health ................................................................. 62 Communities ....................................................................... 68 Corporate Citizenship ...................................................... 72 Awards ................................................................................... 84 Saudi Aramco by the Numbers ................................ 88 A Saudi Aramco engineer checks pressure on a propane-transfer pump at a company gas plant. Making a difference Saudi Saudi Aramco Aramco Annual Review Annual Review 2010 2010 2 1 Saudi Saudi Aramco Aramco Annual Review The Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS AMIR SULTAN Annual Review 2010 2010 2 King ‘Abd AllAH IBN ‘Abd Al-’Aziz Al SA’ud IBN ‘ABD AL-’AZIZ AL SA’UD 3 The Crown Prince, Deputy Prime Minister, -
Maritime Boundary Agreements 172 6.1 Introduction 172 6.2 Saudi-Bahrain 1958 Agreement 172 6.2.1 Historic Background 174 6.2.2 Boundary Delimitation 176
Durham E-Theses Maritime boundary delimitation of the kingdom of Saudi Arabia a study in political geography Al-Muwaled, Faraj Mobarak Jam'an How to cite: Al-Muwaled, Faraj Mobarak Jam'an (1993) Maritime boundary delimitation of the kingdom of Saudi Arabia a study in political geography, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/10368/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 MARITIME BOUNDARY DELIMITATION OF THE KINGDOM OF SAUDI ARABIA A STUDY IN POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY Fara.i Mobarak Jam'an AI-Muwaled The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published without his prior written consent and information derived from it should be acknowledged. Thesis submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Social Science in the Department of Geography, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Durham, U.K. -
University of Bradford Ethesis
A Possible Framework for Analysing National Security. The Saudi Arabian Perspective. Item Type Thesis Authors Nasif, Mahmoud Abdullah Rights <a rel="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by-nc-nd/3.0/"><img alt="Creative Commons License" style="border-width:0" src="http://i.creativecommons.org/l/by- nc-nd/3.0/88x31.png" /></a><br />The University of Bradford theses are licenced under a <a rel="license" href="http:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/">Creative Commons Licence</a>. Download date 27/09/2021 15:48:31 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10454/7272 University of Bradford eThesis This thesis is hosted in Bradford Scholars – The University of Bradford Open Access repository. Visit the repository for full metadata or to contact the repository team © University of Bradford. This work is licenced for reuse under a Creative Commons Licence. A Possible Framework for Analysing National Security The Saudi Arabian Perspective Mahmoud Abdullah NASIF Submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy School of Social and International Studies University of Bradford 2014 i M. A. NASIF A Possible Framework for Analysing National Security The Saudi Arabian Perspective ii Abstract This study will focus on explaining the dynamics of Saudi Arabia’s national security. In explaining these dynamics, the study will consider two of Buzan’s frameworks for analysing national security. Further enhancement will be given by conceptualising specific assumptions about Saudi Arabia’s national security – these will be based on the manner in which certain features are utilised within the Saudi state. Semi- structured interviews will be utilised to examine the findings from the adapted frameworks. -
New Intelligent Completion System Enables Compartment-Level Control in Multilateral Wells
TECHNOLOGY UPDATE New Intelligent Completion System Enables Compartment-Level Control in Multilateral Wells Stephen Dyer, SPE, Schlumberger, and Brett Bouldin, SPE, Saudi Aramco Although early inflow control devices tight formations and a shortage of suit- ration and Petroleum Engineering Cen- and intelligent completions (ICs) were able surface locations drove the need to ter Advanced Research Center issued an introduced almost 20 years ago, comple- dramatically increase reservoir contact industry challenge in 2007 requesting tion technology has not kept pace with per wellhead. an extreme reservoir contact (ERC) well advancements in drilling technology. Before 2007, the company had suc- containing 50 to 100 intelligent later- Today, wells completed in multilay- cessfully drilled and completed a num- als to efficiently drain the reservoir and ered reservoirs, multilaterals with com- ber of multilateral ERD wells, achieving ultimately maximize economic recovery. partments of varying pressure, and more than 5 km (16,400 ft) of reservoir The company’s goal since then has been extended-reach drilling (ERD) with well- contact per well. These maximum reser- to increase average reservoir contact to bores as long as 12 km are becoming com- voir contact (MRC) wells were completed approximately 10 km (32,800 ft). mon. In complex, hard-to-reach reservoirs with then state-of-the-art IC technolo- and tighter formations, operators need to gy. Completions consisted of permanent Next-Generation Technologies maximize reservoir contact in every well downhole gauges (PDGs) and downhole Saudi Aramco embarked on an 8-year col- to optimize reservoir drainage and mini- flow-control valves (FCVs), which could laboration with Schlumberger to develop mize costs. -
Venezuela After Chavez
Edited by Veronica Zubillaga George Ciccariello-Maher Rebecca Hanson Boris Muñoz Robert Samet Naomi Schiller David Smilde Alejandro Velasco Veronica Zubillaga April 30th, 2014 1 Introduction Venezuela after Chávez: Challenges of Democracy, Security and Governance April 30, 2014 Center for Latin American and Caribbean Studies Watson Institute for International Studies Brown University The death of President Hugo Chávez on March 2013 has raised pressing questions about the future of Venezuela and the continuity of Chávez’s Bolivarian project. Nicolás Maduro, Chávez’s hand-picked successor, won elections in April 2013 with a very narrow electoral victory that aroused serious suspicion of fraud amidst the opposition and intense tensions among Venezuelans. Nine months later, in February 2014, Venezuelans experienced a burst of massive students protests in different states, which immediately spread to middle-classes neighborhoods of the emboldened opposition. While we were organizing the Venezuela conference at Brown, in Caracas some middle-class neighborhoods were taken and blocked by “vecinos” (neighbors); students kept taking to the streets protesting while excessively repressive and militarized police responses reheated the students’ rage. The protest’s focused on a vast range of claims: from freedom of speech, citizen security, food shortages; inflation; freedom for those imprisoned for political motives since the beginning of the protests; government repression, up to Maduro’s immediate resignation. The landscape resembled a war zone in one part of the city yet was amazingly calm in other parts. Social polarization was evident and finding out the reasons why people in barrios were not protesting is one of the questions posed here. -
The Survival of Venezuela's Bolivarian Revolution Written by Víctor M
Opinion – The Survival of Venezuela's Bolivarian Revolution Written by Víctor M. Mijares This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. Opinion – The Survival of Venezuela's Bolivarian Revolution https://www.e-ir.info/2020/07/07/opinion-survival-of-venezuelas-bolivarian-revolution/ VíCTOR M. MIJARES, JUL 7 2020 Since his official arrival to the presidency of Venezuela in 2013, Nicolás Maduro has been underestimated both inside and outside his country. As the political heir to Hugo Chávez, a charismatic leader who enjoyed the benefits of history’s biggest oil boom, Maduro has had to contend with high expectations of his political performance. These expectations have not been met and Chavismo is today a discredited political movement for a significant part of Venezuelans and Latin Americans. Nonetheless, Maduro has managed to stay in power despite the collapse of the oil industry, the biggest recession in the Venezuelan economy, and opposition from much of the Western Hemisphere, including U.S. sanctions and naval presence in the Caribbean, and an obscure amphibious operation by contractors. How has this leader, without charisma and with a ruinous economy, managed to sustain the Bolivarian Revolution? The answer to the question that motivates this essay is multifactorial. Here I summarize what my years of observation have allowed me to distinguish as keys to the survival of the Bolivarian Revolution. The first of these precedes the revolution itself and is a structural condition: Venezuela is a petro-state.