The Character of Unionism
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Palacký University Olomouc ANGLOPHONE CONFERENCE 26
The publication of this volume was generously supported and completed within the Specific researched project 2119, “Teaching Performing, Performing Teaching,” funded by the Faculty of Education, University of Hradec Králové. Vol. 6 HRADEC KRÁLOVÉ No. 1 JOURNAL 2019 OF ANGLOPHONE STUDIES Volume’s editor: Jan Suk Original illustrations: Ivan Mečl Published: Department of English Language and Literature Faculty of Education University of Hradec Králové Rokitanského 62 500 03 Hradec Králové Czech Republic Print: Tiskárna Brázda, Hodonín Web: pdf.uhk.cz/hkjas/ ISSN: 2336-3347 (Print) ISSN: 2571-032X (Online) Editorial Board Bohuslav Mánek, University of Hradec Kralové, Czech Republic Helena Polehlová, University of Hradec Kralové, Czech Republic Editor in Chief Jan Suk, University of Hradec Kralové, Czech Republic Volume’s Guest Editors Cyrielle Garson, Avignon University, France Daniel Schulze, Theater Konstanz, Germany Advisory Board Blanka Babická, Palacký University Olomouc, Czech Republic Šárka Bubíková, University of Pardubice, Czech Republic Richard Burt, University of Florida, Gainesville, USA Yilin Chen, Providence University, Taichung, Taiwan Jan Comorek, Charles University, Hradec Králové, Czech Republic Milada Franková, Masaryk University, Brno, Czech Republic Jana Harťanská, Constantine the Philosopher University, Nitra, Slovakia Kacie Hittel Tam, University of Georgia, Athens, USA Mirka Horová, Charles University, Prague, Czech Republic Vladimíra Ježdíková, University of Hradec Králové, Czech Republic Ema Jelínková, Palacký University -
Albanian Families' History and Heritage Making at the Crossroads of New
Voicing the stories of the excluded: Albanian families’ history and heritage making at the crossroads of new and old homes Eleni Vomvyla UCL Institute of Archaeology Thesis submitted for the award of Doctor in Philosophy in Cultural Heritage 2013 Declaration of originality I, Eleni Vomvyla confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis. Signature 2 To the five Albanian families for opening their homes and sharing their stories with me. 3 Abstract My research explores the dialectical relationship between identity and the conceptualisation/creation of history and heritage in migration by studying a socially excluded group in Greece, that of Albanian families. Even though the Albanian community has more than twenty years of presence in the country, its stories, often invested with otherness, remain hidden in the Greek ‘mono-cultural’ landscape. In opposition to these stigmatising discourses, my study draws on movements democratising the past and calling for engagements from below by endorsing the socially constructed nature of identity and the denationalisation of memory. A nine-month fieldwork with five Albanian families took place in their domestic and neighbourhood settings in the areas of Athens and Piraeus. Based on critical ethnography, data collection was derived from participant observation, conversational interviews and participatory techniques. From an individual and family group point of view the notion of habitus led to diverse conceptions of ethnic identity, taking transnational dimensions in families’ literal and metaphorical back- and-forth movements between Greece and Albania. -
The High Tide of UK Anti-Revisionism: a History
1 HIGH TIDE Reg’s Working Class Party Throughout its history there were only a few times when the organisational skeleton of a national ML force was in the making: McCreery in the initial break from the CPGB led the first occasion. With the demise of the CDRCU, it was the launch of the CPB (ML), led by former Communist Party Executive member, Reg Birch that saw the beginnings of a national ML force unchallenged for almost a decade until the late 1970s emergence of the rejuvenated and "bolshevised" Revolutionary Communist League. For the first half of the decade, it was the CPB (ML) that seemed the most promising organisation to make a political break through. The project initiated by Reg Birch could draw upon a lot of goodwill. Birch, with a pedigree of both trade union and communist activity, offered the chance of gathering the best forces of the ML movement around the standard he had raised. Those who were already disgusted with the inward‐looking squabbling, that seemed to dominate the activities of some groups, look forward to the opportunity for serious political work in trade unions and campaigns directed at winning working class support. Reg Birch was an initial asset to the formation of the CPB (ML) and not without confidence, he announced: “Small and new as it is on the British political scene the Communist Party of Britain (Marxist Leninist) is the only party which is genuinely a workers' party. It was founded by workers, serves only the working class and is unswervingly committed to the revolutionary task of smashing capitalism and all its institutions so that exploitation can be ended and workers can establish their own socialist state."1 He had the initial support of, not only his own engineering base, but also of probably the largest single organised Marxist‐Leninist group in the country, the Association of Indian Communist, those Maoists of Indian origin resident in Britain. -
How New Is New Loyalism?
HOW NEW IS NEW LOYALISM? CATHERINE MCGLYNN EUROPEAN STUDIES RESEARCH INSTITUTE UNIVERSITY OF SALFORD SALFORD, UK Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, February 2004 TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction Page 1 Chapter One Hypothesis and Methodology Page 6 Chapter Two Literature Review: Unionism, Loyalism, Page 18 New Loyalism Chapter Three A Civic Loyalism? Page 50 Chapter Four The Roots of New Loyalism 1966-1982 Page 110 Chapter Five New Loyalism and the Peace Process Page 168 Chapter Six New Loyalism and the Progressive Page 205 Unionist Party Chapter Seven Conclusion: How New is New Loyalism? Page 279 Bibliography Page 294 ABBREVIATONS CLMC Combined Loyalist Military Command DENI Department of Education for Northern Ireland DUP Democratic Unionist Party IOO Independent Orange Order IRA Irish Republican Army LAW Loyalist Association of Workers LVF Loyalist Volunteer Force NICRA Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association NIHE Northern Ireland Housing Executive NILP Northern Ireland Labour Party PUP Progressive Unionist Party RHC Red Hand Commandos RHD Red Hand Defenders SDLP Social Democratic and Labour Party UDA Ulster Defence Association UDP Ulster Democratic Party UDLP Ulster Democratic and Loyalist Party UFF Ulster Freedom Fighters UUP Ulster Unionist Party UUUC United Ulster Unionist Council UWC Ulster Workers' Council UVF Ulster Volunteer Force VPP Volunteer Political Party ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank my PhD supervisor, Jonathan Tonge for all his support during my time at Salford University. I am also grateful to all the staff at the Northern Irish Political collection at the Linen Hall Library in Belfast for their help and advice. -
Pasts, Futures, and Connections Between Scotland, Ulster,1 and Ireland: a Critique of Some Historiographical Tendencies
G. K. Peatling IRSS 32 (2007) 33 Pasts, Futures, and Connections between Scotland, Ulster,1 and Ireland: a critique of some historiographical tendencies G. K.Peatling* The diversity of historical interactions between Scotland and modern Ireland, especially Northern Ireland, is not in doubt. But the nature and effect of the paramount Scottish influences upon Northern Ireland are disputed. That there are also cognate disputes pertaining to the future of Northern Ireland, and the likely future of relations between Scotland and Northern Ireland, raises fundamental questions as to the purpose of academic study of such historical questions. Even scholarly depictions of the past of Scottish-Irish connections may make implicit assumptions about how the legacy of these connections may impede or nurture certain future developments in both locations. To offer any such depiction may thus be to make political recommendations on some fiercely contested present controversies, such as the likely political future of these constituent nations or regions of the British Isles or north Atlantic archipelago. This paper reviews perceptions of likely futures of Scotland, Northern Ireland and Ireland which historically-informed commentators have advanced, identifying four strands in such analyses. Because none of these perceptions are entirely sound, this essay is partly an illustration of the seductive, and at times delusive, attraction of historical and political parallels and analogies. Significantly however, a common deficiency in such analyses lies in exaggerations of the significance of connections, parallels and affinities between Northern Ireland (or Ireland) and Scotland. Armed thus with a caution as to the errors that such overstatements may produce, this paper offers its own estimates * Dr Gary Peatling is Lecturer in European/British History at the University of Plymouth. -
UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations
UCLA UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title The Party Politics of Political Decentralization Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6jw6f00k Author Wainfan, Kathryn Tanya Publication Date 2018 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles The Party Politics of Political Decentralization A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Kathryn Tanya Wainfan 2018 c Copyright by Kathryn Tanya Wainfan 2018 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION The Party Politics of Political Decentralization by Kathryn Tanya Wainfan Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Los Angeles, 2018 Professor Michael F. Thies, Chair In this dissertation, I ask why certain types of parties would agree to support creating or empowering sub-national governments. In particular, I focus on nationalized parties { those that gain support from throughout a country. Political decentralization can negatively impact nationalized parties in at least two ways. First, it reduces the amount of power a party can enjoy should it win control of the national-level government. Second, previous studies show that political decentralization can increase party denationalization, meaning regional parties gain more support, even during national-level elections. I argue that nationalized parties may support decentralization when doing so reduces the ideological conflicts over national-level policy among voters whose support they seek. By altering political institutions, a party may be able to accommodate differing policy prefer- ences in different parts of the country, or limit the damage to the party's electoral fortunes such differences could create. -
The Banshee's Kiss: Conciliation, Class and Conflict in Cork and The
The Banshee’s Kiss: Conciliation, Class and Conflict in Cork and the All for Ireland League. Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Patrick Joseph Murphy. August 2019 1 The Banshee’s Kiss: Conciliation, Class and Conflict in Cork and the All for Ireland League. ABSTRACT Historians have frequently portrayed constitutional nationalism as being homogeneous - ‘the Home Rule movement’- after the reunification of the Irish parliamentary party in 1900. Yet there were elements of nationalist heterodoxy all over the country, but it was only in Cork where dissent took an organised form in the only formal breakaway from the Irish party when the All for Ireland League (A.F.I.L.) was launched in 1910. The AFIL took eight of the nine parliamentary seats in Cork and gained control of local government in the city and county the following year. Existing historical accounts do not adequately explain why support for the Home Rule movement collapsed in Cork, but also why the AFIL flourished there but failed, despite the aspiration of its name, to expand beyond its regional base. The AFIL is chiefly remembered for its visionary policy of conciliation with unionists following the Damascene conversion of its leader William O’Brien, transformed from the enemy of the landed classes to an apostle of a new kind of bi- confessional politics. This would, he claimed, end the ‘Banshee’s Kiss’, a cycle of conflict in which each new generation attempts to achieve Irish freedom. However, conciliation was a policy which was unpopular with both nationalists and unionists and O’Brien therefore needed to develop an electoral base by other means with more popular policies. -
The Devlinite Irish News, Northern Ireland's "Trapped" Nationalist Minority, and the Irish Boundary Question, 1921-1925
WITHOUT A "DOG'S CHANCE:" THE DEVLINITE IRISH NEWS, NORTHERN IRELAND'S "TRAPPED" NATIONALIST MINORITY, AND THE IRISH BOUNDARY QUESTION, 1921-1925 by James A. Cousins Master ofArts, Acadia University 2000 Bachelor ofArts, Acadia University 1997 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY In the Department ofHistory © James A. Cousins 2008 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY Summer 2008 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission ofthe author. APPROVAL Name: James A. Cousins Degree: Doctor of Philosophy Title ofProject: Without a "Dog's Chance:" The Devlinite Irish News, Northern Ireland's "Trapped" Nationalist Minority, and the Irish Boundary Question, 1921-1925 Examining Committee: Chair Dr. Alexander Dawson, Associate Professor Department ofHistory Dr. John Stubbs, Professor Senior Supervisor Department ofHistory Dr. Wil1een Keough, Assistant Professor Supervisor Department ofHistory Dr. Leith Davis, Professor Supervisor Department ofEnglish Dr. John Craig, Professor Internal Examiner Department ofHistory Dr. Peter Hart, Professor External Examiner Department ofHistory, Memorial University of Newfoundland Date Approved: 11 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Declaration of Partial Copyright Licence The author, whose copyright is declared on the title page of this work, has granted to Simon Fraser University the right to lend this thesis, project or extended essay to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. -
Nicholas Brooke Phd Thesis
THE DOGS THAT DIDN'T BARK: POLITICAL VIOLENCE AND NATIONALISM IN SCOTLAND, WALES AND ENGLAND Nicholas Brooke A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of St Andrews 2016 Full metadata for this item is available in Research@StAndrews:FullText at: http://research-repository.st-andrews.ac.uk/ Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: http://hdl.handle.net/10023/8079 This item is protected by original copyright The Dogs That Didn't Bark: Political Violence and Nationalism in Scotland, Wales and England Nicholas Brooke This thesis is submitted in partial fulfilment for the degree of PhD at the University of St Andrews 30th June 2015 1 Abstract The literature on terrorism and political violence covers in depth the reasons why some national minorities, such as the Irish, Basques and Tamils, have adopted violent methods as a means of achieving their political goals, but the study of why similar groups (such as the Scots and Welsh) remained non-violent, has been largely neglected. In isolation it is difficult to adequately assess the key variables behind why something did not happen, but when compared to a similar violent case, this form of academic exercise can be greatly beneficial. This thesis demonstrates what we can learn from studying ‘negative cases’ - nationalist movements that abstain from political violence - particularly with regards to how the state should respond to minimise the likelihood of violent activity, as well as the interplay of societal factors in the initiation of violent revolt. This is achieved by considering the cases of Wales, England and Scotland, the latter of which recently underwent a referendum on independence from the United Kingdom (accomplished without the use of political violence) and comparing them with the national movement in Ireland, looking at both violent and non-violent manifestations of nationalism in both territories. -
The Question of Northern Epirus at the Peace Conference
Publication No, 1. THE QUESTION OF NORTHERN EPIRUS AT THE PEACE CONFERENCE BY NICHOLAS J. CASSAVETES Honorary Secretary of the Pan-Epirotie Union of America BMTKB BY CAEEOLL N. BROWN, PH.D. *v PUBLISHED FOR THE PAN-EPIROTIC UNION OF AMERICA ? WâTBB STREET, BOSTOH, MASS. BY OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS AMERICAN BRANCH 85 WEST 32ND S1REET, NEW YÛHK 1919 THE PAN-EPIROTIC UNION OF AMERICA GENERAL COUNCIL Honorary President George Christ Zographos ( Ex-president of the Autonomous State of Epirus and formes Minister of Foreign Affairs of Greece) Honorary Secretary Nicholas J. Cassavetes President Vassilios K. Meliones Vice-President Sophocles Hadjiyannis Treasurer George Geromtakis General Secretary Michael 0. Mihailidis Assistant Secretary Evangelos Despotes CENTRAL OFFICE, ? Water Street, Room 4Î0, BOSTON, MASS. THE QUESTION OF NORTHERN EPIRUS AT THE PEACE CONFERENCE BY NICHOLAS J. CASSAVETES Honorary Secretary of the Pan-Bpirotic Union of America EDITED BY CARROLL N. BROWN, PH.D. PUBLISHED FOR THE PAN-EPIROTIC UNION OF AMERICA 7 WATER STREET, BOSTON, MASS. BY OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS AMERICAN BRANCH 85 WEST 82ND STREET, NEW YORK 1919 COPYIUQHT 1919 BY THE OXFORD UNIVERSITY PKKSS AMERICAN BRANCH PREFACE Though the question of Northern Epirus is not pre eminent among the numerous questions which have arisen since the political waters of Europe were set into violent motion by the War, its importance can be measured neither by the numbers of the people involved, nor by the serious ness of the dangers that may arise from the disagreement of the two or three nations concerned in the dispute. Northern Epirus is the smallest of the disputed territories in Europe, and its population is not more than 300,000. -
DETERMINATION MOVEMENTS in BOSNIA, MACEDONIA, and KOSOVO Erin Jenne and Beáta Huszka
7. THE IMPORTANCE OF BEING BALANCED: LESSONS FROM NEGOTIATED SETTLEMENTS TO SELF-DETERMINATION MOVEMENTS IN BOSNIA, MACEDONIA, AND KOSOVO Erin Jenne and Beáta Huszka n every continent, self-determination movements have challenged Ostate governments for statehood, yielding a proliferation of de jure and de facto states extending from the former socialist republics of Yugoslavia, the Soviet Union, and Czechoslovakia to South Sudan, Er- itrea, and East Timor. Elsewhere they have produced “quasi-states” with limited international recognition, including South Ossetia and Ab- khazia in Georgia; Northern Cyprus; Nagorno-Karabakh in Azerbaijan; Somaliland; and Transnistria in Moldova.1 Today separatists the world over press for greater political independence from existing state governments— sometimes through violence, other times through popular referenda. Examples of the former include Kurds in northern Iraq and Russians in eastern Ukraine; examples of the latter include Scots in the United Kingdom, Québécois in Canada, and most recently Catalans of Spain. Once activated, movements for self-determination often recur peri- odically in tandem with regime transition and other institutional changes. Self-determination movements are potent sources of political desta- bilization, leading in extreme cases to violent conflict when the majority and minority fail to find a compromise that each would prefer to taking up arms.2 The preferred solution of the United Nations and other peace- making organizations is complex power-sharing agreements from which no party prefers to defect unilaterally. This means successful settlements 117 118 Erin Jenne and Beáta Huszka must at a minimum achieve an acceptable division of political power between majority and minority groups in the state while laying the foundation for a functional state over the entire territory. -
Notes on the Evolution of the B&ICO
Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line Sam Richards Notes on the evolution of the B&ICO [Written 2011: Posted 2014 Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line] As the Russian-Chinese ideological dispute moved towards an open breach, anti-revisionist sympathisers emerged in other Communist parties. In Britain, the first public anti-revisionist group came out of the Communist Party of Great Britain in September 1963 — the Committee to Defeat Revisionism for Communist Unity (CDRCU) — and started to publish a well produced typeset monthly paper, Vanguard. A number of Irish emigrant radicals became involved in radical left politics in London in the early Sixties. Some were former republican prisoners such as Gerry Lawless, others young northern students like Eamonn McCann and Mike Farrell. Another young emigrant who entered the milieu was from the County Cork/County Kerry borderland, Brendan Clifford. Like other Irish émigré politics in London in the early anti-revisionist struggle, Brendan Clifford was once part of the Communist Party of Great Britain. He left them in October 1963 and joined Michael McCreey’s Committee to Defeat Revisionism for Communist Unity. Elements of the London Irish left rallied to the anti-revisionist politics of the CDRCU (including Noel Jenkinson, who, as a member of the Official IRA, would be convicted for bombing the officers’ mess of the 16th Parachute Brigade at Aldershot army barracks on February 22, 1972.1) Liam Daltun2 had initiated a series of on-going discussions involving a wide spread of Irish leftists