Carl Von Clausewitz and Small Wars Sibylle Scheipers Accepted
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Ernest Gellner: Civilizational Analysis As a Theory of History
Comparative Civilizations Review Volume 41 Number 41 Fall 1999 Article 6 10-1-1999 Ernest Gellner: Civilizational Analysis as a Theory of History Leonidas Donskis Dickinson College Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/ccr Recommended Citation Donskis, Leonidas (1999) "Ernest Gellner: Civilizational Analysis as a Theory of History," Comparative Civilizations Review: Vol. 41 : No. 41 , Article 6. Available at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/ccr/vol41/iss41/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at BYU ScholarsArchive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Comparative Civilizations Review by an authorized editor of BYU ScholarsArchive. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Donskis: Ernest Gellner: Civilizational Analysis as a Theory of History 56 COMPARATIVE CIVILIZATIONS REVIEW Ernest Gellner: Civilizational Analysis as a Theory of History LEONIDAS DONSKIS There seems to be no general reason why specialists in coercion, and specialists in ritual and legitimation, should not be identical. These two supremely impor- tant specializations are indeed sometimes combined. But it is a fact crucial for the history of mankind that they were very often distinct to a greater or lesser degree. The sword may dominate, but the priests help crystallize cohesion among swordsmen. Ernest Gellner In mapping Gellner's (1925-1995) philosophy of history and civilizational theory, it is very important to refer to his intellectu- al and even ideological background. He obviously belongs to a small minority of the twentieth-century social theoreticians who never passed through a Marxist phase. Gellner's consistent, severe and analytically incisive criticism of Marxism and its sociopolitical effects brings him to the company of such critics of the totalitarian regimes and their ideologies as Hannah Arendt, Karl Jaspers, Raymond Aron, Leszek Kolakowski, and Czeslaw Milosz. -
Marie Von Clausewitz: the Omw an Behind the Making of on War, by Vanya Eftimova Bellinger John T
Naval War College Review Volume 69 Article 10 Number 3 Summer 2016 Marie von Clausewitz: The omW an behind the Making of On War, by Vanya Eftimova Bellinger John T. Kuehn Follow this and additional works at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review Recommended Citation Kuehn, John T. (2016) "Marie von Clausewitz: The omW an behind the Making of On War, by Vanya Eftimova Bellinger," Naval War College Review: Vol. 69 : No. 3 , Article 10. Available at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review/vol69/iss3/10 This Book Review is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Naval War College Review by an authorized editor of U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 146 NAVALKuehn: WAR COLLEGEMarie von REVIEW Clausewitz: The Woman behind the Making of On War, by V challenges in the Gulf of Guinea� Indeed, international cooperation� (4) Prevailing the book may be viewed as a compen- regional cooperative processes lack coor- dium of the existing legal regimes in the dination and have suffered several set- Gulf of Guinea� This legal landscape is backs� (5) International support for mar- important to understand as efforts pro- itime security cooperation in the Gulf ceed to combat maritime insecurity and of Guinea is inadequate, uncoordinated, enhance maritime governance through and in some cases driven by national in- cooperation� The section on emerging terests that affect its overall -
Francis Fukuyama the National Interest Summer 1989
The End of History? Francis Fukuyama The National Interest Summer 1989 IN WATCHING the flow of events the intellectual climate of the world's over the past decade or so, it is hard to two largest communist countries, and avoid the feeling that something very the beginnings of significant reform fundamental has happened in world movements in both. But this history. The past year has seen a flood phenomenon extends beyond high of articles commemorating the end of politics and it can be seen also in the the Cold War, and the fact that "peace" ineluctable spread of consumerist seems to be breaking out in many Western culture in such diverse regions of the world. Most of these contexts as the peasants' markets and analyses lack any larger conceptual color television sets now omnipresent framework for distinguishing between throughout China, the cooperative what is essential and what is restaurants and clothing stores opened contingent or accidental in world in the past year in Moscow, the history, and are predictably Beethoven piped into Japanese superficial. If Mr. Gorbachev were department stores, and the rock music ousted from the Kremlin or a new enjoyed alike in Prague, Rangoon, and Ayatollah proclaimed the millennium Tehran. from a desolate Middle Eastern What we may be witnessing is not capital, these same commentators just the end of the Cold War, or the would scramble to announce the passing of a particular period of rebirth of a new era of conflict. postwar history, but the end of history And yet, all of these people sense as such: that is, the end point of dimly that there is some larger process mankind's ideological evolution and at work, a process that gives coherence the universalization of Western liberal and order to the daily headlines. -
The Strategic Paradox of Truly Autonomous Weapons
The strategic paradox of autonomous weapons ZIPAR Policy Brief February 2018 Marko Kovic ZIPAR About ZIPAR The Zurich Institute of Public Aairs Research is devoted to identifying and addressing the major challenges for humankind in the short-term, in the medium- term, and in the long-term future. ZIPAR is an independent nonprot think tank based in Zurich, Switzerland. Recommended citation Marko Kovic (2018): The strategic paradox of autonomous weapons systems. ZIPAR Policy Brief. Zurich, Switzerland. Copyright This document is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivatives 4.0 International license. You can freely distribute this document and reference it in other works. For any questions about copyright, feel free to contact the author ([email protected]). 2 The strategic paradox of autonomous weapons ZIPAR Policy Brief Abstract Progress in articial intelligence makes the technology increasingly relevant to military applications. In particular, autonomous weapons could be of great military use: Autonomous weapons could achieve goals more ef- fectively and more eciently than humans or human-operated weapons. In this policy brief, the potential impact of implementing autonomous weapons on the behavior and decision-making of the military is discussed. The most probable positive impact, greater adherence to humanitarian law on the battleeld, is outweighed by the most probable negative impact, a disruption of the military chain of command and the security risks that follow from that disruption. This creates a strategic paradox: Even though autonomous weapons could help the military achieve goals more eectively and more eciently, autonomous weapons would strategically undermine the military by disrupting the chain of command and by creating a great security risk. -
Raymond Aron a Critical Retrospective and Prospective
A C D IS K O L 10 1985 OCCPAP ACDIS Library RAYMOND ARON A CRITICAL RETROSPECTIVE AND PROSPECTIVE 1985 Edward A Kolodziej Program m Arms Control, Disarmament and International Security University of Illinois at Urbana-Chamoaign 330 Davenoort Hall 607 South Mathews Street Urbana, Illinois 61801 Raymond Aron A Critical Retrospective and Prospective* Rationale for the Symposium Few intellectuals and political analysts have dominated their times more than Raymond Aron His death in fall 1983 elicited press notice from around the globe Aron’s writings, covering over fifty years of ceaseless productivity, reached every corner of the world He was truly a scholar and teacher of global proportions Often at odds with his contemporaries m Europe, he was perhaps more appreciated, if not always fully understood, by his English-speaking peers m the United States and England than by his French and European colleagues Yet he was too formidable to be ignored or dismissed by his adversaries and too original and iconoclastic to be cast as the representative of any one school of politics or political analysis Aron’s death, coming shortly on the heels of the publication of his best-selling memoirs,^ prompted the editors of the International Studies Quarterly to attempt an evaluation of his contribution to the study and understanding of international relations This project has several related aims First of all it seeks to identify some of the principal elements of Aron’s work and approach to international politics that merit attention and preservation Second, -
The Public Morality of Carl Von Clausewitz
DRAFT The Public Morality of Carl von Clausewitz A Paper for Presentation at the Annual Meeting of the International Studies Association 24-27 March 2002 Suzanne C. Nielsen Assistant Professor Department of Social Sciences West Point, NY 10996 [email protected] The views expressed are those of the author and not necessarily those of the Department of the Army, the U.S. Military Academy, or any other U.S. government agency. Please do not cite or reproduce without permission from the author. DRAFT “Nowadays, anyone reflecting on war and strategy raises a barrier between his intelligence and his humanity.” - Raymond Aron Clausewitz, Philosopher of War (1976) Introduction The ideas of Carl von Clausewitz, Prussian soldier and scholar, have been the subject of endless controversy since the posthumous publication of his great work, On War , in 1832. Did he produce a timebound and even faulty analysis of the wars of his age, or a classic that provides timeless insights? Was he an objective analyst of the complex nature of war, or an advocate of absolute wars of annihilation? Characterizations of Clausewitz and his writings vary tremendously. In the wake of the First World War, Liddell Hart attributed at least indirect responsibility for its destructiveness to Clausewitz. To Hart, Clausewitz was the “evil genius of military thought” and the “apostle of total war” who advocated mass and offensive above all else. 1[1] Bernard Brodie gave a quite different interpretation in the 1970s. He emphasized Clausewitz’s denial that war could be waged according to a list of axioms, and his belief that even valuable generalizations admit exceptions. -
An Actor-Centric Theory Of
he United States, the most power- Soldiers and Afghan National Police coordinate ful nation in the world, is reas- security for Afghan national election, September 2010 sessing its approach to war. With TAmerica entering the 10th year of what was originally called the global war on terror, the Nation finds itself engaged in con- flicts in Central Asia and the Middle East that challenge decades of planning, training, and doctrine. Although collectively this series of campaigns recently crossed the marker-point for America’s longest combat engagement ever, arguments persist—even in the pages of this publication—as to whether we have the correct approach.1 This debate is, for the most part, limited in scope.2 In general, it can be summarized as revolving around one contentious point: whether one agrees with the idea that the United States must redefine its fighting capacity based upon irregular threats—such as insurgency—or not. On the one hand, we have the proponents of a counterinsurgency, or COIN, approach often associated with U.S. Army (Chris G. Neeley) one of Washington’s newest think tanks, the Center for a New American Security, and its energetic president, retired U.S. Army Lieutenant Colonel John Nagl.3 In brief, the An Actor-centric argument on this side of the current debate is that the U.S. Army (note, not the U.S. Marine Corps) deliberately shunned irregular warfare, and counterinsurgency in particular, Theory of War after it was “not allowed” (politically) to win the Vietnam war.4 Only when faced 30 years later in Iraq with an insurgency that seemed Understanding the Difference to be winning did the uniformed establish- ment return to the library of irregular warfare Between COIN and Counterinsurgency and, under the leadership of General David Petraeus, rewrite and embrace this form of war in the shape of revised Field Manual 3–24, Counterinsurgency.5 This doctrinal By SEBASTIAN L.v . -
Prospect Theory and the Defence in Clausewitz's on War Paper
Prospect theory and the defence in Clausewitz’s On War Paper presented to the annual meeting of the International Studies Association, 16 March 2016, Atlanta, Georgia. Kenneth Payne, KCL It is quite clear how greatly the objective nature of war makes it a matter of assessing probabilities.1 Carl von Clausewitz, somewhat cryptically, argued that defence in war was stronger than attack. This seems to jar with much military writing then and now which praises the dynamism of the offensive and advocates using surprise as a means of overcoming an adversary’s strengths. Seizing the initiative, particularly when done by bold, visionary generalship, is the way to win victory in battle. By contrast, the defence seems reactive and passive, not commonly traits praised in military commanders or strategists. Waiting, Clausewitz averred, is the ‘leading feature’ of the defence.2 Passivity in the face of enemy hostility is not commonly remarked upon as a feature of martial prowess. Even when an attack was underway, the defensive force would remain on the back foot, reacting to events, rather than shaping them decisively; passively enduring the blows of the assaulting armies. As Clausewitz saw it, ‘prudence is the true spirit of defence, courage and confidence the true spirit of the attack’.3 How then could defence be the stronger of the two forces in war? Nonetheless, I argue here that Clausewitz was essentially correct, and for reasons that modern psychology would recognize. Specifically, I claim that the defence is stronger because we have an innate aversion to losing possessions, and this causes us both to fight more tenaciously to hold on to what we have, and to risk more to secure it. -
How and Why Did Changes in Warfare Affect Diplomacy, the European
How and why did changes in warfare affect diplomacy, the European state system, and the balance of power? AP European History Lesson Plan Seven “Cs” Analysis STATES AND OTHER INSTITUTIONS OF POWER “Clausewitz wants us to accept the practical reality that these dynamic forces are ever-present and constantly interacting in the everyday world… " Ellen Resnek Downingtown East High School FPRI Conference Why Does America Go To War? Lesson Plan Objectives: Evaluate how the emergence of new weapons, tactics, and methods of military organization changed the scale and cost of warfare, required the centralization of power, and shifted the balance of power. Analyze the role of warfare in remaking the political map of Europe and in shifting the global balance of power in the 19th and 20th centuries. Assess the impact of war, diplomacy, and overseas exploration and colonization on European diplomacy and balance of power until 1789. Explain how the French Revolution and the revolutionary and Napoleonic wars shifted the European balance of power and encouraged the creation of a new diplomatic framework. Explain the role of nationalism in altering the European balance of power, and explain attempts made to limit nationalism as a means to ensure continental stability. Evaluate how overseas competition and changes in the alliance system upset the Concert of Europe and set the stage for World War I. Explain the ways in which the Common Market and collapse of the Soviet Empire changed the political balance of power, the status of the nation- state, and global political alliances. NCSS Standard VI. Power, Authority, and Governance. -
Reflections Upon a Paradigm of Military Strategy Within the European Common Security and Defense Policy (ESDP)
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Calhoun, Institutional Archive of the Naval Postgraduate School Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Theses and Dissertations Thesis Collection 2001-06 Clausewitz and the theory of military strategy in Europe : reflections upon a paradigm of military strategy within the European Common Security and Defense Policy (ESDP) Hartmann, Uwe. Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/2213 NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL Monterey, California THESIS CLAUSEWITZ AND THE THEORY OF MILITARY STRATEGY IN EUROPE – REFLECTIONS UPON A PARADIGM OF MILITARY STRATEGY WITHIN THE EUROPEAN COMMON SECURITY AND DEFENSE POLICY (ESDP) by Uwe Hartmann June 2001 Thesis Advisor: Donald Abenheim Co-Advisor: Daniel Moran Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited i REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave blank) 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED June 2001 Master’s Thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE: Title (Mix case letters) 5. -
War by Other Means: the Problem of Population and the Civilianisation of Coalition Interventions
War by Other Means: The Problem of Population and the Civilianisation of Coalition Interventions Colleen Bell University of Bristol © 2009 Colleen Bell School of Sociology, Politics, and International Studies, University of Bristol Working Paper No 02-09 Dr Colleen Bell is a visiting fellow at the Centre of Criminology at the University of Toronto and a post-doctoral fellow in the Department of Politics at the University of Bristol. The driving focus of her work concerns how freedom is shaped by liberal strategies of security. Currently, she is conducting a project on the re-emergence of counterinsurgency doctrine in Coalition interventions, exploring how counterinsurgency represents a remedial movement to win ‘hearts and minds’ among occupied populations by strategizing culture within the schema of war. She is co-editor and contributor of a forthcoming issue of the Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding on the topic of post-interventionary societies. She is also in the process of publishing a book which addresses how freedom has been re-shaped by Canada’s ‘war on terror.’ Other published work can be found in Security Dialogue and the Canadian Journal of Law and Society. War by Other Means: The Problem of Population and the Civilianisation of Coalition Interventions Abstract: This paper examines the re-emergence of counterinsurgency doctrine in Coalition interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq. While counterterrorism has tended to emphasize the detection and elimination of known or suspected assailants, the paper considers how counterinsurgency operates at the level of the population by strategizing culture within the schema of war. The paper first contextualizes counterinsurgency as a stratagem of war that elides the Clausewitzean dictum that war is simply the continuation of policy by others means. -
Fifty Key Thinkers in International Relations
FIFTY KEY THINKERS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Here in one handy volume is a unique and comprehensive overview of the key thinkers in international relations in the twentieth century. From influential statesmen such as Lenin and Kissinger, to emerging thinkers of hitherto marginalised areas of concern, including feminism, historical sociology and the study of nationalism, the book describes the main elements of each thinker’s contribution to the study of international relations. Information, where appropriate, is supplied on the individual thinker’s life and career, and signposts to further reading and critical analysis are also provided. Martin Griffiths is a senior lecturer in the School of Political and International Studies at the Flinders University of South Australia. Previous works include Realism, Idealism and International Politics (Routledge, 1992). FIFTY KEY THINKERS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Martin Griffiths London and New York First published 1999 by Routledge 11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 29 West 35th Street, New York, NY 10001 This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2001. © 1999 Martin Griffiths The right of Martin Griffiths to be identified as the Author of this Work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including