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Parenti's Blackshirts and Reds BLACKSHIRTS & RED Parenti, Michael, 1933- Blackshirts & reds By Michael Parenti Dirty Truths (1996) Against Empire (1995) Democracy for the Few (1974, 1977, 1980, 1983, 1995) Land of Idols: Political Mythology in America (1994) Inventing Reality: The Politics of News Media (1986, 2nd edition, 1993) Make-Believe Media: The Politics of Entertainment (1992) The Sword and the Dollar: Imperialism, Revolution and the Arms Race (1989) Power and the Powerless (1978) Ethnic and Political Attitudes (1975) Trends and Tragedies in American Foreign Policy ( 1971) The Anti-Communist Impulse (1969) MICHAEL PARENTI BLACKSHIRTS & Rational Fascism & the Overthrow of Communism CITY LIGHTS BOOKS San Francisco τ © 1997 by Michael Parenti All Rights Reserved 10 987654321 Cover design: Nigel French Book design: Nancy J. Peters Typography: Harvest Graphics Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Parenti, Michael, 1933— Blackshirts and reds : rational fascism and the overthrow of communism / Michael Parenti, p. cm. ISBN 0-87288-330-1 (he).—ISBN 0-87286-329-8 (pbk.) 1. Communism. 2. Post-communism. 3. Fascism. 4. Capitalism. 5. Free enterprise. 6. Anti-communist movements. 7. Revolutions. I. Title. HX44.5.P35 1997 335.43—dc21 97-119 CIP City Lights Books are available to bookstores through our primary distributor: Subterranean Company, P.O. Box 160, 265 S. 5th St., Monroe, OR 97456. 541-847-5274. Toll-free orders 800-274-7826. FAX 541-847-6018. Our books are also available through library jobbers and regional distributors. For personal orders and catalogs, please write to City Lights Books, 261 Columbus Avenue, San Francisco, CA 94133. CITY LIGHTS BOOKS are edited by Lawrence Ferlinghetti and Nancy J. Peters and published at the City Lights Bookstore, 261 Columbus Avenue, San Francisco, CA 94133. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I am indebted to Sally Soriano, Peggy Noton, Jane Scantlebury, and Richard Plevin for their valuable support and helpful criticisms of the manuscript. On numerous occasions, Jane also utilized her professional librarian skills to track down much needed information at my request. My thanks also to Stephanie Welch, Neala Hazé, and Kathryn Cahill for valuable assistance rendered. Again, I wish to express my gratitude to Nancy J. Peters, my editor at City Lights Books, for her encouragement and her critical reading of the final text. And belated thanks are owed my publisher, the poet and artist Lawrence Ferlinghetti, for inviting me to become a City Lights author some years ago. Finally, a word of appreciation to Stacey Lewis and others too numerous to mention who partook in the production and distribution of this book: they who do the work. To the Reds and others, nameless heroes many, who resisted yesterdays Blackshirts and who continue to fight today s ruthless corporate stuffed shirts. And to the memory of Sean Gervasi and Max Gundy, valued friends and warriors for social justice. Per chi conosce solo il tuo colore, bandiera rossa, tu devi realmente esistere, perchè lui esista ... tu che già vanti tante glorie borghesi e operaie, ridiventa straccio, e il più povero ti sventoli. For him who knows only your color, red flag, you must really exist, so he may exist.. you who already have achieved many bourgeois and working-class glories, you become a rag again and the poorest wave you. — Pier Paolo Pasolini CONTENTS Preface xiu 1 RATIONAL FASCISM 1 Fascism historically has been used to secure the interests of large capitalist interests against the demands of popular democracy. Then and now, fascism has made irrational mass appeals in order to secure the rational ends of class domination. Plutocrats Choose Autocrats 2 Whom Did the Fascists Support? 6 Kudos for Adolph and Benito 10 The Rational Use of Irrational Ideology 11 Patriarchy and Pseudo-Revolution 14 Friendly to Fascism 17 2 LET US NOW PRAISE REVOLUTION 23 Revolutions are democratic developments that expand the freedoms of people who enjoyed no freedom under oppressive prerevolu- tionary regimes. Revolutions are a mass empowerment against the forces of exploitative privilege. They bring a dramatic reduction in political and economic oppression. The Costs of Counterrevolution 24 Presumptions of Power 26 Whose Violence? 28 Free Market for the Few 31 The Freedom of Revolution 34 What Measure of Pain? 36 3 LEFT ANTICOMMUNISTE 41 Like conservatives and reactionaries, most of the U.S. Left greeted communism in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe with fear and loathing, and with idealized expectations that took no account of Western encirclement and the survival necessities of socialism under siege. Genuflection to Orthodoxy 42 Pure Socialism vs. Siege Socialism 49 Decentralization vs. Survival 53 4 COMMUNISM IN WONDERLAND 59 The internal irrationalities and weaknesses of past communist economies and the systemic reasons why productivity stagnated and reforms were so difficult to effect. Rewarding Inefficiency 59 Nobody Minding the Store 62 Wanting It All 65 Reactionism to the Surface 68 Romanticizing Capitalism 72 5 STALING FINGERS 76 Newly published documentation on the gulag reveals a somewhat different picture of the repressive nature of communist systems, both in the past and in recent times. The historic accomplishments in economic development within communist countries repre- sented a positive gain in the lives of hundreds of millions. How Many Victims? 77 Where Did the Gulag Go? 81 Memories of Maldevelopment 84 6 THE FREE-MARKET PARADISE GOES EAST(I) 87 Repression by conservative forces in the former communist states in the name of "democratic reform." Privileges from pre-communist days restored to the old owning classes. Western investors plunder the public sector at great profit to themselves, reducing the former communist countries to Third World levels. Suppression of the Left 87 One-Way Democracy 94 Must We Adore Vaclav Havel? 97 Colonizing the East 100 7 THE FREE-MARKET PARADISE GOES EAST(II) 105 The emergence of free-market rapacity and growing inequality, widespread crime, social maladies, and victimization, especially of women, children, the elderly, and the poor. The Third Worldization and cultural decay of formerly collectivist societies. For Vipers and Bloodsuckers 105 Shock Therapy for the Many 108 Crime and Corruption 111 Cultural Decay 112 Women and Children Last 114 "We Didn't Realize What We Had" 116 8 THE END OF MARXISM? 121 Understanding the fundamental concepts and discoveries of a view of society and politics that today is more relevant than ever, helping us to overcome truncated modes of thought, teaching us to ask why things are as they are. Some Durable Basics 122 More Right than Wrong 125 More Wealth, More Poverty 129 A Holistic Science 132 Learning to Ask Why 136 9 ANYTHING BUT CLASS: AVOIDING THE C-WORD 141 Class is more than a demographic category. Anything-but-class explanations of social realities invite us to deny the obvious links between wealth and power and the collision of ecology with capitalism. The Class Denial of Class 141 The ABC Theorists 144 Everyday Class Struggle 149 Wealth and Power 152 Eco-Apocalypse, a Class Act 154 Index 161 PREFACE This book invites those immersed in the prevailing orthodoxy of "democratic capitalism" to entertain iconoclastic views, to question the shibboleths of free-market mythology and the persistence of both right and left anticommunism, and to consider anew, with a receptive but not uncritical mind, the historic efforts of the much maligned Reds and other revolutionaries. The political orthodoxy that demonizes communism permeates the entire political perspective. Even people on the Left have internalized the liberal/conservative ideology that equates fascism and communism as equally evil totalitaran twins, two major mass movements of the twentieth century. This book attempts to show the enormous differ- ences between fascism and communism both past and present, both in theory and practice, especially in regard to questions of social equality, private capital accumulation, and class interest. The orthodox mythology also would have us believe that the Western democracies (with the United States leading the way) have opposed both totalitarian systems with equal vigor. In fact, U.S. lead- ers have been dedicated above all to making the world safe for global corporate investment and the private profit system. Pursuant of this goal, they have used fascism to protect capitalism, while claiming to be saving democracy from communism. In the pages ahead I discuss how capitalism propagates and prof- its from fascism, the value of revolution in the advancement of the human condition, the causes and effects of the destruction of com- munism, the continuing relevance of Marxism and class analysis, and the heartless nature of corporate-class power. Over a century ago, in his great work Les Misérables Victor Hugo asked, "Will the future arrive?" He was thinking of a future of social justice, free from the "terrible shadows" of oppression imposed by the few upon the great mass of humankind. Of late, some scribes XIII XIV BLACKSHIRTS AND REDS have announced "the end of history" With the overthrow of com- munism, the monumental struggle between alternative systems has ended, they say. Capitalism's victory is total. No great transforma- tions are in the offing. The global free market is here to stay. What you see is what you are going to get, now and always. This time the class struggle is definitely over. So Hugo s question is answered: the future has indeed arrived, though not the one he had hoped for. This intellectually anemic end-of-history theory was hailed as a brilliant exegesis and accorded a generous reception by commenta- tors and reviewers of the corporate-controlled media. It served the official worldview perfectly well, saying what the higher circles had been telling us for generations: that the struggle between classes is not an everyday reality but an outdated notion, that an untrammeled capitalism is here to stay now and forever, that the future belongs to those who control the present.
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