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Dialog Mit Dem Politischen Islam Iii

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Dialog Mit Dem Politischen Islam Iii Materialien Peter Schäfer/Tanja Tabbara (Hrsg.) DIALOG MIT DeM POLITISCHEN iSLAM III inHalt Einleitung 3 Hana Amoury und Tsafrir Cohen AmBeispielderGemeinsamenListeinIsrael:LinkeundIslamistInnen– wiegehtdasdenn? 5 Ibrahima Thiam IslamischeBruderschaftenim ­Senegal–eineQuellesozialerStabilität? 15 «OhnediereligiösenFührerwürdedasLandvordieHundegehen» 22 Interview mit dem Afrika-Experten Mamadou Diouf über Islam und Politik im Senegal PolitischeTeilhabestatt ­AusgrenzungvonMuslimen 28 Interview mit der tunesischen Staatssekretärin Saida Ounissi über ihre Erfahrungen mit ­Islamophobie und Rassismus in Frankreich1 AutorinnenundAutoren 32 EinlEitung 3 einleitunG Die Reihe «Dialog mit dem politischen Islam» zugehörigkeit einzuteilen erweist sich hierbei befasst sich mit der Frage, welche Rolle der als eine eingeschränkte Sicht der Dinge. Dazu Islam für die politische Verfasstheit und de- kommt, dass Parteien und zivilgesellschaftli- mokratische Entwicklung ausgewählter Re- che Organisationen, die in religiös-konservativ gionen spielt. Sie begann im Dezember 2014 dominierten Gegenden arbeiten wollen, dies mit der Darstellung von zwei unterschiedli- nur mit der Zustimmung örtlicher anerkann- chen linken Positionen, die sich jeweils für ter Autoritäten tun können. Der Text über die und gegen einen Dialog mit moderaten isla- Gemeinsame Liste in Israel zeigt am Beispiel mistischen Kräften aussprachen. In der zwei- einer Solidaritätsdemonstration für Frauen- ten Veröffentlichung vom Juni 2016 beschrie- rechte, dass Koalitionen mit islamischen Wür- ben AutorInnen, die sich seit Jahren mit dem denträgern die Bündnis- und Mobilisierungs- Thema Islamismus beschäftigen, warum Lin- fähigkeit erhöhen. ke mit denjenigen islamistischen Kräften, die Der Senegal ist mit zwei Beiträgen vertreten. heute zum Teil linke Kernthemen wie soziale Der Artikel von Ibrahima Thiam diskutiert die Gerechtigkeit besetzen und verhandeln, in ei- Funktion islamischer Bruderschaften bei der nen kritischen Dialog treten sollten. Lösung gesellschaftlicher Konflikte sowie ih- Diese dritte Ausgabe nun befasst sich mit drei re historische Genese im antikolonialen Wi- Ländern – Israel, Senegal und Tunesien –, in derstand. Der Text konzentriert sich auf die denen Religion eine große gesellschaftliche wichtige Rolle sufischer Organisationen und und politische Bedeutung hat. Eine Positionie- Bewegungen. Sie «formen den Islam im Se- rung innerhalb des religiösen Kontexts ist hier negal,» schreibt Ibrahima Thiam, was bereits Teil des politischen Geschäfts. Für die Linke im Vergleich mit den meisten arabischen und andere Kräfte, die für Säkularismus bzw. Ländern, in denen sufische Gemeinden eher Laizismus eintreten, war die Vernachlässi- eine marginale Rolle einnehmen und teils gung der gesellschaftlichen Funktion und Rol- von salafistischen Gruppen bekämpft wer- le von Religion einer der Gründe für schwin- den, auf die Heterogenität des politischen dende Popularität in Ländern der arabischen Islam hinweist. Das Interview mit Mamadou Welt und darüber hinaus. Religiöse Kräfte sind Diouf vertieft diese Analyse und beschreibt in vielen sozialen Bereichen aktiv und vertre- die stabilisierende Interaktion zwischen den ten zum Teil Positionen, die auch Linke befür- Sufi-Bruderschaften und der staatlichen Ebe- worten. ne. Diouf bezeichnet die Bruderschaften als Der erste Beitrag befasst sich mit der Ge- Grund für das Überleben des sich in einer wirt- meinsamen Liste in Israel, einer Wahlallianz schaftlichen Dauerkrise befindlichen Staats, aus Linken und IslamistInnen. Hana Amoury sieht sie jedoch auch als Bremsklötze für de- und Tsafrir Cohen beschreiben in ihrem Arti- mokratische Entwicklungen. kel, dass politische Zugehörigkeit nicht nur Saida Ounissi von der tunesischen al-Nahda auf Überzeugung beruht, sondern oft inner- Partei ist seit August Staatssekretärin für Be- halb der Familie «vererbt» wird. So kommen rufsbildung im Ministerium für Arbeit in Tunis. politische Zusammenhänge und Koalitionen Das Gespräch mit ihr konzentriert sich auf ih- zustande, deren Mitglieder in Bezug auf Ideo- re Erfahrungen als Muslimin in Frankreich, wo logie, Werte oder spezifische Positionen hoch- sie aufwuchs und sich mit Fragen der Integra- gradig heterogen sind. Menschen nach Partei- tion beschäftigte. Sie plädiert für die Einbezie- 4 EinlEitung hung und stärkere politische, auch vermitteln- vielen Ländern zu einer Renaissance nationa- de Rolle muslimischer (und anderer religiöser) listischer Strömungen führt. Gemeinschaften in europäischen Gesellschaf- ten. Ounissi sieht gläubige MuslimInnen in- Berlin, im Dezember 2016 nerhalb eines christlich-geprägten Europas mit als treibende Kräfte für die Wiederbele- PeterSchäfer bung humanistischer moralischer Werte in ei- Leiter des Nordafrika-Büros ner Zeit, in der Sinn- und Wertekrisen domi- der Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung in Tunis nieren, religiöse Werte als politische Leitlinien nicht mehr salonfähig sind, das Vertrauen in TanjaTabbara demokratische Institutionen abnimmt und die Leiterin des Afrika-Referats Suche nach moralischen Maßstäben derzeit in der Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung Am BEispiEl dEr GemEinsAmEn listE in israel 5 Hana Amoury und Tsafrir Cohen Am Beispiel Der GeMeinSaMen liSte in Israel: linke unD IslaMiStinnen – wie GeHt DaS Denn? Gibt es in den zerrütteten Gesellschaften im als auch die konservative Vereinigte Arabi- Nahen Osten, in denen die politische Bühne sche Liste, deren Argumente auf dem eige- von islamischen FundamentalistInnen und nen Verständnis islamischer Ideale basieren. von reaktionären alten Eliten beherrscht wird, Dieser Text beleuchtet die Entstehung dieses die meist als «Staat im Staate» agieren, über- Projekts und benennt die wichtigsten Erfolgs- haupt noch Hoffnung auf einen Aufschwung faktoren. Abschließend werden die Auswir- der Linken? Welche Chancen haben progres- kungen der Gemeinsamen Liste aus linker Per- sive Ideen, von der Bevölkerung aufgenom- spektive analysiert. men zu werden und dort Verbreitung zu fin- den? Angesichts eines zusehends kleiner Die entstehung der Gemein- werdenden Aktionsrahmens für demokrati- samen liste sche Politik ist es an der arabischen Linken, Im März 2014 erhöhte die rechtsgerichte- sich einige grundsätzliche Fragen zu stellen te Regierung unter Benjamin Netanjahu die und ihr Vorgehen sowie ihre Fähigkeit, mit Sperrklausel des Parlaments von 2 Prozent möglichst breiten Bevölkerungsschichten auf 3,25 Prozent der gültigen Stimmen – ganz in Dialog zu treten, zu überdenken. Auch die offensichtlich im Bestreben, die Repräsen- europäische Linke muss sich diesen Fragen tanz der palästinensischen BürgerInnen Is- stellen, wenn sie die Interessen eines großen raels in der Knesset zu begrenzen. Die arabi- Teils der Menschen an den Rändern der euro- sche Minderheit wurde zu diesem Zeitpunkt päischen Gesellschaft repräsentieren will: die von drei bis vier verschiedenen Parteien im MigrantInnen sowie die arabischen und mus- Parlament vertreten, keine hatte jedoch mehr limischen Gemeinschaften, die ein integraler als 3,25 Prozent der Stimmen erreicht. Dieser Bestandteil Europas geworden sind. Schachzug war Teil einer größeren Kampag- Hier lohnt ein genauerer Blick auf den Erfolg ne zur Delegitimierung der Linken und insbe- der Gemeinsamen Liste in Israel, die bei den sondere der palästinensischen Minderheit in Wahlen 2015 insgesamt 13 der 120 Sitze im Israel und ihrer VertreterInnen. Seit dem Jahr israelischen Parlament, der Knesset, errang 2009 schränkte die Netanjahu-Regierung die und damit die drittgrößte Fraktion stellt. Ge- politische Redefreiheit schrittweise ein. Sie er- gründet wurde diese ethnisch gemischte par- ließ zu diesem Zweck verschiedene Gesetze, lamentarische Plattform gemeinsam mit an- die den politischen Boykott oder das Geden- deren Akteuren, die alle die Interessen der ken an die Nakba (dt.: Katastrophe) verbieten. palästinensischen BürgerInnen Israels ver- Nakba bezeichnet den Massenexodus von treten, also etwa 20 Prozent der israelischen PalästinenserInnen, als während des Palästi- Bevölkerung (ohne die palästinensische Be- na-Krieges 1948 mehr als 700.000 palästinen- völkerung in Westjordanland und Gazastrei- sische AraberInnen aus ihrer Heimat (die dann fen, die keine StaatsbürgerInnen Israels sind Israel werden sollte) flüchteten beziehungs- und unter Besatzung leben). Dazu gehören so- weise vertrieben wurden. Alle direkten Ver- wohl die linke Partei Chadasch/al-Dschabha suche, den Einzug arabischer Parteien in die 6 Am BEispiEl dEr GemEinsAmEn listE in israel Knesset zu verbieten, scheiterten bislang le- lamentswahlen. Die Idee einer gemeinsamen diglich am Obersten Gericht Israels. Liste brachte alle in eine merkwürdige Lage Angesichts der neuen Sperrklausel und der und zwang sie nicht nur dazu, ihre Differen- unerwarteten Neuwahlen im März 2015 in- zen beizulegen, sondern auch ihren Stolz und folge einer Regierungskrise blieben den vier die Befürchtungen um ihren Ruf hintanzustel- unterschiedlichen Parteien, die hauptsächlich die israelischen PalästinenserInnen vertreten, nur wenige Wochen, um über ihre Zukunft zu Die idee einer gemeinsamen entscheiden. Am Ende beschlossen sie die liste zwang alle Beteiligten Bildung einer gemeinsamen Plattform mit nicht nur dazu, ihre dem Namen Gemeinsame Liste, an der sich Differenzen beizulegen, die folgenden Parteien beteiligten: sondern auch ihren Stolz – die arabisch-jüdische Plattform Chadasch/ und die Befürchtungen um al-Dschabha (Demokratische Front für Frie- ihren ruf hintanzustellen. den und Gleichheit), deren wichtigster
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